WAR 1971

Kunal Biswas

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Thread updated, This is the mega thread where people shall discuss & post photos
 

Kunal Biswas

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US MARKINGS NOT YET REMOVED!!
Well it looks like it, These were captured once and not just few but alot of these and used by Ghost Regiment after the War like in UN mission, This can be only possible if their are other vehicles of the same type for spares and being canabalised to keep few operational ..

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nd also say something about m113 apc. us never sell This armoured personal carrier to india(nd never buy by india) so how it come in hand of Indian Army brigade? ..
(it's captured during war'65,71'? from Pakistan)
 

Kunal Biswas

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Kunal Biswas

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In combat...INS Vikrant's finest hour, 1971



Photo 6A: In the 1971 operations off the coast of East Pakistan the Seahawks flew a few hundred sorties successfully attacking fuel storage facilities, airstrips, patrol boats, merchant shipping, anti-aircraft batteries and troop concentrations. The Commanding Officer of the Seahawk squadron, the White tigers, Lieutenant Commander SK Gupta was awarded the Maha Vir Chakra. Gupta is quite the maverick what in Bombay lingo will be called 'bindaas'. You can read an unusual anecdote on him in post #24 at http://www.team-bhp.com/forum/commer...dian-navy.html Photo source @@



Photo 6B: INS Vikrant herself had quite story in December 1971. She slipped out to the Andamans weeks before hostilities commenced. The Pakistanis who were led to believe, through deceptive but convincing radio signals, that she was in Chennai or Vishakhapatnam sent their submarine Gazi to sink her. Radio operators of Vikrant were parked abroad an obsolete destroyer, INS Ranjit, busy sending signals as if from Vikrant - ordering aircraft ammo & spares, mimicking signals as if test flights were going on from the deck etc. We ensured our enemy knew the signaling fingerprints of Vikrant's radio operators. The ploy worked. The adversary fell for the oldest trick in the signalman's book. Gazi parked herself first at Chennai then Vishakhapatnam hunting for a carrier that was not there. She sank after an internal explosion probably by hitting one of the mines she had laid for INS Vikrant. INS Vikrant meanwhile steamed up to East Pakistan on 3rd December'71 and blockaded the coast completely. The full story can be read in post number #38 at http://www.team-bhp.com/forum/commer...dian-navy.html Photo source %%




Photo 6C: In the 1965 operations against Pakistan the Alize's were used to track and map the exact position of enemy radars and the nature of their radar waves. This data was then used by the IAF to attack the pin-pointed radar stations. In the 1971 operations the Alize's operated mainly against East Pakistan sinking over 100,000 tonnes of coastal shipping, naval patrol boats and minesweepers. Eight operational Alize's carried out 291 sorties in 10 days against land and sea targets i.e. 3.5 combat missions per day per aircraft & crew. Because of their radar and navigation aids Alize's were capable of operating at night with precision and this capability was used to keep up a 24/7 pressure on the opposing forces. The crews of the Alize's won 6 Vir Chakras in '71. Photo source &&
 

Kunal Biswas

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Pakistanis rejoice about Ghauris and Ghaznis, realising little that their forefathers were actually the victims of those treacherous invaders.Let this picture of December 1971 be a reminder of their humiliation in our hands and the fact that their entire progeny is borne out of those coward weaklings who, in the past, chose a low life in exchange for their self respect.And we carry the blood of those defiant fighters who fought tyranny and treachery their entire life and never surrendered. We know peace, we know war, alike.And that's the reason we shall always keep crushing these wannabe Arabs, time and again.
 

Kunal Biswas

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After drifting for approximately thousand kilometers from Alwar, I have reached Longewala. This place romanticizes me allot. The battle of Longewala a legend in itself. It is located at 120 kms from city of Jaisalmer. Only way to reach this place is boulevard and if you are tourist then you have to hire a cab.



Longewala is prevalent because of the illustrious skirmish tussled between India and Pakistan in 1971. The clash of Longewala is all about how hundred odd men clogged and overwhelmed approximately 2000 Pakistani legionnaires. This battle was all about the audacity, impetus, chauvinism and drive to prizefight exhibited by those eighty Indian warriors. This scuffle is one of my favorite scuffles, and whenever I come to this place, my mind start envisaging how horde of men repudiated the destiny.



During the Indo-Pak war of 1971, A-Coy of 23 Punjab had taken up the defences at Longewala. The A-Coy company commander was Major Kuldeep Singh Chandpuri later on emeritus from Indian Army as a Brigadier.

On the nocturnal of 3rd Dec 1971, lieutenant Dharamveer was directed towards border pillar number 638 to carry out trans-border patrol, in order to bring enemy's info. Late in night-time on 4th Dec 1971, lieutenant Dharamveer passed back the info about the crusade of Pakistani tanks entering the Indian Territory. Appreciative the gravity of the status quo Major Kuldeep Singh Chandpuri requested battalion headquarter to send the reinforcement and in the riposte, he was told either to delay till morning or start retreating towards Ramgarh which was approximately fifty kilometers away from Longewala. The pronouncement was taken on basis of the métier of the enemy imminent towards Longewala. A-Coy had circa hundred odd men holding the ground matched to virtually two thousand Pakistani soldiers laterally with tanks hastening towards them.



Astoundingly, soldiers of A-Coy unequivocal to hold the ground, and either kill the enemy or die shielding their mother land. Pakistani forces pounce on at 0030 hrs, and keen-sighted this Indian soldiers placed mines onward of their defences. Indian soldiers did not uncluttered fire and hold their horses till enemy tanks did not reach thirty to forty meters away from the defences. Pakistani stopped at perimeter fences and erroneous it as minefield. Pakistanis squandered two hours in breaching the perimeter fence which they thought was a minefield. This allowed Indian warriors to buy more time and wait for reinforcement which was about to come with the first light in morning.



When Pakistanis were busy breaching the dummy minefield, Indians opened their RCL guns and wrecked twelve Pakistani tanks. Then Pakistanis exasperated to spasm on Indian defences from altered bearing but unfortunately their tanks and recovery vehicle got wedged in the sand. Indians kept firing on the soldiers who tried to gale towards them. By morning, Hunter bombers took off from Jaisalmer Air Force base. Pakistani tanks and soldiers were a sitting ducks for Hunters and by afternoon, Pakistani forces were completely smashed.
In this battle, losses were on both side. Pakistan lost 38 tanks and 179 soldiers were killed. India lost three of its courageous soldiers. Pakistani forces while attacking on India through Longewala, had taken out border pillar 638 from its original location and carried it till Longewala. They wanted to make Longewala as new international border between the two countries. The reason was that Longewala was a strong point to carry forward a war because of availability of necessary resources. Indians did not allow Pakistanis to succeed in their intentions.



On 9th Dec 1971, 13 Kumaon battalion of Indian army, carried out counter attack and crossed actual border pillar 638. Unlike Pakistanis, they carried out this attack in day light and surprised the Pakistani army. They captured 3 border observation post of Pakistan and forced Pakistani army to withdraw. In this counterattack 13 Kumaon lost one junior commissioned officer, and three other ranks. That border pillar 638 has been made as a battle trophy and kept at the center of Longewala.



This was not a story of any movie, this battle was real and it is always remembered for display of exemplary courage and wisdom. You must have seen the movie 300 which is considered as fictional. This real life battle was much more than the story of 300 where self-motivated soldiers defeated the destiny.

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Source : ROD ON ROAD!!: The Battle of Longewala
 

I am otm shank

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Have you ventured to read some of the posts of some BDs on the troll forum called Pakistan Defence Forum? You'll be shocked at the way they berate Indians. Of course they don't speak for the majority of BDs but those comments really suck. Probably Jamaat e Islami poodles having their undying loyalty to the Porks in spite of them raping their mothers and sisters in then East Pakistan.
90% of people that claim to be Bangla on pdf are pakistani false flagged like genius is here. The few that are real lost their bengali identity or anti socials that embrace jihadis bull crap. It's no different than muslims in the west who never met a jew but want to destroy Israel. They're just caught up in the mainstream Islamic culture that needs an enemy
 

Kunal Biswas

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Another proof that Pakistani Army used M48 beside M47, Some nice holes from 106mm RCL guns ..


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Pakistani M47 took two clean shots at side turret ..
 

Kunal Biswas

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Captured M4 Sherman but with a unknown gun, Suspiciously bigger than 75mm ..
 

Kunal Biswas

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@sbm, Can you identify the gun mounted on the captured Sherman, It looks like a long barrel 105mm or of bigger bore ..






M4 were produced during late war with 105mm guns for anti- infantry and infrastructure purposes, But the one Pakis are using seems to be a little longer with a different mantlet.
 

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Hmm - doubt its a 105mm. The only 105mm tank gun mounted in a Sherman was a French low-pressure one. Something does not seem right with the mantlet. I am wondering if this is a gun barrel or a metal fixture? Let me do some research. The 105mm guns in WW2 were howitzers. Stubby barrels.
 

sbm

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Kunal, I think I can confirm it is a 76mm gun retrofitted by the Bowen-McLaughlin-York Co. (BMY). These were supplied to Pakistan under MDAP. It is probably a M4A3(75)W retrofitted with this 76mm gun and redesignated the M4A3-E4 76mm.
 

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A Pakistani ‘scholar’, his book and unadulterated insanity


After the fiction-peddling Pakistan apologist Sarmila Bose, we have a new myth-maker in our midst. Junaid Ahmad sets out on a mission to explode ‘myths’ behind the creation of Bangladesh. Ironically, he ends up being a maker of myths. And that is not all. His fiction, a result of a fervid imagination at work, begins to implode right at the beginning. The implosion runs its full course, all the way to the end of a work which is clearly trapped in a time warp dating back to the 1960s and early 1970s. The jacket of the book, ‘Creation of Bangladesh: Myths Exploded’, highlights the writer’s ‘accomplishments’ as an academician, researcher and management consultant in Pakistan. As you go through this fiction of what he would like to see presented as history, you realize that there is nothing of an academic nature about the work and certainly the research is but another term for propaganda. As for the management bit, this writer with a background in consultancy should never have ventured into the expansive field of history, a subject certainly not his forte. But, wait. He is also said to have been a student at Concordia University and then McGill University in Canada in the mid 1970s. The education appears to have been flawed, a waste, for such prestigious universities hardly ever produce scholars of the kind which Ahmad has made himself out to be.

So what is Junaid Ahmad’s sin? Fundamentally it is one of profound ignorance. The ignorance is founded on the premise, his premise, of anger at the brutal manner in which the state of Pakistan was dismembered in 1971. East Pakistan, after the murder of three million Bengalis at the hands of the Pakistan occupation army, simply ceased to exist. Junaid Ahmad’s anger has its roots in the transformation of Islamic Pakistan’s eastern province into the secular People’s Republic of Bangladesh. Could the two wings of Pakistan, with a thousand miles of Indian territory between them and despite all the bloodletting caused by the army, have remained a single country? For an answer, observe Ahmad’s disquiet about the role Zulfikar Ali Bhutto did not or would not play following the surrender of his nation’s army in Dhaka. Bhutto could not influence a yet imprisoned Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to agree to some arrangements to keep Pakistan united. Ahmad’s naivete goes up by leaps and bounds. If Bhutto could not bind Mujib to a deal before letting him go free, he could at least have stayed his hand in the matter of Pakistan’s recognition of Bangladesh as a sovereign state on the eve of the summit of Islamic nations in Lahore in 1974, couldn’t he?

How much more ignorant can a ‘scholar’ get to be? The war is over, East Pakistan is dead and gone, the world has begun conducting business with a free Bangladesh, but Junaid Ahmad sulks. Had his comprehension of the history of 1971 been of the informed kind, his sulking would not be overly worrying. But, then, throughout this tome of a work which the Pakistan authorities seem cheerfully to have gone around distributing to the outside world, Ahmad spews the kind of lies that would put any student of history, even in Pakistan, to shame. During the war, if Ahmad is to be believed, the Pakistan army was a bunch of decent, polite soldiers whose business was saving East Pakistan from the Mukti Bahini. The Mukti Bahini started it all, says he. It was in place even before it took shape in the course of the war. The myth-making goes on, at an increasingly faster pace. The villains were all in the Awami League, particularly Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. There were other villains, and they were the Hindus of India. That is Junaid Ahmad’s take on history.

There is something psychologically wrong about this ‘scholar’. For him the trauma associated with 1971 has nothing to do with the genocide the Yahya-Tikka junta initiated in March. Nothing was wrong with Bhutto’s decision to stay away from the National Assembly session called for early March. The problem was the ‘Awami League and its fascist political policies, the terrorist group of Mukti Bahini, the propaganda campaign of the Indians and some global media outlets . . .’ In essence, what you have here is nonsense elbowing out history. The Bengalis, says this ‘scholar’, murdered thousands of people, especially Urdu-speaking Biharis throughout the war. That is pretty intriguing a proposition. It boils down to a shamelessly revisionist version of history the world has so far not been made familiar with. The writer, in his time warp of course, blatantly papers over the realities of the conflict, one created by his own country, as they were observed and have been recorded by history. He does not speak of the massacres committed by the Pakistan army through Operation Searchlight, but goes into a rant about the ‘armed resistance’ the soldiers met at the residential halls of Dhaka University on the night between 25-26 March. The responsibility then devolved on the soldiers, didn’t it, to sort out the mess and restore order? Ahmad says not a word about the sorting out being the organized murder of sleeping students at the university.

This work is carefully but crudely orchestrated anti-history, certainly condoned if not actively supported by the establishment in present-day Pakistan. In a very large way, it is one more hint of why successive governments in Pakistan, along with those rabid elements which have kept their eyes shut to the atrocities committed by their soldiers in Bangladesh, have stayed away from taking a rational view of history. Junaid Ahmad cheers the military crackdown of 25 March, after the Awami League had engaged in ‘loot, plunder, and massacre of the people loyal to Pakistan’. Not a word is there in this account from this faux historian of the gruesome killings of teachers of Dhaka University in the initial stages of the genocide. Not a whisper is there on the killings of the revered Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta and Gobindo Chandra Dev. Should we be surprised? Not if we have already been exposed to Ahmad’s hate directed at Hindus and, of course, at the secular nation of Bengalis. Everything that went wrong for Pakistan in 1971 had to do with India, with its Hindu mentality, with the secret workings of Delhi’s Research and Analysis Wing. Racism drips from every word Junaid Ahmad writes.

This work is a study in unadulterated insanity. Junaid Ahmad stumbles on ‘discoveries’ relating to India-Bangladesh ties the world remains ignorant of. And how does that happen to be? The writer thinks that in October 1971, the Bangladesh government-in-exile and the Indian government arrived at a deal that would, post-war, ensure an Indian military and administrative presence in Bangladesh. There would be no armed forces formed by Bangladesh since a required number of Indian soldiers would stay on in the new country. Vacant posts in Bangladesh’s civil service would be filled by Indian civil servants. Ignorance, you see, plumbs newer depths at every point. And the ten million Bengali refugees who found sanctuary in India? Ahmad comes forth with a new ‘discovery’: they were largely Hindus and they were terrorists in the guise of refugees. And the young Bengalis who joined the Mukti Bahini? To Ahmad, they were ‘brainwashed Bengali students.’ And did you know that even Indian military officers were part of the Mukti Bahini? You bet you didn’t know that, but it appears that Junaid Ahmad’s excessive patriotism as a Pakistan leaves him maimed as a teller of history.

Junaid Ahmad’s interpretation of history as it was shaped in the course of Bangladesh’s War of Liberation ends up shaming him. Scholars through the ages have never been peddlers of falsehood. Ahmad peddles lies and therefore cannot be treated as a scholar. For him, the Pakistan occupation army was a body of innocent, professional men serving their country. Ahmad does not speak of the killings and rape and pillage these soldiers abnormally driven by religious and racist hate committed day after day in the occupied country. Hindus are an obsession with him. He moves to the Ziaur Rahman era in Bangladesh in order to find validity in his attitude toward Hindus. Observe his encomium to Bangladesh’s first military dictator:

‘He weeded out the Hindus from public services, police, and army. These Hindus after their termination went to India and sought asylum. This also clearly proves that the Indians were present in large numbers in the civil and military establishment of Bangladesh since her creation.’

Junaid Ahmad’s work should be read for the amusement it typifies, for the tragicomedy it seems to be propagating. Once that is done, it should either be flung out the window or relegated to a dark corner where no human hands endeavour to reach. The book does not deserve respect and neither does its author. Pakistanis would do well to steer clear of this pamphleteer masquerading as historian.

Syed Badrul Ahsanis a bdnews24.com columnist.


http://opinion.bdnews24.com/2017/03/01/a-pakistani-scholar-his-book-and-unadulterated-insanity/
 

Bengal_Tiger

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A comment from a poster on the original webpage which contains the article:


Sumit Mazumdar

Unfortunately, Junaid Ahmad is not the only myth-maker on this subject. As regular readers of the otherwise respectable Pakistani newspaper The Dawn will attest, there are many other such ‘scholars’ in Pakistan. Samson Simon Sharaf is one of them. Sharaf goes so far as to claim that Tibetan guerillas, trained by the Indian military, joined the Mukti Bahini. He also talks about mass killings of Urdu-speaking Pakistanis. Sharaf is touted as a ‘political economist’ and a ‘television economist’.
It is very likely that these writings are not directed towards an international readership but the hard right blind nationalists of Pakistan itself, who still have not admitted that it was Pakistani policy and not the Hindus that created Bangladesh.
Why the sympathy for the Urdu-speaking Bangladeshis did not translate into accepting the few hundred thousands of them into Pakistan remains a mystery.





My comments:

1. The Pakistani military is still boiling with rage over its loss of east Pakistan in 1971. There is little interest in the people that live(d) there, or even the land but the loss is due to being inflicted with a mammoth humiliation in the phallic competition and hostility with India.

2. The Pakistani army is also very angry at the Bangladeshi (with Indian assistance) dismantling and weakening of Pakistani assets in Bangladesh (for them still spiritually "east Pakistan") including Jamaat e Islami.

3. In the early 2000s when there was what some would say essentially a proxy Pakistani BNP-Jamaat government in Dhaka and no threat to "Pakistani" (as defined by the Punjabi generals of the Pakistan army) interests the Pakistani media were fairly honest and open about their atrocities in 1971 and the history of injustice before then to the majority population i..e east Pakistanis.

4. The Pakistan military is feeling somewhat anxious about what is going on in Bangladesh, and even the mere existence of Hasina Wajid is an affront to them. For them Bangladesh is duty-bound to be a "friend" (vassal) of Pakistan and anything other than the expected "friendship" is "betrayal", especially if it is normalization of relations with neighbour India.

5. The Pakistan military has control over key strategic issues in Pakistan and the Bangladesh file is one of them, hence journalists have been warned and threatened in case they post anything which undermines the new narrative of the Pakistani military in the past few years i.e. it was the Bengalis to blame.

So any narrative counter to this is now suppressed. The fact that the army and ISI suppress this is indicative of how much importance they attach to the Bangladesh issue.

What will happen?

Nothing much, the Pakistanis are fighting a lost war which they will never win as they were defeated.

Bangladesh will always be an independent state.

WIll it be a de facto Pakistani proxy state under the BNP-Jamaat nexus? Not for a long time, not at least for another 6 years, maybe more.

Each year that passes by the more "Bangladeshi", Bangladesh becomes including the many Biharis that live there. Each year that passes by the more business relations are cultivated by Bangladeshis with India, thus the business community which includes both leaders of the Awami League and BNP want a positive relationship with India just as there is bi-partisan acceptance (both Awami League and BNP) of good relations with Saudi Arabia (huge expatriate community) and China. National interests are national and transcend partisan divides.

The Pakistani military using their assets such as pseudo-historians to talk about 1971 just invites more attention to 1971 which with any objective investigation shows from 1947-71, the majority east wing was exploited and treated with contempt on a political level and also on a ground level by West Pakistani officials. It won an election, the army refused to accept the outcome and then a war broke out.

The best thing the Pakistani military can do about 1971 is to shut up, because beyond an easily manipulated Pakistani domestic audience, which has no power internationally or in Bangladesh, it achieves nothing and in fact just brings more focus on the 1971 tragedy and the Pakistan army's shameful role in it.
 

Screambowl

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In any case Pakistan may not succeed
1. has developed more sensitive internal turmoil
2. geographical location
3. the past still haunts
 

Bengal_Tiger

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But i hear BD,esp youn BDeshis are becoming increasingly pro Pakistanis.
I will give you an honest reponse.

1. Where did you hear this from, defence p.k? If so, not a reliable source. Moderated in a heavily biased way also in a manner to eliminate anyone too "anti-Pakistani".

2. I live in the UK so am not that familiar with what is going on in Bangladesh currently.

I don't see a major upsurge in pro-Pakistan sentiment in Bangladesh. The Awami League are in power and will most likely win the next elections in 2019. That's all that really matters. Whether people want to be pro-Pakistan or India is a matter of personal preference, but Bangladesh being used as a giant ISI base is unacceptable as was the case under Khaleda Zia.

3. Also it depends what "pro-Pakistani" means. Does that mean supporting the Pakistan cricket team? Does that mean posting positive stuff about Pakistan on social media (which I don't see amongst Bangladeshis). Even if Bangladesh was the most pro-Pakistan state on earth, as long as the country doesn't sponsor separatists in the north-east and there are relatively normal relations between the two, New Delhi decision makers won't care.

All that matters is strategic goals e.g. no support for separatists, peaceful border etc.

The Awami League are only in power because they are able to maintain economic growth in a country with possibly 170 million people unofficially. If they can't, they're out.
 

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