Is Letting Pakistan Collapse An Option?
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Pakistan People
Browse the information below for demographic information on Pakistan, including population, religion, nationality and more. If you do not find the Pakistan information you need on the people page, check out our complete listing on the Pakistan Country Page.
# Pakistan Geography
# Pakistan Government
# Pakistan Economy
# Pakistan History
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Pakistan(i).
Population (2003 est.): 150,694,740.
Annual growth rate (2003): 5%.
Ethnic groups: Punjabi, Sindhi, Pathan (Pushtun), Baloch, Muhajir (i.e., Urdu-speaking immigrants from India and their descendants), Saraiki, Hazara.
Religions: Muslim 97%; small minorities of Christians, Hindus, and others.
Languages: Urdu (national and official), English, Punjabi, Sindhi, Pushtu, Balochi, Hindko, Brahui, Saraiki (Punjabi variant).
Education: Literacy (2003)--45.7%; male 59.8%; female 30.6%. Unofficial estimates are as low as 35%.
Health: Infant mortality rate (2003)--76.53/1,000. Life expectancy (2003)--men 61.3 yrs., women 63.14 yrs.
Work force (2000): Agriculture--44%; services--39%; industry--17%.
People of Pakistan
The majority of Pakistan's population lives along the Indus River valley and along an arc formed by the cities of Faisalabad, Lahore, Rawalpindi/Islamabad, and Peshawar. Although the official language of Pakistan is Urdu, it is spoken as a first language by only 8% of the population; 48% speak Punjabi, 12% Sindhi, 10% Saraiki, 8% Pashtu, and 14% other. Urdu, Punjabi, Pushtu, and Baloch are Indo-European languages. English is widely used within the government, the officer ranks of the military, and in many institutions of higher learning.
source: http://www.state.gov
# Pakistan Geography
# Pakistan Government
# Pakistan Economy
# Pakistan History
Facts on Pakistan
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Saraiki Nationalist Movement
Saraiki is an ethnic group in Pakistan Punjab. They are approximately 30 million who live in Central Pakistan and speak the Saraiki language. They are mainly based in the erstwhile Bhawalpore princely state and are spread in the provinces of Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan.
Beginning in 1960, the Saraiki nationalists demanded language rights and looser control of Punjab on the natural resources of Saraili land. This led to the demand of a separate province of Saraikistan. However, when Gen Zia came to power, the movement went underground.
When Zia met his death, the movement resurfaced. Its agenda was the demand of Saraiki nationality being recognised, have official documents printed in Saraiki language and have a regiment in the Pakistan Army, employment quotas and have more Saraiki TV and radio stations.
The parties to the demand were Pakistan Saraiki Party, Siraikistan Qaumi Movement, and Saraiki National Party. Majid Kanjoo is one of the leaders of the Saraikistan movement.
Aims of the Saraiki Movement
The aim was basically to be recognised as a separate people and not be clubbed with the Punjabis. Saraiki people want to establish recognition of their separate identity, language and have a state in the SW of Punjab. They used the language issue since it is a binder and highlights a cultural difference. The important aspect was that it would put paid to the idea that Saraiki language was an adjunct of the Punjabi language and that the Saraiki culture was but a variation of the Punjabi culture. This was the basic aim and thereafter came the economic aspects that were demanded.
The Creation of the Saraiki Identity
The Saraiki middle class reacted to the threat to their language and identity and set out to develop an ethno-national consciousness in order to resist the assimilation of their ethnic group and language. The efforts towards this cause were directed towards creating a Saraiki identity. Initially this was done to counter the fear of identity extinction and to get rid of the 'misleading' label of Punjabis. These endeavours have been termed as the Saraiki movement'.
The Result of the Movement
It has been successful to some extent. It has impacted on the Saraiki people that their identity is not Punjabi. This fact is also recognised to some extent by Pakistan as it was accepted as a separate indigenous nationality in the Census of 1981and 1998.
It, however, has to be mentioned that the Saraiki movement is not as strong in character as the Bengali movement of East Pakistan.
Critic of the Movement
It has not found favour in Pakistan, more so, in the Punjab.
Faisal Awan,an opinion author for the PakistanFirst organization has this to say:
"There is nothing wrong with the demand but the timing of this call is highly objectionable, amiss and incredulous. The champions of this call are trying to create a stir at the time when Pakistan as a country is facing daunting challenges of drooping economy, deplorable law and order situation, foreign and home grown terrorism, foreign secret agencies involved in fathering and funding domestic issues, government's weakening grip on Balochistan issue, limping judicial system, and archaic educational system to name a few. There is hardly any front where our current cracked leadership and wretched nation is enjoying a sigh of relief.
One of the justifications given by the adherents of this cause is solely linguistic based and claims that Saraiki speaking people should have their own province. So are we planning to start dividing Punjab and Pakistan on linguistic basis? Saraiki is a dialect of Punjabi and if we are to start creating lingo-based provinces then the claims for a Hindko, Pothohari and Majhi province will soon surface and chain of uncontrollable movements for a separate province can take birth. It is a can of worms which if opened will defile minds across Pakistan.
Another aspect to this claim is that Bahawalpur should revert to its original constitutional representation which it had before the implementation of one unit and in addition also put other Saraiki districts under its control. The rationale given for it is that Bahawalpur and the Saraiki belt being far flung from the powerful Lahore fails to make an impact on the policies of Punjab province and has no Saraiki representation what so ever among the powerful policy making clans, and as a consequence, it is being ignored and deprived of socio-economic development. However, the factual truth is that the area in subject is a victim of feudalism and bureaucracy, which is consuming it and rest of the Pakistan like a canker. To counter their claim of scarce political representation from their area, below are some of the numerous political clouts from the Saraiki belt who have represented their area at various fronts: Muhammad Ali Durrani (PML-Q), Chaudry Pervaiz Elahi (PML-Q), Jehangir Tareen (PML-F), Mukhdoom Javaid Hashmi (PML-N), Sardar Athar Khan Gorchani (PPPP), Khan Muhammad Hussain Azad (PPPP), Farooq Lagahri – President of Pakistan 1993-1997, Balakh Sher Mazari – Prime Minister Pakistan 1993, Yusuf Raza Gilani (PPPP) – Prime Minister Pakistan 2008 – current, Shah Mehmood Qureshi (PPPP), Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Tasneem Nawaz Gardezi, Makhdoom Shahabuddin, Makhdoom Altaf, Makhdoom Khusro Bakhtiar, and Riaz Pirzada, to name a few. Although some of the Saraiki politicians including Yusuf Raza Gilani the current prime minister correctly feel that a thorough and credible debate should occur in the parliament rather than making him an outright cartographer of some of the Saraiki politician's fictional world.
With such star studded Saraiki political representation it is perplexing that nothing substantial could be crafted in the last 60 years and they could not influence the policy makers to carve policies for the socio-economic development of south Punjab and have suddenly created a highly questionable and suspicious agitation. The notable fact is that most of the infrastructure that betokens the development and importance of the Saraiki belt is either the courtesy of Nawab's who ruled the Bahawalpur state before merging into Pakistan or Arab Sheikhs, who in return enjoy whooping concessions on turning Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan state acreage into private hunting lands, and nothing significant has been delivered in past 60 years by the "Saraiki politicians who are now demanding a separate province".
If the philosophy behind the renaissance of this movement is reverting to the historical boundaries, then what to do with that part of NWFP which was in Punjab before November 1901. Does that mean redressing of all the provinces if historical boundaries are the criteria?
It can be a likely possibility that it may be a government backed stunt to sway the attention of Pakistani people from the core issues of economy, law and order, and terrorism which are crippling the fragile government day by day and they are finding it hard to grapple with on hand challenges. Many political analysts are seeing it as an attempt by PPPP's government to weaken the PML (N) grip on Punjab and to disguise government's dragging of approval of 17th amendment behind the pretense of a Saraiki province demand. PML (N) has several times clearly expressed its displeasure pertaining to the delaying of approval process of 17th amendment. However, the political stature of PML (N) in Punjab should not take a hit since it has not much support amongst the Saraiki belt and currently holds only eight seats from the Saraiki districts out of some forty odd seats.
At the government level though, PPPP has denounced the call for a separate Saraiki province both from the President and Prime Minister's office and maintained its stance that it is against the fragmentation of the provinces. On the other hand PML (N) is amiable to the idea of calling a meeting with the Saraiki leaders currently living in the subject areas and chalking out a package to address the contentious issues.
Hypothetically if the Saraiki province is created, then WHAT? The same politicians who were representing Saraiki belt before will be dumped on the Saraiki's again. How will they change things when they have not done a single bit in the past 60 years for them? What goods it has brought to Balochistan as being a province, as it still remains the most underdeveloped area of Pakistan and the reason for that is none other than the feudalism and lack of sincere and ardent implementation of development policies by the federal government and the baloch politicians. Interestingly, the champions of a separate Saraiki province demand, most of them enjoy a luxurious life in the serene and opulent areas of Lahore and Islamabad rather than the area which they are claiming is theirs and crying out in their interviews that they can not be a witness anymore to the deplorable condition of their people and the area.
To add another spin to this issue, with terror networks already present in southern Punjab and trying to strengthen their grip in that area, raising such an issue at this precarious time can provide the opening which India, Israel and their allies may be looking for to build upon and create a kind of mayhem as they have created in Swat and Balochistan. This will provide them the luxury to recruit traitors at will in the name of "Islam and getting your own identity", as they have done in Swat and Balochistan. This may very well lead to opening another alarming front of a troubling separatist movement to deal with for Pakistan army and the already crippled government of Pakistan.
Although the timing of the demand in subject is highly unfortunate but it is a fact that the ground realities pertaining to the social and economic conditions of southern Punjab are extremely deplorable and demands immediate attention. Rather than chauvinistically demanding a separate province and expending energies towards it, the Saraiki politicians and intellects along with their peers in northern Punjab need to formulate packages for economic development, educational and judicial reforms, industrialization, improving governance, utilizing the resources efficiently and honestly, eliminating the terror dungeons, and lastly but most importantly go back and live among the people whom you are aspiring to lead. So that the people of their area should not feel that they have been again duped by bunch of charlatans like the past 60 years."
One wonders if the Movement will get an impetus to be vigorously active, given the total turmoil besotting Pakistan where fear and loss of sanity rides high and diverts the attention of the people!
Saraiki is an ethnic group in Pakistan Punjab. They are approximately 30 million who live in Central Pakistan and speak the Saraiki language. They are mainly based in the erstwhile Bhawalpore princely state and are spread in the provinces of Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan.
Beginning in 1960, the Saraiki nationalists demanded language rights and looser control of Punjab on the natural resources of Saraili land. This led to the demand of a separate province of Saraikistan. However, when Gen Zia came to power, the movement went underground.
When Zia met his death, the movement resurfaced. Its agenda was the demand of Saraiki nationality being recognised, have official documents printed in Saraiki language and have a regiment in the Pakistan Army, employment quotas and have more Saraiki TV and radio stations.
The parties to the demand were Pakistan Saraiki Party, Siraikistan Qaumi Movement, and Saraiki National Party. Majid Kanjoo is one of the leaders of the Saraikistan movement.
Aims of the Saraiki Movement
The aim was basically to be recognised as a separate people and not be clubbed with the Punjabis. Saraiki people want to establish recognition of their separate identity, language and have a state in the SW of Punjab. They used the language issue since it is a binder and highlights a cultural difference. The important aspect was that it would put paid to the idea that Saraiki language was an adjunct of the Punjabi language and that the Saraiki culture was but a variation of the Punjabi culture. This was the basic aim and thereafter came the economic aspects that were demanded.
The Creation of the Saraiki Identity
The Saraiki middle class reacted to the threat to their language and identity and set out to develop an ethno-national consciousness in order to resist the assimilation of their ethnic group and language. The efforts towards this cause were directed towards creating a Saraiki identity. Initially this was done to counter the fear of identity extinction and to get rid of the 'misleading' label of Punjabis. These endeavours have been termed as the Saraiki movement'.
The Result of the Movement
It has been successful to some extent. It has impacted on the Saraiki people that their identity is not Punjabi. This fact is also recognised to some extent by Pakistan as it was accepted as a separate indigenous nationality in the Census of 1981and 1998.
It, however, has to be mentioned that the Saraiki movement is not as strong in character as the Bengali movement of East Pakistan.
Critic of the Movement
It has not found favour in Pakistan, more so, in the Punjab.
Faisal Awan,an opinion author for the PakistanFirst organization has this to say:
"There is nothing wrong with the demand but the timing of this call is highly objectionable, amiss and incredulous. The champions of this call are trying to create a stir at the time when Pakistan as a country is facing daunting challenges of drooping economy, deplorable law and order situation, foreign and home grown terrorism, foreign secret agencies involved in fathering and funding domestic issues, government's weakening grip on Balochistan issue, limping judicial system, and archaic educational system to name a few. There is hardly any front where our current cracked leadership and wretched nation is enjoying a sigh of relief.
One of the justifications given by the adherents of this cause is solely linguistic based and claims that Saraiki speaking people should have their own province. So are we planning to start dividing Punjab and Pakistan on linguistic basis? Saraiki is a dialect of Punjabi and if we are to start creating lingo-based provinces then the claims for a Hindko, Pothohari and Majhi province will soon surface and chain of uncontrollable movements for a separate province can take birth. It is a can of worms which if opened will defile minds across Pakistan.
Another aspect to this claim is that Bahawalpur should revert to its original constitutional representation which it had before the implementation of one unit and in addition also put other Saraiki districts under its control. The rationale given for it is that Bahawalpur and the Saraiki belt being far flung from the powerful Lahore fails to make an impact on the policies of Punjab province and has no Saraiki representation what so ever among the powerful policy making clans, and as a consequence, it is being ignored and deprived of socio-economic development. However, the factual truth is that the area in subject is a victim of feudalism and bureaucracy, which is consuming it and rest of the Pakistan like a canker. To counter their claim of scarce political representation from their area, below are some of the numerous political clouts from the Saraiki belt who have represented their area at various fronts: Muhammad Ali Durrani (PML-Q), Chaudry Pervaiz Elahi (PML-Q), Jehangir Tareen (PML-F), Mukhdoom Javaid Hashmi (PML-N), Sardar Athar Khan Gorchani (PPPP), Khan Muhammad Hussain Azad (PPPP), Farooq Lagahri – President of Pakistan 1993-1997, Balakh Sher Mazari – Prime Minister Pakistan 1993, Yusuf Raza Gilani (PPPP) – Prime Minister Pakistan 2008 – current, Shah Mehmood Qureshi (PPPP), Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Tasneem Nawaz Gardezi, Makhdoom Shahabuddin, Makhdoom Altaf, Makhdoom Khusro Bakhtiar, and Riaz Pirzada, to name a few. Although some of the Saraiki politicians including Yusuf Raza Gilani the current prime minister correctly feel that a thorough and credible debate should occur in the parliament rather than making him an outright cartographer of some of the Saraiki politician's fictional world.
With such star studded Saraiki political representation it is perplexing that nothing substantial could be crafted in the last 60 years and they could not influence the policy makers to carve policies for the socio-economic development of south Punjab and have suddenly created a highly questionable and suspicious agitation. The notable fact is that most of the infrastructure that betokens the development and importance of the Saraiki belt is either the courtesy of Nawab's who ruled the Bahawalpur state before merging into Pakistan or Arab Sheikhs, who in return enjoy whooping concessions on turning Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan state acreage into private hunting lands, and nothing significant has been delivered in past 60 years by the "Saraiki politicians who are now demanding a separate province".
If the philosophy behind the renaissance of this movement is reverting to the historical boundaries, then what to do with that part of NWFP which was in Punjab before November 1901. Does that mean redressing of all the provinces if historical boundaries are the criteria?
It can be a likely possibility that it may be a government backed stunt to sway the attention of Pakistani people from the core issues of economy, law and order, and terrorism which are crippling the fragile government day by day and they are finding it hard to grapple with on hand challenges. Many political analysts are seeing it as an attempt by PPPP's government to weaken the PML (N) grip on Punjab and to disguise government's dragging of approval of 17th amendment behind the pretense of a Saraiki province demand. PML (N) has several times clearly expressed its displeasure pertaining to the delaying of approval process of 17th amendment. However, the political stature of PML (N) in Punjab should not take a hit since it has not much support amongst the Saraiki belt and currently holds only eight seats from the Saraiki districts out of some forty odd seats.
At the government level though, PPPP has denounced the call for a separate Saraiki province both from the President and Prime Minister's office and maintained its stance that it is against the fragmentation of the provinces. On the other hand PML (N) is amiable to the idea of calling a meeting with the Saraiki leaders currently living in the subject areas and chalking out a package to address the contentious issues.
Hypothetically if the Saraiki province is created, then WHAT? The same politicians who were representing Saraiki belt before will be dumped on the Saraiki's again. How will they change things when they have not done a single bit in the past 60 years for them? What goods it has brought to Balochistan as being a province, as it still remains the most underdeveloped area of Pakistan and the reason for that is none other than the feudalism and lack of sincere and ardent implementation of development policies by the federal government and the baloch politicians. Interestingly, the champions of a separate Saraiki province demand, most of them enjoy a luxurious life in the serene and opulent areas of Lahore and Islamabad rather than the area which they are claiming is theirs and crying out in their interviews that they can not be a witness anymore to the deplorable condition of their people and the area.
To add another spin to this issue, with terror networks already present in southern Punjab and trying to strengthen their grip in that area, raising such an issue at this precarious time can provide the opening which India, Israel and their allies may be looking for to build upon and create a kind of mayhem as they have created in Swat and Balochistan. This will provide them the luxury to recruit traitors at will in the name of "Islam and getting your own identity", as they have done in Swat and Balochistan. This may very well lead to opening another alarming front of a troubling separatist movement to deal with for Pakistan army and the already crippled government of Pakistan.
Although the timing of the demand in subject is highly unfortunate but it is a fact that the ground realities pertaining to the social and economic conditions of southern Punjab are extremely deplorable and demands immediate attention. Rather than chauvinistically demanding a separate province and expending energies towards it, the Saraiki politicians and intellects along with their peers in northern Punjab need to formulate packages for economic development, educational and judicial reforms, industrialization, improving governance, utilizing the resources efficiently and honestly, eliminating the terror dungeons, and lastly but most importantly go back and live among the people whom you are aspiring to lead. So that the people of their area should not feel that they have been again duped by bunch of charlatans like the past 60 years."
One wonders if the Movement will get an impetus to be vigorously active, given the total turmoil besotting Pakistan where fear and loss of sanity rides high and diverts the attention of the people!
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Mohajirs in Pakistan
Risk Assessement
There is a rebellion in Pakistan by Mohajirs and it present risks to Pakistan.
Mohajirs have a history of protests. They have a high group cohesion and have been subjected to repression by the Pakistan govt and treated as second class citizens.
Unlike before, there has been a marked drop violent incidents after 2001 to 2006, the MQM, the party that represents the Mohajirs, will hardly abandon violence if the need arises. Currently, they are in the Coalition.
Mohajirs are a highly organised lot and despite factionalism, they are a force to reckon with especially in the urban centres, like Karachi, in the Sindh province. They have been the target for repression of all govts, be it the Bhutto government or that of Nawaz Sharif or Musharraf (even though he is a Mohajir!).
The Mohajirs have a strong sense of political and economic grievance, and their history demonstrates their unwillingness to be ignored. Karachi and the well-being of Mohajirs are intrinsically related. Until the Pakistani government can alleviate the social, economic and political problems plaguing its major city, Mohajir grievances cannot be addressed.
However, it is their in-fighting that dilutes their cause. Intracommunal violence has taken more Mohajir lives that those in confrontation with the various govt of Pakistan. While prior to 2001 inter-communal fighting between Mohajirs and Sindhis was a significant problem, these two ethnic groups have since been able to build a political alliance, reducing tension. However, clashes between Mohajirs and Islamists have been a problem in recent years.
Summary
Mohajir means refugee and they are people who migrated to Pakistan from India after the Partition. They are concentrated in the province of Sindh and mainly in the urban areas. Urdu is their language, which their influence after Independence impacted on Pakistan and was adopted as Pakistan's national language. Their influence in the Pakistan's administration, justice system, educational institution, economy and bureaucracy is immense, since they, along with the Bengalis, were the sole educated and enterprising segment of an otherwise feudal and illiterates that made up Pakistan. Bengalis, being in East Pakistan, the Mohajirs dictated the course of Pakistan.
Mohajirs are primarily Sunni Muslims, though some are Shi'a. However, most Mohajirs' primary identity is not religious but revolves around their "outsider" status. Competition with native Sindhis has defined Mohajirs' political and economic situation in Pakistan more than any other factor. Sindhis, who have become a minority in their own province, have resented Mohajir political and economic influence in the urban centres. Furthermore, the primary Mohajir political organization was reportedly organized by the Punjabi-supported Zia government to counter the power of the Sindhi Pakistan People's Party. While in the past Mohajirs have claimed to be politically under-represented proportionately to their population or to their financial (tax) contributions, in 2006 the Muttiheda Qaumi Movement (MQM), the largest Mohajir political party, held 25 of 340 -- or approximately 7 percent of -- seats in the national legislature. Given that Mohajirs constitute approximately 8 percent Pakistan's total population, their political representation is currently proportionate to their share of the national population. The competition between Mohajirs and Sindhis has often escalated to violence, especially in Karachi. Recently, however, these two groups formed an alliance that focused discontent on the Punjabi domination.
Mohajirs are mainly represented by the MQM and its various factions. Factionalization among Mohajir groups is severe, with each party claiming its own territory in Karachi. In the past, violence between MQM factions often exceeded violence between Mohajirs and the government or Mohajirs and other ethnic groups. Despite political factionalization, Mohajirs share a relatively strong group identity. The MQM and its factions are also generally held responsible for the extreme levels of violence in Karachi although MQM routinely denies charges of terrorism. During 2004-2006, most of the violence involving Mohajirs came in the context of clashes between members of the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organization (APMSO) and members of Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT). Police have frequently arrested Mohajir leaders and members and regularly harassed activists at MQM functions and participants in APMSO riots
.
Originally founded as a student organization in 1978, the MQM declared itself a political party in 1986 and has since become increasingly adept at playing the political game. Initially preferring to forge alliances with the non-Sindhi Pakistan Muslim League (the party of Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf), the MQM has branched out to form alliances with the Sindh nationalist Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz party and Baluch and Pashtun nationalist parties. In 1998, Mohajir, Baluch, Pashtun and Sindh parties allied to form the Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM), which seeks to challenge Punjab hegemony in Pakistan's political life. Another group that represents Mohajirs, Sindhis and Baluchis is the Grand Democratic Alliance. Possibly as a result of these new alliances, violence in Karachi hit a low in 2000 after being in decline for several years. However, these alliances remain fragile, and nothing is to prevent MQM political maneuvering. Additionally, the MQM and its rival faction, MQM-H (splintered off in 1992) still engage in violent combat over territory and legitimacy.
Currently, Mohajir discontent is focused on the return of self-rule for the Sindh province. A major player in the provincial assembly since local elections were first held in 1988, the MQM lost political leverage when the Sharif government dismissed the provincial legislature and imposed direct rule in 1998. They have since regained some of that leverage following the reinstatement of provincial, National Assembly, and Senate elections in 2001, though many ethnic groups in Pakistan and the international community regard the elections as deeply flawed. Mohajirs also lobby for increased resources to be devoted to Sindh urban centers. Karachi has a population of more than 12 million and population growth that is double the rest of the country. The city's population has rapidly grown to outstrip any and all available resources and infrastructure. Mohajirs have consistently protested since the 1980s for increased access to political and economic resources until peaking in 1995. Protest activity has trailed off in recent years. In the past, they also resorted to armed struggle, though, again, violence against state authorities has not occurred in recent years. One of their political tactics of choice is the strike (which they have in the past enforced with snipers). The strikes often resulted in property damage and numerous injuries and deaths of MQM activists, civilians and police. The Mohajirs primarily wage their political campaign alone, without support from transnational sources.
Risk Assessement
There is a rebellion in Pakistan by Mohajirs and it present risks to Pakistan.
Mohajirs have a history of protests. They have a high group cohesion and have been subjected to repression by the Pakistan govt and treated as second class citizens.
Unlike before, there has been a marked drop violent incidents after 2001 to 2006, the MQM, the party that represents the Mohajirs, will hardly abandon violence if the need arises. Currently, they are in the Coalition.
Mohajirs are a highly organised lot and despite factionalism, they are a force to reckon with especially in the urban centres, like Karachi, in the Sindh province. They have been the target for repression of all govts, be it the Bhutto government or that of Nawaz Sharif or Musharraf (even though he is a Mohajir!).
The Mohajirs have a strong sense of political and economic grievance, and their history demonstrates their unwillingness to be ignored. Karachi and the well-being of Mohajirs are intrinsically related. Until the Pakistani government can alleviate the social, economic and political problems plaguing its major city, Mohajir grievances cannot be addressed.
However, it is their in-fighting that dilutes their cause. Intracommunal violence has taken more Mohajir lives that those in confrontation with the various govt of Pakistan. While prior to 2001 inter-communal fighting between Mohajirs and Sindhis was a significant problem, these two ethnic groups have since been able to build a political alliance, reducing tension. However, clashes between Mohajirs and Islamists have been a problem in recent years.
Summary
Mohajir means refugee and they are people who migrated to Pakistan from India after the Partition. They are concentrated in the province of Sindh and mainly in the urban areas. Urdu is their language, which their influence after Independence impacted on Pakistan and was adopted as Pakistan's national language. Their influence in the Pakistan's administration, justice system, educational institution, economy and bureaucracy is immense, since they, along with the Bengalis, were the sole educated and enterprising segment of an otherwise feudal and illiterates that made up Pakistan. Bengalis, being in East Pakistan, the Mohajirs dictated the course of Pakistan.
Mohajirs are primarily Sunni Muslims, though some are Shi'a. However, most Mohajirs' primary identity is not religious but revolves around their "outsider" status. Competition with native Sindhis has defined Mohajirs' political and economic situation in Pakistan more than any other factor. Sindhis, who have become a minority in their own province, have resented Mohajir political and economic influence in the urban centres. Furthermore, the primary Mohajir political organization was reportedly organized by the Punjabi-supported Zia government to counter the power of the Sindhi Pakistan People's Party. While in the past Mohajirs have claimed to be politically under-represented proportionately to their population or to their financial (tax) contributions, in 2006 the Muttiheda Qaumi Movement (MQM), the largest Mohajir political party, held 25 of 340 -- or approximately 7 percent of -- seats in the national legislature. Given that Mohajirs constitute approximately 8 percent Pakistan's total population, their political representation is currently proportionate to their share of the national population. The competition between Mohajirs and Sindhis has often escalated to violence, especially in Karachi. Recently, however, these two groups formed an alliance that focused discontent on the Punjabi domination.
Mohajirs are mainly represented by the MQM and its various factions. Factionalization among Mohajir groups is severe, with each party claiming its own territory in Karachi. In the past, violence between MQM factions often exceeded violence between Mohajirs and the government or Mohajirs and other ethnic groups. Despite political factionalization, Mohajirs share a relatively strong group identity. The MQM and its factions are also generally held responsible for the extreme levels of violence in Karachi although MQM routinely denies charges of terrorism. During 2004-2006, most of the violence involving Mohajirs came in the context of clashes between members of the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organization (APMSO) and members of Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT). Police have frequently arrested Mohajir leaders and members and regularly harassed activists at MQM functions and participants in APMSO riots
.
Originally founded as a student organization in 1978, the MQM declared itself a political party in 1986 and has since become increasingly adept at playing the political game. Initially preferring to forge alliances with the non-Sindhi Pakistan Muslim League (the party of Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf), the MQM has branched out to form alliances with the Sindh nationalist Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz party and Baluch and Pashtun nationalist parties. In 1998, Mohajir, Baluch, Pashtun and Sindh parties allied to form the Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM), which seeks to challenge Punjab hegemony in Pakistan's political life. Another group that represents Mohajirs, Sindhis and Baluchis is the Grand Democratic Alliance. Possibly as a result of these new alliances, violence in Karachi hit a low in 2000 after being in decline for several years. However, these alliances remain fragile, and nothing is to prevent MQM political maneuvering. Additionally, the MQM and its rival faction, MQM-H (splintered off in 1992) still engage in violent combat over territory and legitimacy.
Currently, Mohajir discontent is focused on the return of self-rule for the Sindh province. A major player in the provincial assembly since local elections were first held in 1988, the MQM lost political leverage when the Sharif government dismissed the provincial legislature and imposed direct rule in 1998. They have since regained some of that leverage following the reinstatement of provincial, National Assembly, and Senate elections in 2001, though many ethnic groups in Pakistan and the international community regard the elections as deeply flawed. Mohajirs also lobby for increased resources to be devoted to Sindh urban centers. Karachi has a population of more than 12 million and population growth that is double the rest of the country. The city's population has rapidly grown to outstrip any and all available resources and infrastructure. Mohajirs have consistently protested since the 1980s for increased access to political and economic resources until peaking in 1995. Protest activity has trailed off in recent years. In the past, they also resorted to armed struggle, though, again, violence against state authorities has not occurred in recent years. One of their political tactics of choice is the strike (which they have in the past enforced with snipers). The strikes often resulted in property damage and numerous injuries and deaths of MQM activists, civilians and police. The Mohajirs primarily wage their political campaign alone, without support from transnational sources.
anoop_mig25
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thanks ejazr and thakur_ritesh for reply. i want to ask is sindhi a religion in itself.(i mean do this people have their own beliefs /god or they follow hinduism/buddishm/islamic). or its included as one of the derivative of hinduism/islamic. was there any thingh as such sindhi religion
Neil
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yes i mean to say if criminal are not brought to justice than become criminals and give yourself justice...i cant let my family being slathered and the people who did that sit across the border and enjoy....i will give them the same taste....
and please dont act like GoI geek talking about consequences we all know there will be....but its better to bleed at one time than bleed for 60 years
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You are talking about revenge, not justice. Revenge and rage turns one blind - makes it hard to distinguish between innocent and guilty and brings you down to the same level of disgrace.
I think if we all wish for war, we will soon have war, but apparently that is not the case.
S.A.T.A
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Sindhi/Sindhis are an ethno-linguistic groups,like Punjabi's or Kashmiri's.Like Punjab or Kashmir,being a frontier province and long exposure to Mohammedan rule Sindh and its inhabitants,who were mostly Hindus,today are majority Muslims and nearly all of them live in Pakistan's Sindh province.There are about 5 million Sindhi Hindus left and over half them live in India(after they fled Pakistan)
Neil
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i think SATA has already given you an answer so.....
have never talked of targeting pakistani civilians but people like hafiz saeed[a civilian] is targeted by our govt than its no harm....
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Sindhis are Hindus as also Muslims.
The Hindu Sindhis also follow the Guru Granth Sahib!
johnee
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Pakistan can be balkanised into 3 entities: Pakjab(including the seriakis), Sindh, and Balochistan. FATA(the frontier region) was never really a part of Pakistan in real sense. Its a fiefdom of tribal leaders. POK is also not Pakistan. It is controlled by Pakistan. Once, Pakistan is balkanised, then Pakistan loses the control of POK. But it does not mean that we will gain the control of POK because we have the cunning chinese ready to grab it.
But the crucial point is that Pakistan wont collapse on its own. Their army(dominated by sunni pakjabis) will commit genocides of its people belonging to other regions, ethinicities and sects, but wont allow any splintering. Bangladesh is the classic case. Even now, Balochistan witnesses the repeat of what happened in Bangladesh. And meanwhile the Superpower and the supposed Futurepower blink and nod. It is incumbent on India to bring about the collapse of Pakistan, even if India has to temporarily go against the axis of superpower and futurepower.
The question is how do we do it? Should we take recourse to overt war or would covert war be best? Should we use economics or should we use diplomacy?
Ideally, we should use the combination of all these tactics. Sama, dana, bedha and danda....
We can/should be able to befriend all those factions that are run down by the sunni pakjabi army of pakistan. We should cultivate them against PA. We can use our economics and diplomatic tools here.
We can/should be able to exploit the cracks within the Pakistani society based on ethinicities, regions and sects.
We can/should be able to develop covert abilities to strike within Pakistan and eliminate the terror masterminds and ISI/PA masterminds.
We need to be able to use our diplomacy and economics to induce other countries to stop aiding and sponsoring Pakistan. Countries like Saudi Arabia, US or China that fund Pakistan must be convinced that India is not happy with such funding. If not completely stopping the funds, atleast the funds must be reduced greatly. If India succeeds even partly in this, then Pakistan would be much closer to its demise.
But the demise wont happen until we give them the last 'dakka'. Without India's 'dakka', Pakistan collapse wont be 'pakka'. I think, If India keeps itself ready, then time presents certain opportunities that need to be seized. 26/11 was one such opportunity. If India had retaliated with limited strikes at strategic locations, then the world would have supported us. Pakistan, inspite of its bravado, would not have escalated it. It was clear that, in the immediate aftermath of 26/11, everyone(including Pakistan) thought that Indian retaliation was certain. Everyone was trying to soften India with words of support. Pakistan promised to send its ISI chief to cooperate. But as soon as everyone realised that the GOI is too weak and wont do anything, everyone started their usual BS. India failed to seize that opportunity. If it had used that time to carry out some immediate, calculated, strikes(aerial or otherwise), then it would have served several purposes:
1) The first message is 'enough is enough', India wont tolerate anymore.
2) India will hold Pakistan responsible and accountable for its terrorism and will respond with adequate force. Complete rejection of 'non-state actors' and such pervert theories.
3) India calls the nuclear bluff.
4) India calls the bluff of PA and takes the sheen of PA.
The 4th point is the most important. Pakistan is held together by PA. One thing that is drilled into Pakistanis is that however corrupt PA maybe, it is the only institution that stop the big bad India from taking over Pakistan. PA is presented as the last fort of Islam to the people of Pakistan. This image is extremely important for PA. This image helps PA to rule from behind the curtains, it helps them to loot greatest share of budget of Pakistan, it helps them to cover up their failure to protect the country from terrorism, and it helps them to shirk the accountability and responsibility. In short, this image is the key to unraveling PA and therefore to Pakistan. So, to balkanise Pakistan, PA needs to be humiliated. PA's only humiliation is a defeat in Indian hand. Everything else can be explained to the people and will be excused, but a defeat in Indian hands can neither be explained nor will it be excused. That is the reason why PA tries to spin every war with India as a win. It cannot afford a defeat. The problem is the PA is so desperate that it will spin any conflict as its victory. PA even tried to explain the Kargil's debacle and partly succeeded. PA was truly defeated by India only once, according to Pakistan, that was in 71. Now, this fact can never be spinned. Because the defeat was sealed in loss of land. So, PA is defeated by India was India makes Pakistan suffer a loss of land by striking at PA. The amount of land may not be important.
If India had taken a limited portion of POK as a justified retribution to 26/11, then PA would have been in some real soup. Even now, the next time the opportunity presents itself, India must be ready to take over some part that Pakistanis see as belonging to them and hold it. That will be last few of the 'dakkas'...
But the crucial point is that Pakistan wont collapse on its own. Their army(dominated by sunni pakjabis) will commit genocides of its people belonging to other regions, ethinicities and sects, but wont allow any splintering. Bangladesh is the classic case. Even now, Balochistan witnesses the repeat of what happened in Bangladesh. And meanwhile the Superpower and the supposed Futurepower blink and nod. It is incumbent on India to bring about the collapse of Pakistan, even if India has to temporarily go against the axis of superpower and futurepower.
The question is how do we do it? Should we take recourse to overt war or would covert war be best? Should we use economics or should we use diplomacy?
Ideally, we should use the combination of all these tactics. Sama, dana, bedha and danda....
We can/should be able to befriend all those factions that are run down by the sunni pakjabi army of pakistan. We should cultivate them against PA. We can use our economics and diplomatic tools here.
We can/should be able to exploit the cracks within the Pakistani society based on ethinicities, regions and sects.
We can/should be able to develop covert abilities to strike within Pakistan and eliminate the terror masterminds and ISI/PA masterminds.
We need to be able to use our diplomacy and economics to induce other countries to stop aiding and sponsoring Pakistan. Countries like Saudi Arabia, US or China that fund Pakistan must be convinced that India is not happy with such funding. If not completely stopping the funds, atleast the funds must be reduced greatly. If India succeeds even partly in this, then Pakistan would be much closer to its demise.
But the demise wont happen until we give them the last 'dakka'. Without India's 'dakka', Pakistan collapse wont be 'pakka'. I think, If India keeps itself ready, then time presents certain opportunities that need to be seized. 26/11 was one such opportunity. If India had retaliated with limited strikes at strategic locations, then the world would have supported us. Pakistan, inspite of its bravado, would not have escalated it. It was clear that, in the immediate aftermath of 26/11, everyone(including Pakistan) thought that Indian retaliation was certain. Everyone was trying to soften India with words of support. Pakistan promised to send its ISI chief to cooperate. But as soon as everyone realised that the GOI is too weak and wont do anything, everyone started their usual BS. India failed to seize that opportunity. If it had used that time to carry out some immediate, calculated, strikes(aerial or otherwise), then it would have served several purposes:
1) The first message is 'enough is enough', India wont tolerate anymore.
2) India will hold Pakistan responsible and accountable for its terrorism and will respond with adequate force. Complete rejection of 'non-state actors' and such pervert theories.
3) India calls the nuclear bluff.
4) India calls the bluff of PA and takes the sheen of PA.
The 4th point is the most important. Pakistan is held together by PA. One thing that is drilled into Pakistanis is that however corrupt PA maybe, it is the only institution that stop the big bad India from taking over Pakistan. PA is presented as the last fort of Islam to the people of Pakistan. This image is extremely important for PA. This image helps PA to rule from behind the curtains, it helps them to loot greatest share of budget of Pakistan, it helps them to cover up their failure to protect the country from terrorism, and it helps them to shirk the accountability and responsibility. In short, this image is the key to unraveling PA and therefore to Pakistan. So, to balkanise Pakistan, PA needs to be humiliated. PA's only humiliation is a defeat in Indian hand. Everything else can be explained to the people and will be excused, but a defeat in Indian hands can neither be explained nor will it be excused. That is the reason why PA tries to spin every war with India as a win. It cannot afford a defeat. The problem is the PA is so desperate that it will spin any conflict as its victory. PA even tried to explain the Kargil's debacle and partly succeeded. PA was truly defeated by India only once, according to Pakistan, that was in 71. Now, this fact can never be spinned. Because the defeat was sealed in loss of land. So, PA is defeated by India was India makes Pakistan suffer a loss of land by striking at PA. The amount of land may not be important.
If India had taken a limited portion of POK as a justified retribution to 26/11, then PA would have been in some real soup. Even now, the next time the opportunity presents itself, India must be ready to take over some part that Pakistanis see as belonging to them and hold it. That will be last few of the 'dakkas'...
houde10000
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If you are living in greenhouse, don't try to throw stone on your neighbor!!!
Indian is smart, should know it. Does India has any majority nation? religious? language? how many people killed every year because of religiou conflicts? Caste is fully gone from indian life? Is there any Maoism Campaign? Is there any seperatism campaign in India? how many state look for independence?
Indian supported tibetan riot, provided military supply and base for tibetan terrorists to attack chinese army, government, kill innocient civilians, and India also provided air base for CIA airdrop spy guerrillas and weapon in chinese tibetan region in 1960s, 70s. Have indian thought about chinese revenge? It is easy for China to provide military trainning, weapon, money, base for indian seperatist, but so far, chinese is so restraint, have not done anything on India!!! Pakistan is chinese blood brother for half century, i don't think chinese will trade their brother for any reason in future, so collapse Pak is only indian pipedream.
Indian is smart, should know it. Does India has any majority nation? religious? language? how many people killed every year because of religiou conflicts? Caste is fully gone from indian life? Is there any Maoism Campaign? Is there any seperatism campaign in India? how many state look for independence?
Indian supported tibetan riot, provided military supply and base for tibetan terrorists to attack chinese army, government, kill innocient civilians, and India also provided air base for CIA airdrop spy guerrillas and weapon in chinese tibetan region in 1960s, 70s. Have indian thought about chinese revenge? It is easy for China to provide military trainning, weapon, money, base for indian seperatist, but so far, chinese is so restraint, have not done anything on India!!! Pakistan is chinese blood brother for half century, i don't think chinese will trade their brother for any reason in future, so collapse Pak is only indian pipedream.
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The rest of your post contains too much BS to warrant a response, but this is the ultimate BS. Pakistan is China's blood brother?? LOL, what shared culture does China and Pakistan have? How man Pakistanis speak Mandarin? How many Chinese can speak Urdu? How many Chinese know the difference between Indian and Pakistani food, or do you just call all South Asian food Indian like the rest of the world? How many Chinese listen to Pakistani songs and watch Pakistani movies, compared to Indian songs and Bollywood, which are popular around the world? How many Chinese Muslims are there compared to Chinese Buddhists (which is an Indian religion)?
The point is, China and Pakistani are not brothers in any sense of the world. The Sino-Pak relationship is purely strategic, on a government-to-government level. The average Chinese doesn't give a shit about Pakistan; I've met enough Chinese people to verify that. The CCP uses Pakistan like a condom; it serves their interest for a while, but its fate is to be eventually thrown away.
The CCP is probably regretting its decision to ally with Pakistan. When China began the relationship back in the 60s, Pakistan was ahead of India in several areas. No one expected it to become the shithole that it is now. Pakistan is too unstable for anyone to approach it as a viable ally. China may try to prevent Pakistan's collapse by supporting the central government in Islamabad, but that's all it can do. Chinese influence on the Pakistani population as a whole is nil (as I said before, there is no cultural relationship or great understanding between the two nations). If it is the will of the Balochis, Pashtuns, and Sindhis to seperate from Pakjab, China can do nothing about it except watch and regret their decisions 50 years ago.
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^^To anyone reading my post, I apologize for my rather crude analogy comparing Pakistan to a condom, but I can think of nothing better to represent a country like Pakisthan.
BunBunCake
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This is a bunch of bull.
Why do you have to worry about India's caste system?
To answer your *question*, there are no states in India that seek Independence.
More ****. Did India also pay the Dalai Lama to lobby against China?
You're to speak about how patient China is. Who was the aggressor in 1962?
Half century???!??! :balle:
Where'd you get that from?
。。。。。。。。。。。not Yet？？
dineshchaturvedi
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Pakistan will survive but their problems with religious extremism will help India. I think their terror card is breathing last breath.
