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Missile defence in south asia: Implications for the region(A Pakistani View) Contd.
Pakistan’s ballistic missile force plays an increasingly important role in Pakistan’s deterrence strategy. The mainstay of Pakistan’s first strike and deterrent capability is based on its Hatf, Ghauri and Shaheen series. The short-range Hatf I is a simple solid propellant missile with a range of 80-100 km. The Hatf III is a single-stage, solid propellant missile with a range of at least 300 km. Pakistan also has its Ghauri series where Ghauri I has a range of 1,500 km.47 Pakistan is developing and testing Ghauri II and Ghauri III missiles with reported ranges of 2,000 and 3,000 km, respectively. Pakistan is also developing the road-mobile IRBM Shaheen II with a reported range of 2,500 km.48 With the possible exception of the Hatf-I, Pakistan’s ballistic missile force is designed to deliver nuclear warheads. The Indian S-300 and Akash systems could intercept Pakistan’s SRBM and MRBM – the Hatf and Ghauri series – while the Antey-2500 could effectively intercept Pakistan’s IRBMs.
Pakistan’s Ballistic Missiles
Missile
Range/Payload
Status
Hatf-I
80-100 km/500 kg
Operational
Hatf-II
180 km/500 kg
Tested/Development
Hatf-III (Ghaznavi)
280-300 km/500 kg
Tested/Development
Shaheen-I
750 km/500 kg
Development/Tested
Ghauri I
1,500 km/700 kg
Development/Tested
Ghauri-II
2,000 km/700 kg
Development/Tested
Shaheen-II
2,000-2,500 km/1,000 kg
Development
Ghauri-III
3.000 km/? kg
Engine Tested/Development
The specific size, configuration, disposition, and possible deployment of Pakistan’s ballistic missile force are not entirely known at present. According to one estimate, India’s superiority to Pakistan is probably a 2 to 1 ratio in nuclear warheads and a 3 to 1 ratio in ballistic missiles.49 In nuclear-capable aircraft, the ratio is 3 to 1 in favour of India.50 Pakistan is estimated to have 30 to 50 nuclear warheads.
In a deployment scenario, Pakistan’s Ghauri and Shaheen can target all the major cities of India, while the same is true of Indian ballistic missiles, the Prithvi and Agni, in relation to Pakistan. The Indian Green Pine radars, when deployed, will have the capability to pick up the deployment of Pakistani missiles 300 km within the country’s territory. This would effectively provide India surveillance over the entire territory of Pakistan.52 Deployment of missile defence systems by India, like the Arrow, PAC-3, or Russian systems, combined with India’s superiority in nuclear warheads and missile numbers, could neutralise Pakistan’s Ghauri and Shaheen missiles. Since these systems also have the capability to intercept aircraft and cruise missiles, these would also seriously affect Pakistan Air Force’s ability to act as first strike force.
While the missile defence systems do not have a hundred percent success rate, and may be only effective against short-range and medium-range ballistic missiles, and somewhat against IRBMs, and aircraft, it will give India limited capability to neutralise a first strike by Pakistan. India’s missile defence capability alongside its pursuit of a nuclear triad can seriously affect Pakistan’s ability to maintain a minimum level of deterrence.
Many experts agree that the direct impact of BMD can undermine of the credibility of Pakistan’s deterrence, increasing the possibility of Indian interest in pre-emption. Maria Sultan, a Pakistani expert on South Asian nuclear arms control and disarmament issues, writes that BMD capability “would allow India to launch pre-emptive strikes, rendering Pakistan’s limited ballistic missile capability ineffective.” Khalid Banuri, Director, Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs, Strategic Plans Division, Chaklala, also believes that BMD capability would “provide an elated sense of security and prompt pre-emptive impulses from India.” The Congressional study by Feickert and Kronstadt says that Indian ABM capability can break the current state of deterrence between India and Pakistan. Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, a Pakistani WMD expert, says the Indian BMD systems pose challenges to Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence capability by eroding strategic equilibrium and shifting balance of power in India’s favour. He says that according to real politic calculus, India is more likely to adopt adventurous policies against Pakistan behind the safety of missile shield.
At present, India and Pakistan’s nuclear deterrents are based on non-deployed nuclear capable missiles, a number of unassembled nuclear weapons, and capability to build additional nuclear weapons at a short notice. This non-weaponised deterrence has worked so far. However, an Indian ABM system has the potential to destabilise this nuclear balance by depriving Pakistan of an assured strike capability. In a crisis situation, India could launch a first strike on Pakistan and rely on its ABM systems to intercept any remaining missiles launched by Pakistan. Concern for such a situation could cause Pakistan to lower the nuclear threshold and adapt a “use it or lose it” strategy, calling for the early use of its nuclear forces in a conflict in order to penetrate India’s defences.57 While such a scenario might be an exaggeration, Pakistan will reassess its options and go for correcting the imbalance.
Pakistan’s ability to produce its own missile defence systems is extremely limited both from technological point of view as well as from an economic one. Its prospects for acquiring the systems are also not very bright. The US, while showing eagerness to provide India with PAC-3 systems, has not shown any such inclination towards Pakistan. Russia is unlikely to provide its ABM systems to Pakistan since Indo-Russia relations have been strong for the past several decades, and Russia’s relations with Pakistan have been minimal. Since Pakistan does not recognise Israel nor has any diplomatic relations with it, acquisition of BMD systems from Israel is not an option for Pakistan. China is perhaps the only country that could provide Pakistan with such systems since the two countries have a history of defence cooperation, and Beijing is believed to be working on its own ABM capability.58 However, the high cost of such systems may prevent Pakistan from going for this option.
A less costly and more effective option for Pakistan could be a qualitative and quantitative improvement in its nuclear and missile forces and its strategy. The simplest solution for Pakistan would be to go for a larger number of nuclear warheads and delivery systems, especially ballistic missiles. This would entail an increase in the number of missiles both Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles (MIRV-ed) and single warheads. Pakistan would also have to increase its fissile material production in order to have more warheads.59 The purpose of the numbers approach would be to saturate Indian defences. This would mean, for example, if India has the capability to intercept twenty-five missiles, Pakistan should have thirty.
Pakistan can also go for development of cruise missiles which are harder to defeat by missile defence systems. Pakistan has already taken steps in this direction by developing its Babar cruise missile. Babar is capable of carrying either conventional or nuclear warhead and has a range of 500 km. It can reportedly hit its target with pinpoint accuracy and can be fired from warships, submarines and aircrafts.60 Most important of all, it is designed to avoid radar detection and penetrate undetected through a defensive system. If all these claims prove to be true, Babar could be an invaluable asset against Indian missile defence systems.
Pakistan can opt for strategies like mobility, dispersion and concealment to enhance survivability of its nuclear force in case of pre-emptive strike. This can be done through mobile launchers, using different systems, and by introducing simultaneous launches under combat conditions from dispersed sites. Pakistan could disperse and store its missiles in hardened silos, could build dummy missile silos, and deploy dummy missiles as well.
Another option for Pakistan could be deployment. This could entail maintaining assembled form of missiles to reduce the reaction time. This could be taken a step further to the level of actually deploying the assembled missiles tipped with nuclear warheads. However, this approach has many inherent dangers and should be a last resort option. India may also go for deployment of nuclear-tipped missiles in response, which would increase the risk of nuclear war. Maintaining missiles on hair-trigger alert would also increase the chances of accidental war. An extremely short missile flight time of 3-11 minutes between India and Pakistan62 combined with conflict-prone history of South Asia could give rise to an extremely dangerous and unstable situation. This option would, therefore, be counter-productive and should only be adopted as a last resort.
Pakistan can also go for a triad of nuclear forces. At present, Pakistan has land- and air-based nuclear forces but no sea-based one. Although this approach would diversify Pakistan’s nuclear forces and may ensure survivability of nuclear capability, it would be too costly for Pakistan and not viable in the short term.
The drawback of the quantitative approach is that it would be costly and would engage Pakistan in an arms race with India. Pakistan can also pursue a qualitative approach to increase deterrence stability. This would include technological improve-ments in its offensive and defensive capabilities. These options could include improvements in the technical base of the delivery systems and associated technologies. Certain technologies can be developed to fog the enemy ABM systems and also to improve the penetration capacity of Pakistan’s delivery systems. Some of these technologies can be improvement in electronic warfare capacity to confuse and defeat Indian radar ability to home-in on incoming targets; manoeuvrings warheads to create problems for the interceptors; and adding decoys to the delivery systems.
In the short term, a mix of qualitative and quantitative improvements in Pakistan’s offensive capabilities might be a more viable solution for Pakistan. In the long term, Pakistan needs to acquire advance technologies, like perfecting cruise missile technology, reducing the conventional asymmetry between India and Pakistan, to neutralise the effects of Indian missile defence systems.
Moreover, Pakistan can also pursue a diplomatic course by suggesting an ABM treaty between India and Pakistan, or by negotiating a zero missile regime between the two countries. However, Pakistan’s proposal for a zero missile regime, along with many other nuclear restraint proposals has been rejected by India in the past. Still the diplomatic option needs to be simultaneously pursued. The success of this option would depend on the willingness of both the states to cooperate.
To be Continued.
Missile Defences and Pakistan’s Deterrent
Pakistan has a well-developed ballistic missile programme. Since Pakistan’s main security threat comes from India, the primary purpose of Pakistan’s ballistic missile force is to provide reliable delivery systems for its nuclear warheads in order to deter an Indian conventional or WMD attack. Pakistan relies on a doctrine of minimum deterrence which is a dynamic concept, since credible minimum deterrence is determined to some extent by the adversary’s nuclear numbers,44 the state of their deployment, and also the presence of missile defences. Following the 1998 nuclear tests, Pakistan’s ambassador to the UN Munir Akram stated at the Conference on Disarmament that Pakistan had established a deterrent relationship with India but that the level would be determined in accordance with any escalatory steps taken by India. The concept of minimum deterrence, therefore, is not an absolute concept but is to be determined in relation to India’s nuclear capability45 and also the presence of missile defences. Pakistan relies heavily on its nuclear weapons capability and the effectiveness of its nuclear deterrent as a hedge against a conventionally superior India – a ratio of 4:1 (and in some cases 5:1). Therefore, from Pakistan’s point of view, maintaining the credibility of its nuclear deterrence is imperative. India’s pursuit of missile defences threatens to disturb Pakistan’s deterrence equation.Pakistan’s ballistic missile force plays an increasingly important role in Pakistan’s deterrence strategy. The mainstay of Pakistan’s first strike and deterrent capability is based on its Hatf, Ghauri and Shaheen series. The short-range Hatf I is a simple solid propellant missile with a range of 80-100 km. The Hatf III is a single-stage, solid propellant missile with a range of at least 300 km. Pakistan also has its Ghauri series where Ghauri I has a range of 1,500 km.47 Pakistan is developing and testing Ghauri II and Ghauri III missiles with reported ranges of 2,000 and 3,000 km, respectively. Pakistan is also developing the road-mobile IRBM Shaheen II with a reported range of 2,500 km.48 With the possible exception of the Hatf-I, Pakistan’s ballistic missile force is designed to deliver nuclear warheads. The Indian S-300 and Akash systems could intercept Pakistan’s SRBM and MRBM – the Hatf and Ghauri series – while the Antey-2500 could effectively intercept Pakistan’s IRBMs.
Pakistan’s Ballistic Missiles
Missile
Range/Payload
Status
Hatf-I
80-100 km/500 kg
Operational
Hatf-II
180 km/500 kg
Tested/Development
Hatf-III (Ghaznavi)
280-300 km/500 kg
Tested/Development
Shaheen-I
750 km/500 kg
Development/Tested
Ghauri I
1,500 km/700 kg
Development/Tested
Ghauri-II
2,000 km/700 kg
Development/Tested
Shaheen-II
2,000-2,500 km/1,000 kg
Development
Ghauri-III
3.000 km/? kg
Engine Tested/Development
The specific size, configuration, disposition, and possible deployment of Pakistan’s ballistic missile force are not entirely known at present. According to one estimate, India’s superiority to Pakistan is probably a 2 to 1 ratio in nuclear warheads and a 3 to 1 ratio in ballistic missiles.49 In nuclear-capable aircraft, the ratio is 3 to 1 in favour of India.50 Pakistan is estimated to have 30 to 50 nuclear warheads.
In a deployment scenario, Pakistan’s Ghauri and Shaheen can target all the major cities of India, while the same is true of Indian ballistic missiles, the Prithvi and Agni, in relation to Pakistan. The Indian Green Pine radars, when deployed, will have the capability to pick up the deployment of Pakistani missiles 300 km within the country’s territory. This would effectively provide India surveillance over the entire territory of Pakistan.52 Deployment of missile defence systems by India, like the Arrow, PAC-3, or Russian systems, combined with India’s superiority in nuclear warheads and missile numbers, could neutralise Pakistan’s Ghauri and Shaheen missiles. Since these systems also have the capability to intercept aircraft and cruise missiles, these would also seriously affect Pakistan Air Force’s ability to act as first strike force.
While the missile defence systems do not have a hundred percent success rate, and may be only effective against short-range and medium-range ballistic missiles, and somewhat against IRBMs, and aircraft, it will give India limited capability to neutralise a first strike by Pakistan. India’s missile defence capability alongside its pursuit of a nuclear triad can seriously affect Pakistan’s ability to maintain a minimum level of deterrence.
Many experts agree that the direct impact of BMD can undermine of the credibility of Pakistan’s deterrence, increasing the possibility of Indian interest in pre-emption. Maria Sultan, a Pakistani expert on South Asian nuclear arms control and disarmament issues, writes that BMD capability “would allow India to launch pre-emptive strikes, rendering Pakistan’s limited ballistic missile capability ineffective.” Khalid Banuri, Director, Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs, Strategic Plans Division, Chaklala, also believes that BMD capability would “provide an elated sense of security and prompt pre-emptive impulses from India.” The Congressional study by Feickert and Kronstadt says that Indian ABM capability can break the current state of deterrence between India and Pakistan. Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, a Pakistani WMD expert, says the Indian BMD systems pose challenges to Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence capability by eroding strategic equilibrium and shifting balance of power in India’s favour. He says that according to real politic calculus, India is more likely to adopt adventurous policies against Pakistan behind the safety of missile shield.
At present, India and Pakistan’s nuclear deterrents are based on non-deployed nuclear capable missiles, a number of unassembled nuclear weapons, and capability to build additional nuclear weapons at a short notice. This non-weaponised deterrence has worked so far. However, an Indian ABM system has the potential to destabilise this nuclear balance by depriving Pakistan of an assured strike capability. In a crisis situation, India could launch a first strike on Pakistan and rely on its ABM systems to intercept any remaining missiles launched by Pakistan. Concern for such a situation could cause Pakistan to lower the nuclear threshold and adapt a “use it or lose it” strategy, calling for the early use of its nuclear forces in a conflict in order to penetrate India’s defences.57 While such a scenario might be an exaggeration, Pakistan will reassess its options and go for correcting the imbalance.
Pakistan’s Options
With an Indian BMD system, Pakistan would be forced to respond in some way in order to ensure the integrity of its nuclear deterrent. Although it is difficult to gauge Pakistan’s response, it would depend on the type, size and shape of an Indian BMD. There are a number of options that Pakistan could possibly pursue. Pakistan could either go for its own defence systems or build up its offensive forces to overwhelm India’s defences.Pakistan’s ability to produce its own missile defence systems is extremely limited both from technological point of view as well as from an economic one. Its prospects for acquiring the systems are also not very bright. The US, while showing eagerness to provide India with PAC-3 systems, has not shown any such inclination towards Pakistan. Russia is unlikely to provide its ABM systems to Pakistan since Indo-Russia relations have been strong for the past several decades, and Russia’s relations with Pakistan have been minimal. Since Pakistan does not recognise Israel nor has any diplomatic relations with it, acquisition of BMD systems from Israel is not an option for Pakistan. China is perhaps the only country that could provide Pakistan with such systems since the two countries have a history of defence cooperation, and Beijing is believed to be working on its own ABM capability.58 However, the high cost of such systems may prevent Pakistan from going for this option.
A less costly and more effective option for Pakistan could be a qualitative and quantitative improvement in its nuclear and missile forces and its strategy. The simplest solution for Pakistan would be to go for a larger number of nuclear warheads and delivery systems, especially ballistic missiles. This would entail an increase in the number of missiles both Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles (MIRV-ed) and single warheads. Pakistan would also have to increase its fissile material production in order to have more warheads.59 The purpose of the numbers approach would be to saturate Indian defences. This would mean, for example, if India has the capability to intercept twenty-five missiles, Pakistan should have thirty.
Pakistan can also go for development of cruise missiles which are harder to defeat by missile defence systems. Pakistan has already taken steps in this direction by developing its Babar cruise missile. Babar is capable of carrying either conventional or nuclear warhead and has a range of 500 km. It can reportedly hit its target with pinpoint accuracy and can be fired from warships, submarines and aircrafts.60 Most important of all, it is designed to avoid radar detection and penetrate undetected through a defensive system. If all these claims prove to be true, Babar could be an invaluable asset against Indian missile defence systems.
Pakistan can opt for strategies like mobility, dispersion and concealment to enhance survivability of its nuclear force in case of pre-emptive strike. This can be done through mobile launchers, using different systems, and by introducing simultaneous launches under combat conditions from dispersed sites. Pakistan could disperse and store its missiles in hardened silos, could build dummy missile silos, and deploy dummy missiles as well.
Another option for Pakistan could be deployment. This could entail maintaining assembled form of missiles to reduce the reaction time. This could be taken a step further to the level of actually deploying the assembled missiles tipped with nuclear warheads. However, this approach has many inherent dangers and should be a last resort option. India may also go for deployment of nuclear-tipped missiles in response, which would increase the risk of nuclear war. Maintaining missiles on hair-trigger alert would also increase the chances of accidental war. An extremely short missile flight time of 3-11 minutes between India and Pakistan62 combined with conflict-prone history of South Asia could give rise to an extremely dangerous and unstable situation. This option would, therefore, be counter-productive and should only be adopted as a last resort.
Pakistan can also go for a triad of nuclear forces. At present, Pakistan has land- and air-based nuclear forces but no sea-based one. Although this approach would diversify Pakistan’s nuclear forces and may ensure survivability of nuclear capability, it would be too costly for Pakistan and not viable in the short term.
The drawback of the quantitative approach is that it would be costly and would engage Pakistan in an arms race with India. Pakistan can also pursue a qualitative approach to increase deterrence stability. This would include technological improve-ments in its offensive and defensive capabilities. These options could include improvements in the technical base of the delivery systems and associated technologies. Certain technologies can be developed to fog the enemy ABM systems and also to improve the penetration capacity of Pakistan’s delivery systems. Some of these technologies can be improvement in electronic warfare capacity to confuse and defeat Indian radar ability to home-in on incoming targets; manoeuvrings warheads to create problems for the interceptors; and adding decoys to the delivery systems.
In the short term, a mix of qualitative and quantitative improvements in Pakistan’s offensive capabilities might be a more viable solution for Pakistan. In the long term, Pakistan needs to acquire advance technologies, like perfecting cruise missile technology, reducing the conventional asymmetry between India and Pakistan, to neutralise the effects of Indian missile defence systems.
Moreover, Pakistan can also pursue a diplomatic course by suggesting an ABM treaty between India and Pakistan, or by negotiating a zero missile regime between the two countries. However, Pakistan’s proposal for a zero missile regime, along with many other nuclear restraint proposals has been rejected by India in the past. Still the diplomatic option needs to be simultaneously pursued. The success of this option would depend on the willingness of both the states to cooperate.
To be Continued.