China-India: contours of a conflict to come

geoBR

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China-India: contours of a conflict to come

https://asiatimes.com/2021/06/china-india-contours-of-a-conflict-to-come/

India's deployment of 50,000 additional troops to its Chinese border underlines wider and escalating bilateral tensions

By BERTIL LINTNER

JUNE 29, 2021



India has dispatched at least 50,000 additional troops to the Chinese border where there are currently 200,000 combat-ready troops, an increase of more than 40% since the two rival powers clashed in the Himalayas in June last year, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese.

India has also moved fighter jets to its northern border and the navy has sent warships along key sea lanes in the Indian Ocean to keep a watch over maritime trade to and from China. These moves have been made public at the same time as the Indian and US navies just conducted a joint exercise in the same ocean.

It all points to escalating tensions despite several rounds of talks aimed at de-escalating the situation. That’s because India perceives China is consolidating control in border areas that once served as buffers through massive infrastructure building, including train lines in and out of Tibet and down to neighboring Nepal.

India has America firmly on its side as Washington seeks to ramp up multi-front pressure on Beijing’s rising regional ambitions. To be sure, the US and India have a common interest in countering China, especially in the Indian Ocean. New Delhi has long seen the waterway as its sphere of influence but China has recently made inroads both to protect its trade and apply strategic pressure.

But a long history of US-India mistrust also runs deep, constraining their joint willingness and ability to develop a more robust, anti-China alliance. The Indians are particularly wary of Washington’s long-time strategic relationship with their archenemy Pakistan, ties the Biden administration seems keen to revive as a strategic hedge to its withdrawal from Afghanistan.


At the same time, the US has expressed its displeasure with India’s recent purchases of military hardware from its erstwhile ally Russia. India’s US$5.2 billion S-400 air defense system deal with Russia has become a major point of friction between New Delhi and Washington.

But the two sides are making a show of military cooperation that clearly has China in its sights. On June 23 and 24, the USS Ronald Reagan, a Nimitz-class nuclear-powered supercarrier, along with its escorts and a fleet of F-18 fighter jets joined forces for exercises with Indian warships and Anglo-French Jaguar jet attack aircraft as well as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter jets, a Russian-developed plane produced under license in India.

The exercise was carried out south of Thiruvananthapuram (previously known as Trivandrum) on India’s southwestern seaboard.

The drills went beyond basic exercises to include “advanced air defense exercises, cross-deck helicopter operations and anti-submarine exercises,” according to a statement issued by the Indian Ministry of Defense. Needless to say, the only submarines that India and the US would be attacking in the Indian Ocean would be Chinese ones.

Most recently, the Chinese survey ship Xiang Yang Hong 03 has been carrying out a systematic survey in the eastern Indian Ocean. The data, nominally collected for scientific purposes, would also be relevant in any submarine warfare scenario.


Over the past few years, the Indians have noted that Chinese submarines have been spotted in the waters around the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, an Indian union territory located near the entrance to the Strait of Malacca, a maritime chokepoint through which as much as 80% of China’s energy imports pass.

China’s interest in the Indian Ocean is clearly motivated by its desire to protect its trade routes to the Middle East, Europe and Africa. But China’s incursions with warships and submarines into a region where it has never been a power has put it on a collision course with India.

China has used anti-piracy deployments as a justification for expanding its naval presence in the Indian Ocean and making it more permanent by establishing its first military base abroad, in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa in 2017.

But even China’s own 2015 Defense White Paper went much further than that by stating, “The traditional mentality that land overweighs sea must be abandoned and great importance has to be attached to managing the seas and oceans and protecting maritime rights and interests…[China will] participate in international maritime cooperation, so as to provide strategic support for building itself into a maritime power.”

The situation in the Himalayas, where India and China are separated by a disputed border over which a full-scale war was fought in 1962, is increasingly volatile and could lead to more bloody confrontations between the two sides. But it is the Indian Ocean — with or without American participation — that is quickly becoming a front line in Asia’s new Cold War.


David Scott, an associate member of the Corbett Center for Maritime Policy Studies, a United Kingdom-based think tank, concluded in an article for the US-based Center for International Maritime Security in September last year that:

“India’s strategy for the Indian Ocean during the 2010s has been threefold: “building up its naval-maritime infrastructure (based and support facilities), building up power projection assets, and strengthening relations with increasingly China-concerned powers.”

Those powers would be India’s allies in the Quadrilateral Security Dialog, also known as the Quad, a highly informal strategic forum between the US, Japan, India and Australia which has been widely viewed as a response to the rise of China as a regional power.

Originally initiated by then Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe in 2007, it fell apart when Australia withdrew a year later because its then-new prime minister Kevin Rudd did not want to upset relations with China, his country’s main trading partner.

The Quad remained dormant and was not revived until 2017 when four state leaders — all of them considered China hawks — met on the sidelines at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Manila.


Although India and the US had conducted bilateral naval exercises since 1992, India achieved the status of a “Major Defense Partner” of the United States in 2016 and subsequently sent a flotilla of warships to join a US-Japan task force in the South China Sea.

India has also been an active participant in a series of exercises called Malabar, which have brought it closer together with the US, Japan and other regional allies.

In March 2020, Quad officials teleconferenced to discuss the Covid-19 pandemic and were joined for the first time by officials from New Zealand, South Korea and Vietnam. Given rising regional tensions, it was clear that the health crisis was not the only item on the agenda.

China’s moves in the Indian Ocean haven’t been totally unexpected. As early as 2001, India established the Andaman and Nicobar Command, its first and only tri-service command, to safeguard India’s strategic interests in the waters east of its mainland and specifically to monitor China’s maritime movements.

Headquartered in Port Blair in the Andamans and Nicobars, it coordinates the activities of the navy, the army and the air force as well as the coast guards in the eastern Indian Ocean.

Apart from the strategically important facilities on the islands, India’s main naval bases are situated along its east and west coasts with stations also on Lakshadweep, a chain of islands north of Maldives.

The Indians are now also talking to the Australians about getting access to the Cocos (Keeling) Islands, an Australian possession in the Indian Ocean. India’s next step will be to build three nuclear-powered attack submarines and upgrade its own naval bases.

It is too early to say how successful all these moves will be in countering China’s designs in India’s traditional sphere of influence. But the battle lines have been drawn, from the heights of the Himalayas to the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean.

China may not be overly concerned whether its borders with India should be marked on one barren rock or another, but last year’s confrontation in the Himalayas was more a show of force to keep India off balance.

As this week’s Indian response shows, New Delhi is prepared to engage China militarily if perceived provocations continue along their Himalayan border.

China is responding in kind. In April, a commentator for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched a blistering attack on India and its friendship with the United States: “India has unfortunately become a victim of US selfishness…the benefits of US allies and partners attaching to the US anti-China chariot could get scarce.”

In an even tougher attack on India, writers for the same Chinese paper claimed in May that India — not China — was to blame for the Covid-19 pandemic.

A May 1 post on the Chinese site Weibo from an account linked to the CCP showed an image of a rocket launch in China alongside a photo of bodies of virus victims being cremated in India with the text: “Lighting fire in China versus lighting fire in India.”

The post was later deleted, but it reflected crudely the rising animosity between the two rival powers in a new Cold War that is only just beginning.

 

Maharaj samudragupt

Kritant Parashu
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China-India: contours of a conflict to come

https://asiatimes.com/2021/06/china-india-contours-of-a-conflict-to-come/

India's deployment of 50,000 additional troops to its Chinese border underlines wider and escalating bilateral tensions

By BERTIL LINTNER

JUNE 29, 2021



India has dispatched at least 50,000 additional troops to the Chinese border where there are currently 200,000 combat-ready troops, an increase of more than 40% since the two rival powers clashed in the Himalayas in June last year, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese.

India has also moved fighter jets to its northern border and the navy has sent warships along key sea lanes in the Indian Ocean to keep a watch over maritime trade to and from China. These moves have been made public at the same time as the Indian and US navies just conducted a joint exercise in the same ocean.

It all points to escalating tensions despite several rounds of talks aimed at de-escalating the situation. That’s because India perceives China is consolidating control in border areas that once served as buffers through massive infrastructure building, including train lines in and out of Tibet and down to neighboring Nepal.

India has America firmly on its side as Washington seeks to ramp up multi-front pressure on Beijing’s rising regional ambitions. To be sure, the US and India have a common interest in countering China, especially in the Indian Ocean. New Delhi has long seen the waterway as its sphere of influence but China has recently made inroads both to protect its trade and apply strategic pressure.

But a long history of US-India mistrust also runs deep, constraining their joint willingness and ability to develop a more robust, anti-China alliance. The Indians are particularly wary of Washington’s long-time strategic relationship with their archenemy Pakistan, ties the Biden administration seems keen to revive as a strategic hedge to its withdrawal from Afghanistan.


At the same time, the US has expressed its displeasure with India’s recent purchases of military hardware from its erstwhile ally Russia. India’s US$5.2 billion S-400 air defense system deal with Russia has become a major point of friction between New Delhi and Washington.

But the two sides are making a show of military cooperation that clearly has China in its sights. On June 23 and 24, the USS Ronald Reagan, a Nimitz-class nuclear-powered supercarrier, along with its escorts and a fleet of F-18 fighter jets joined forces for exercises with Indian warships and Anglo-French Jaguar jet attack aircraft as well as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter jets, a Russian-developed plane produced under license in India.

The exercise was carried out south of Thiruvananthapuram (previously known as Trivandrum) on India’s southwestern seaboard.

The drills went beyond basic exercises to include “advanced air defense exercises, cross-deck helicopter operations and anti-submarine exercises,” according to a statement issued by the Indian Ministry of Defense. Needless to say, the only submarines that India and the US would be attacking in the Indian Ocean would be Chinese ones.

Most recently, the Chinese survey ship Xiang Yang Hong 03 has been carrying out a systematic survey in the eastern Indian Ocean. The data, nominally collected for scientific purposes, would also be relevant in any submarine warfare scenario.


Over the past few years, the Indians have noted that Chinese submarines have been spotted in the waters around the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, an Indian union territory located near the entrance to the Strait of Malacca, a maritime chokepoint through which as much as 80% of China’s energy imports pass.

China’s interest in the Indian Ocean is clearly motivated by its desire to protect its trade routes to the Middle East, Europe and Africa. But China’s incursions with warships and submarines into a region where it has never been a power has put it on a collision course with India.

China has used anti-piracy deployments as a justification for expanding its naval presence in the Indian Ocean and making it more permanent by establishing its first military base abroad, in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa in 2017.

But even China’s own 2015 Defense White Paper went much further than that by stating, “The traditional mentality that land overweighs sea must be abandoned and great importance has to be attached to managing the seas and oceans and protecting maritime rights and interests…[China will] participate in international maritime cooperation, so as to provide strategic support for building itself into a maritime power.”

The situation in the Himalayas, where India and China are separated by a disputed border over which a full-scale war was fought in 1962, is increasingly volatile and could lead to more bloody confrontations between the two sides. But it is the Indian Ocean — with or without American participation — that is quickly becoming a front line in Asia’s new Cold War.


David Scott, an associate member of the Corbett Center for Maritime Policy Studies, a United Kingdom-based think tank, concluded in an article for the US-based Center for International Maritime Security in September last year that:

“India’s strategy for the Indian Ocean during the 2010s has been threefold: “building up its naval-maritime infrastructure (based and support facilities), building up power projection assets, and strengthening relations with increasingly China-concerned powers.”

Those powers would be India’s allies in the Quadrilateral Security Dialog, also known as the Quad, a highly informal strategic forum between the US, Japan, India and Australia which has been widely viewed as a response to the rise of China as a regional power.

Originally initiated by then Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe in 2007, it fell apart when Australia withdrew a year later because its then-new prime minister Kevin Rudd did not want to upset relations with China, his country’s main trading partner.

The Quad remained dormant and was not revived until 2017 when four state leaders — all of them considered China hawks — met on the sidelines at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Manila.


Although India and the US had conducted bilateral naval exercises since 1992, India achieved the status of a “Major Defense Partner” of the United States in 2016 and subsequently sent a flotilla of warships to join a US-Japan task force in the South China Sea.

India has also been an active participant in a series of exercises called Malabar, which have brought it closer together with the US, Japan and other regional allies.

In March 2020, Quad officials teleconferenced to discuss the Covid-19 pandemic and were joined for the first time by officials from New Zealand, South Korea and Vietnam. Given rising regional tensions, it was clear that the health crisis was not the only item on the agenda.

China’s moves in the Indian Ocean haven’t been totally unexpected. As early as 2001, India established the Andaman and Nicobar Command, its first and only tri-service command, to safeguard India’s strategic interests in the waters east of its mainland and specifically to monitor China’s maritime movements.

Headquartered in Port Blair in the Andamans and Nicobars, it coordinates the activities of the navy, the army and the air force as well as the coast guards in the eastern Indian Ocean.

Apart from the strategically important facilities on the islands, India’s main naval bases are situated along its east and west coasts with stations also on Lakshadweep, a chain of islands north of Maldives.

The Indians are now also talking to the Australians about getting access to the Cocos (Keeling) Islands, an Australian possession in the Indian Ocean. India’s next step will be to build three nuclear-powered attack submarines and upgrade its own naval bases.

It is too early to say how successful all these moves will be in countering China’s designs in India’s traditional sphere of influence. But the battle lines have been drawn, from the heights of the Himalayas to the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean.

China may not be overly concerned whether its borders with India should be marked on one barren rock or another, but last year’s confrontation in the Himalayas was more a show of force to keep India off balance.

As this week’s Indian response shows, New Delhi is prepared to engage China militarily if perceived provocations continue along their Himalayan border.

China is responding in kind. In April, a commentator for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched a blistering attack on India and its friendship with the United States: “India has unfortunately become a victim of US selfishness…the benefits of US allies and partners attaching to the US anti-China chariot could get scarce.”

In an even tougher attack on India, writers for the same Chinese paper claimed in May that India — not China — was to blame for the Covid-19 pandemic.

A May 1 post on the Chinese site Weibo from an account linked to the CCP showed an image of a rocket launch in China alongside a photo of bodies of virus victims being cremated in India with the text: “Lighting fire in China versus lighting fire in India.”

The post was later deleted, but it reflected crudely the rising animosity between the two rival powers in a new Cold War that is only just beginning.

Nothing will happen.
 

doreamon

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I suspect china deployment in indian border is preparation for upcoming Taiwan invasion ... Taiwan invasion is on their card in upcoming few years .. They need to secure their border with india in such scenario .
 

THESIS THORON

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闫丽梦的虚假研究
短短八个月时间,闫丽梦是怎么从前香港大学公共卫生学院传染病研究中心的病毒和免疫学博士后研究员到被特朗普的高级顾问和保守派权威称赞的英雄。
早在2019年1月中旬,在香港做研究的闫丽梦就已经听到传言,称中国大陆出现了一种危险的新病毒,政府正在将其淡化处理。闫丽梦就向她喜欢的中文Youtube节目主持人王定刚提供信息。
4月28日闫丽梦逃离香港,前往美国,郭文贵和斑农把她安置在纽约巿一间“安全屋”内,并为她请来传讯教练,教她应对传媒提问,又要求她提交多份论文,把她包装成“吹哨者”,再安排她接受传媒访问。在7月10日,闫丽梦首次亮相霍士新闻频道,除了交代自己赴美的经过,亦指控香港大学有份协助隐瞒疫情,但没有提及自己与郭文贵、斑农的关系。
在第一次福克斯采访之后,闫丽梦开始了一场旋风式的右翼媒体之旅,重复着保守派的要点话题。她说自己服用羟氯喹来抵御病毒,尽管美国食品和药品监督管理局(FDA)警告它没有效果。她暗示,美国卫生机构与世界卫生组织密谋掩盖了疫情。
9月初,闫丽梦透过匿名的中间人,与乔治城大学的传染病专家卢西会面。卢西过去曾经提出新冠状病毒可能在实验室制造出来,而闫丽梦则对他讲述自己的研究,希望获得对方支持。即使在脸书网站给卡尔森9月15日采访闫丽梦的节目打上“虚假信息”的标签、推特暂停闫丽梦的账号后,卡尔森、班农和闫丽梦仍然没有放弃。
闫丽梦10月8日发表了第二篇论文,题目是《新冠病毒是一种不受限制的生物武器》,进一步强调这种蔓延至全球的病毒是人为制造的观点,并补充说病毒是被有意“释放”的,这篇论文也包含似乎来自同一位匿名博主文章的材料。
闫丽梦两篇有争议的论文都与郭文贵有关。这两篇论文——在题目和作者姓名下方,即经常列出大学相关机构和资金来源的位置——显著写着“法治学会”和“法治基金会”的机构名称,这两个非营利组织都是郭文贵等人支持的。
目前科学界普遍相信新冠病毒来自蝙蝠,没有证据显示病毒属人工制造。虽然科学界很快把有关论文定性为基于猜测的伪科学,但霍士新闻名主播卡尔森(Tucker Carlson)9月15日依然邀请闫丽梦出席节目,把论文内容发扬光大。即使访问影片被Facebook等社交娸体标签为假消息,仍录得最少880万人次观看,进入主流。在访问后数星期,卡尔森才澄清自己不认同闫丽梦的讲法。
闫丽梦从研究者到吹哨人的演变,是两个不相关但越来越联合起来散布虚假信息的团体合作的产物:一个是规模较小但很活跃的海外华人团体,另一个是在美国有高度影响力的极右翼团体。这两个团体都在新冠病毒大流行中看到了推动自己议程的机会。对海外华人来说,闫丽梦及其毫无根据的说法,为那些意图推翻中国政府的人提供了一件利器。对美国保守派来说,这让他们能迎合西方日益高涨的反华情绪,分散人们对特朗普政府应对疫情失败的关注。
哥伦比亚大学病毒学家安吉拉·拉斯穆森说,她认为闫丽梦的论文是“政治宣传”,目的是欺骗。“这篇论文对没有科学背景的人来说极具欺骗性,因为它是用非常专业的语言写成的,用了很多行话,看起来好像是正规的科学论文。但是,任何一个有病毒学或分子生物学背景的人读到这篇论文时,都会很清楚其中很大一部分其实是无稽之谈。”
从1月发现到9月走向最高点,郭文贵和班农导演的这一出“病毒源头论”网上政治活动取得了巨大的成功,极大地影响了美国本土人民地观点和生活,更是将“假新闻”地威力一览无余地暴露在世人面前。
50 CENT bitch present here.
 

Raaakisazih

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闫丽梦的虚假研究
短短八个月时间,闫丽梦是怎么从前香港大学公共卫生学院传染病研究中心的病毒和免疫学博士后研究员到被特朗普的高级顾问和保守派权威称赞的英雄。
早在2019年1月中旬,在香港做研究的闫丽梦就已经听到传言,称中国大陆出现了一种危险的新病毒,政府正在将其淡化处理。闫丽梦就向她喜欢的中文Youtube节目主持人王定刚提供信息。
4月28日闫丽梦逃离香港,前往美国,郭文贵和斑农把她安置在纽约巿一间“安全屋”内,并为她请来传讯教练,教她应对传媒提问,又要求她提交多份论文,把她包装成“吹哨者”,再安排她接受传媒访问。在7月10日,闫丽梦首次亮相霍士新闻频道,除了交代自己赴美的经过,亦指控香港大学有份协助隐瞒疫情,但没有提及自己与郭文贵、斑农的关系。
在第一次福克斯采访之后,闫丽梦开始了一场旋风式的右翼媒体之旅,重复着保守派的要点话题。她说自己服用羟氯喹来抵御病毒,尽管美国食品和药品监督管理局(FDA)警告它没有效果。她暗示,美国卫生机构与世界卫生组织密谋掩盖了疫情。
9月初,闫丽梦透过匿名的中间人,与乔治城大学的传染病专家卢西会面。卢西过去曾经提出新冠状病毒可能在实验室制造出来,而闫丽梦则对他讲述自己的研究,希望获得对方支持。即使在脸书网站给卡尔森9月15日采访闫丽梦的节目打上“虚假信息”的标签、推特暂停闫丽梦的账号后,卡尔森、班农和闫丽梦仍然没有放弃。
闫丽梦10月8日发表了第二篇论文,题目是《新冠病毒是一种不受限制的生物武器》,进一步强调这种蔓延至全球的病毒是人为制造的观点,并补充说病毒是被有意“释放”的,这篇论文也包含似乎来自同一位匿名博主文章的材料。
闫丽梦两篇有争议的论文都与郭文贵有关。这两篇论文——在题目和作者姓名下方,即经常列出大学相关机构和资金来源的位置——显著写着“法治学会”和“法治基金会”的机构名称,这两个非营利组织都是郭文贵等人支持的。
目前科学界普遍相信新冠病毒来自蝙蝠,没有证据显示病毒属人工制造。虽然科学界很快把有关论文定性为基于猜测的伪科学,但霍士新闻名主播卡尔森(Tucker Carlson)9月15日依然邀请闫丽梦出席节目,把论文内容发扬光大。即使访问影片被Facebook等社交娸体标签为假消息,仍录得最少880万人次观看,进入主流。在访问后数星期,卡尔森才澄清自己不认同闫丽梦的讲法。
闫丽梦从研究者到吹哨人的演变,是两个不相关但越来越联合起来散布虚假信息的团体合作的产物:一个是规模较小但很活跃的海外华人团体,另一个是在美国有高度影响力的极右翼团体。这两个团体都在新冠病毒大流行中看到了推动自己议程的机会。对海外华人来说,闫丽梦及其毫无根据的说法,为那些意图推翻中国政府的人提供了一件利器。对美国保守派来说,这让他们能迎合西方日益高涨的反华情绪,分散人们对特朗普政府应对疫情失败的关注。
哥伦比亚大学病毒学家安吉拉·拉斯穆森说,她认为闫丽梦的论文是“政治宣传”,目的是欺骗。“这篇论文对没有科学背景的人来说极具欺骗性,因为它是用非常专业的语言写成的,用了很多行话,看起来好像是正规的科学论文。但是,任何一个有病毒学或分子生物学背景的人读到这篇论文时,都会很清楚其中很大一部分其实是无稽之谈。”
从1月发现到9月走向最高点,郭文贵和班农导演的这一出“病毒源头论”网上政治活动取得了巨大的成功,极大地影响了美国本土人民地观点和生活,更是将“假新闻”地威力一览无余地暴露在世人面前。
वो झंडा हटा ले चुतीये 😂😂
 

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