Naxals/Maoists Watch

[ajtr]

Action Plan to Deal with Maoist Insurgency--- Some Suggestions

By B. Raman

1. Start a crash programme for the development of road and telecommunications infrastructure in the entire tribal belt of Central India. The Chinese realised that without effective road and rail communications, the internal security will be weak. They poured billions of dollars into infrastructure development programmes in the areas with internal security vulnerabilities. If one has only one usable road in a district, it will be unfair to blame the police for using the same road for their to and fro movements.

2. Provide effective security to road construction engineers and workers. They will become the target of attacks by Maoists to disrupt the construction.

3. It will be futile for the present to undertake operations to free the so-called liberated zones from the control of the Maoists. The State will incur large casualties without making headway. Prevent the terrorists from expanding the "liberated zones" which they have already set up by strengthening the State's presence and control in the areas where the Maoists have not yet been able to make inroads. The programme for the prevention of the expansion of the "liberated zones" should provide for physical security enhancements and a development-cum-humanitarian component to address the grievances and needs of the inhabitants. Maintenance of internal security and prompt identification and redressal of grievances should go hand in hand. Strengthen the grievances redressal machinery in the areas still under the State control.

4. Every district in the tribal belt should have two Additional Collectors. One should focus exclusively on internal security and the other exclusively on development and grievances redressal. They should work under the overall supervision of the Collector.

5. Undertake a programme for the rapid expansion of the police presence and capacity in the tribal areas still under the control of the State. Widely scattered police stations with small strengths will be counter-productive. Have a smaller number of well-located and well-connected police stations with substantial strengths and a good communications network. Issue mobile phones to all police station staff to facilitate quick communications. Connect all police stations with each other and with the District Police Headquarters through video-conferencing link-ups.

6. Prepare an urgent database of the modus operandi used by the Maoists in different incidents for setting off landmines, explosive devices and booby-traps. The Maoists are learning their modus operandi and skills not from the Internet and from Al Qaeda and other jihadi terrorist groups. They are learning them by studying the MO used by the Chinese PLA, by the Vietcong in Vietnam, by the Pathet Lao in Laos, by the White Flag Communists in Myanmar, by the Communists in Malaya and by the Maoists in the Philippines and Nepal. The jihadis' MO are urban-specific for use in urban conglomerations. The Maoists' MO are jungle-specific. They are making effective use of material available in the jungles for their booby-traps. Update this data-base after every incident and create widespread awareness of these MO in the police force. Teach the police force appropriate techniques for countering these MO.

7. The Maoists are building up their holdings of hand-held weapons through successful raids on police stations and armouries. It is a matter of serious concern that they are repeatedly able to do it. Enhance physical security in all police establishments where weapons are kept. Hold officers in charge of armouries responsible and take action against them every time the Maoists launch a successful raid for the capture of arms and ammunition.

8. Don't make an unintelligent foray into Maoists "liberated zones" and strongholds and get trapped. Think of ways of trapping the Maoists by goading them into attacking the strongholds of the State and be prepared to inflict heavy casualties on them when they do so.

9. Think of ways of preventing the flow of essential articles like rice etc into the Maoists "liberated zones" and strongholds in order to starve them.

10. Set up an Auxiliary Intelligence Corps like the Territorial Army or the Auxiliary Air Force. It should consist of part-time volunteers for intelligence collection by people in other professions who want to or are willing to help the intelligence agencies. Their links with the intelligence agencies must be protected by making the training of short duration and one-to-one instead of in a class where everyone becomes aware of the identities of others. After the training, give them mobile telephones and instruct them as to how to remain in touch with their controlling officers in guarded SMS messages using domestic codes. Pay them well---- a certain amount unrelated to their production of intelligence plus an additional amount for each piece of useful intelligence collected by them. They should be capable of operating autonomously without the need for frequent briefings by their controllers. This would be the State's answer to the sleeping cells of the insurgents.

11. Decimation operations inside the "liberated zones" should be centrally planned and implemented without the local formations taking the initiative for such operations. In this way, operational security could be better maintained.

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: [email protected])

 

[Agantrope]

Graced in diguse, Indo- Muslim Unity

Pitched battle over 'people's war' at JNU

NEW DELHI: The Jawaharlal Nehru University campus became a battleground on Friday night when members of disparate student organizations clashed over what was seen as an attempt to support the Naxalites and 'celebrate' the massacre of 76 CRPF men.

The National Students Union of India (NSUI), Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Pari-shad (ABVP) and Youth for Equality (YFE) came together to allege that a campus function by the JNU Forum Against War on People was used by Maoist supporters to celebrate the Dantewada killings. But the organizers said the meeting was only meant to oppose Operation Green Hunt launched by the government.

The NSUI national general secretary, Shaikh Shahnawaz, recalled: "Members of Democratic Students Union (DSU) and All India Students Association (AISA) organized a meeting to celebrate the killing of 76 CRPF personnel in Chhattisgarh. They were even shouting slogans like 'India murdabad, Maovad zindabad'. How can this be allowed inside a Central university?"

To oppose the holding of the function, NSUI and ABVP activists took out a march to the venue where a clash broke out among the students. "How can an administration let anti-India activities take place? Such organizations which celebrate the death of security personnel should be banned, just like SIMI was," said a PhD scholar from Tapti Hostel, Bharat Kumar.

The university administration said no permission had been taken to organise the meeting. Condemning the incident, vice-chancellor B B Bhattacharya said: "By organizing such a meeting at this point of time when the nation has lost 76 precious lives is very insensitive on their part. Moreover, they have not taken any permission, which is a typical JNU attitude of defying rules just for the sake of it. Now that they managed to get the desired provocation, the campus will see a series of ritualistic protests to seek media attention, which is unfortunate. A few students and our security received minor bruises."

Samar Pandey, a member of the JNU Forum Against War On People, said that permission had been taken for the meeting. "NSUI and ABVP students tried to disrupt the meeting against 'Operation Green Hunt' and misbehaved. We took permission and pasted our pamphlets," he said.

Interestingly, this issue has brought together arch-rivals ABVP and NSUI against DSU and AISA while Students Federation of India (SFI) is seen taking a neutral stand though a few of its activists were spotted with the ABVP-NSUI alliance. YFE has been carrying out a candlelight vigil since the Dantewada day to salute the martyrs while NSUI and ABVP will now observe an anti-Naxal week on the campus.

Meanwhile, the assistant dean of students, Sachidanand Sinha, said: "We will not allow peace on campus to be disrupted. We will take suitable action on Monday."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...er-peoples-war-at-JNU/articleshow/5783093.cms

 

[Agantrope]

This mother has a lot more sons like this. Any SOTB will be rested below the ground.

CRPF jawan loses vision, but not heart

NEW DELHI: He might have lost his eyesight but not the courage to fight. On Saturday, when Aditya Singh, 21, was told he might never see ever again, the CRPF constable insisted he wanted to return to the Dantewada forests to fight the Maoist rebels.

"I want to meet them one more time. They have physically injured me, but my spirits have not died just yet," said Aditya from his hospital bed. The constable from Jarol village in UP's Bulandshar district is one of the two jawans of the 62nd CRPF battalion who survived Thursday's attack in which 76 policemen were killed.

A senior doctor said Aditya had "lost complete sight in his left eye...has partial vision in the other...but may not be able to see for the rest of his life."

Aditya, who has two small children, said he was injured when a bullet hit his AK-47.

Recalling the early morning ambush in Dantewada in Chattisgarh, Aditya Singh (21) a CRPF constable and a father of two small children, said, "We were returning to our base around 6am when the Maoists attacked us. I fired 120 rounds at them."

"One of their bullets grazed past my face, but I was not bothered. But a bullet hit my loaded AK-47 magazine. It exploded in my face. I lost consciousness," he recalled the attack. "When I regained my senses, I was in terrible pain. Six hours later, the rescue party found me and took me to hospital. Doctors said the ultras had tried to gouge out my eyes to make sure I didn't survive."

According to Ajay Chaturvedi, the CRPF spokesperson, Aditya joined the paramilitary forces three years ago. "He was seriously hurt in the attack and was admitted to a hospital in Raipur. But as his condition deteriorated, his eyes needed to be operated upon urgently. After the doctors there said they did not have the facilities for such a complicated operation we decided to shift him to Delhi. He was underwent surgery at AIIMS the same night," Chaturvedi told Times City.

A team of doctors under the supervision of Dr Tushar Agarwal, assistant professor, ophthalmology, AIIMS, conducted the reconstructive surgery of both eyes on Friday night. "We have conducted the primary repair surgery for the right eye and the reconstructive surgery of the left eye. He has lost vision in his left eye and attempts are on to restore sight in the right eye," said a doctor with the AIIMS ophthalmology department. "When we first assessed his condition, we found his left eyeball missing. The rear of the retina in the right eye was severely damaged. There was detachment of the retina."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...-vision-but-not-heart/articleshow/5783125.cms

 

[ajtr]

Dynasty vs government

The brutal massacre of over 75 security personnel by the Maoists in Chhattisgarh’s Dantewada district is a pointer to two things: one, the men in uniform are ill-prepared for their challenges, and two, there is a strange inconsistency between official assessments of the growing Maoist threat and the political will backing those assertions. Both the prime minister and the home minister have minced no words in calling a spade a spade. While Manmohan Singh has called the Maoists the biggest security threat to the country, P Chidambaram has promised tough action to deal with it. But here’s the point: months after launching Operation Green Hunt, it is not clear who’s hunting whom. The Maoists have been more successful in intimidating the state — aided by a cacophony of phony human rights advocates — than the other way around. It is the security forces who are being hunted and eliminated.

What explains this gap between thought and action? The answer lies in the complete lack of will at the top of the political pyramid. This means Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh or Chidambaram. Given the extremely secretive nature of the Manmohan Singh-Sonia-Rahul Gandhi interface, it is not possible to conclusively prove this, but it is reasonable to presume that Sonia is not actively backing the government in its anti-Maoist campaign.

We certainly haven’t heard a single Sonia statement on Maoism that backs the official stand of her government. At best we have had non-descript statements deploring violence — something similar to what the human-rightswallahs mumble when confronted with the latest Maoist atrocities. In her last statement before the Jharkhand polls, Sonia said “there is no place for violence in a democracy” — a motherhood statement at best. Her son Rahul blamed non-Congress governments for the Maoist violence, neatly deflecting the issue.

This reluctance to back their own government on a hard policy issue is in sharp contrast to the way the dynasty hogs all credit for the aam aadmi schemes implemented by the UPA government. From NREGA to farm loan waivers to extending coverage under the food security bill, Sonia and Rahul are seen to be driving the government’s actions. They vanish whenever there is talk of an oil price hike or action against Maoists.

There is some political method to this madness. A substantial chunk of the future vote bank of the Congress lies in the tribal belts where missionaries are active. This is also the area where the Maoists rule. But we do not hear of any clashes or even tensions between the soldiers of god and the mercenaries of Mao. On the other hand, we do have a case of a Maoist claiming “credit” for murdering a Hindu religious leader who was also doing missionary work in the tribal areas of Kandhamal — a traumatic event that triggered a terrible massacre of Christian tribals in retaliation. So what’s the nexus?

It is interesting to note that the jholawala sympathisers of the Maoists have attacked the Government of India and the states for their anti-Maoist operations. They have criticised local resistance groups like the Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh, but not Sonia or Rahul. One thing is starkly clear. The Manmohan Singh government’s main job is not to do right by the country, but by the dynasty. As long as the decisions taken are politically acceptable to Sonia and Rahul, it’s fine. But when political capital has to be expended in the long-term interests of the country, the family will be far away. What else explains the reluctance of Rahul Gandhi to join the government when the PM was more than willing to give him a chance? The decision to decline power gives him obvious advantages: the media tom-toms this as a great sacrifice, something that proves that the Gandhis are not power-hungry. Actually, they are only wary of accountability.

It is not surprising that the government chose this moment to resurrect the National Advisory Council (NAC) under Sonia Gandhi — an unnecessary appendage and extra-constitutional authority that inhibits real accountability in government. The official reason given for reviving NAC is that the party needs to monitor the implementation of its pro-poor programmes. Wouldn’t it have been simpler to appoint Rahul as programme implementation minister? But then he would have become accountable to Parliament and even the PM. Horror or horrors. How can a member of the dynasty be accountable to a mere PM or the legislature?

The dynasty is internally playing the same role in UPA-2 that the Left was doing in UPA-1: demanding power without an iota of responsibility. Sonia and Rahul are involved only in the spending decisions that will presumably ensure re-elections. They are stonewalling or opposing the harder decisions that true governance calls for. You never hear a Sonia or a Rahul talking about fiscal prudence, targeting subsidies better, implementing reforms, or public sector autonomy. This does not serve their political purposes.

Let’s be clear. Manmohan Singh is the dynasty’s fall guy. He had better watch out.

 

[ajtr]

Dynasty vs government

The brutal massacre of over 75 security personnel by the Maoists in Chhattisgarh’s Dantewada district is a pointer to two things: one, the men in uniform are ill-prepared for their challenges, and two, there is a strange inconsistency between official assessments of the growing Maoist threat and the political will backing those assertions. Both the prime minister and the home minister have minced no words in calling a spade a spade. While Manmohan Singh has called the Maoists the biggest security threat to the country, P Chidambaram has promised tough action to deal with it. But here’s the point: months after launching Operation Green Hunt, it is not clear who’s hunting whom. The Maoists have been more successful in intimidating the state — aided by a cacophony of phony human rights advocates — than the other way around. It is the security forces who are being hunted and eliminated.

What explains this gap between thought and action? The answer lies in the complete lack of will at the top of the political pyramid. This means Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh or Chidambaram. Given the extremely secretive nature of the Manmohan Singh-Sonia-Rahul Gandhi interface, it is not possible to conclusively prove this, but it is reasonable to presume that Sonia is not actively backing the government in its anti-Maoist campaign.

We certainly haven’t heard a single Sonia statement on Maoism that backs the official stand of her government. At best we have had non-descript statements deploring violence — something similar to what the human-rightswallahs mumble when confronted with the latest Maoist atrocities. In her last statement before the Jharkhand polls, Sonia said “there is no place for violence in a democracy” — a motherhood statement at best. Her son Rahul blamed non-Congress governments for the Maoist violence, neatly deflecting the issue.

This reluctance to back their own government on a hard policy issue is in sharp contrast to the way the dynasty hogs all credit for the aam aadmi schemes implemented by the UPA government. From NREGA to farm loan waivers to extending coverage under the food security bill, Sonia and Rahul are seen to be driving the government’s actions. They vanish whenever there is talk of an oil price hike or action against Maoists.

There is some political method to this madness. A substantial chunk of the future vote bank of the Congress lies in the tribal belts where missionaries are active. This is also the area where the Maoists rule. But we do not hear of any clashes or even tensions between the soldiers of god and the mercenaries of Mao. On the other hand, we do have a case of a Maoist claiming “credit” for murdering a Hindu religious leader who was also doing missionary work in the tribal areas of Kandhamal — a traumatic event that triggered a terrible massacre of Christian tribals in retaliation. So what’s the nexus?

It is interesting to note that the jholawala sympathisers of the Maoists have attacked the Government of India and the states for their anti-Maoist operations. They have criticised local resistance groups like the Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh, but not Sonia or Rahul. One thing is starkly clear. The Manmohan Singh government’s main job is not to do right by the country, but by the dynasty. As long as the decisions taken are politically acceptable to Sonia and Rahul, it’s fine. But when political capital has to be expended in the long-term interests of the country, the family will be far away. What else explains the reluctance of Rahul Gandhi to join the government when the PM was more than willing to give him a chance? The decision to decline power gives him obvious advantages: the media tom-toms this as a great sacrifice, something that proves that the Gandhis are not power-hungry. Actually, they are only wary of accountability.

It is not surprising that the government chose this moment to resurrect the National Advisory Council (NAC) under Sonia Gandhi — an unnecessary appendage and extra-constitutional authority that inhibits real accountability in government. The official reason given for reviving NAC is that the party needs to monitor the implementation of its pro-poor programmes. Wouldn’t it have been simpler to appoint Rahul as programme implementation minister? But then he would have become accountable to Parliament and even the PM. Horror or horrors. How can a member of the dynasty be accountable to a mere PM or the legislature?

The dynasty is internally playing the same role in UPA-2 that the Left was doing in UPA-1: demanding power without an iota of responsibility. Sonia and Rahul are involved only in the spending decisions that will presumably ensure re-elections. They are stonewalling or opposing the harder decisions that true governance calls for. You never hear a Sonia or a Rahul talking about fiscal prudence, targeting subsidies better, implementing reforms, or public sector autonomy. This does not serve their political purposes.

Let’s be clear. Manmohan Singh is the dynasty’s fall guy. He had better watch out.

 

[ajtr]

We have reached the turning point

If there is one thing we are all agreed on, it is this: last week’s ambush of a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) party by the Maoists which left around 76 soldiers dead must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. No matter which side of the political divide you are on — right-wing hardliner or radical jholawallah — the violence is indefensible.
But I wonder if we fully recognise the consequences that will inevitably flow from the ambush. Whatever happens next will not be very pleasant.
In every complicated political situation, there is usually a turning point, a stage when people say ‘enough is enough’. I suspect we have now reached that point. Till now, many educated Indians have been ambivalent about the government’s offensive against the Maoists for a variety of reasons. Many believe that there must be a better way of handling the revolt.
Now, even those who have been reluctant to whole-heartedly endorse the military offensive will concede that there is no alternative.
Of course, it is a tragic and terrible thing for a government to use force against its own people. But there comes a time when a government has to assert itself. Otherwise, its authority simply fades away.
Public pressure can force a State to be more reasonable or flexible. But we cannot expect it to voluntarily abdicate its authority. If the violence reaches an unacceptable level, if the State’s own forces are being massacred with impunity, then the government has no choice: it has to assert its authority with all the might at its command.
Because we depend on the State’s authority for the maintenance of law and order and our own security, we react badly when this authority is flouted. Our insecurity leads to rage and anger.
That accounts for the intolerance we have witnessed over the last few days. This explains why people like Ravi Shankar Prasad (speaking presumably in his capacity as BJP’s chief spokesman) demand action against anyone who sympathises with the Maoist cause. Prasad is not alone. The public anger is now palpable.
Ironically, Maoist sympathisers have lost out because of the actions of the Maoists themselves. Activists frequently make the point that the issue is one of mining rights. In their view, adivasis are being chased away from their homes only so that corporate fat-cats can get at the minerals beneath the soil.
This may or may not be a valid point of view but nobody is listening any longer. By murdering soldiers in cold blood, the Maoists have settled the argument. India is now ranged on the other side and in this battle between us (the State and its citizens) and them (the Maoists) the complexities of the larger problem have been forgotten.
Though terrorism and insurgencies often inflict serious damage on the State and its agencies in the early years of the conflict, history has taught us that in the long-run, the Indian State always wins. No matter whether it is Nagaland, Naxalbari or anywhere else, it is impossible for revolutionaries/ insurgents/terrorists (pick the one you like) to match the immense resources of the State.
Until the battle is resolved, however, the ones who suffer the most are the very people the revolution/insurgency is supposed to benefit. Because the State knows no other way of fighting insurgencies, security forces routinely raid villages, arrest innocent men, kill bystanders and unleash a reign of terror.
Initially, the insurgents argue that all this will work in their favour: “The army is ensuring that the ordinary people turn against it.” But in the long-run — whether in Punjab or in Mizoram — ordinary people tire of being trapped in an endless conflict and public sentiment inevitably turns against the militants.
The State knows this. And it is prepared to wait.
In recent years, Indian policy makers have been strengthened in their resolve to fight violent revolutionaries by the example of Nepal. When the Maoists started mobilising in the Nepali hinterland, the regular police fled and closed down their police stations.
The Indian government tried to persuade the Nepali authorities to use the army to crush the Maoists. The Nepalis were reluctant. So, India helped Nepal raise a paramilitary force called the Armed Police. When this force proved inadequate, India urged Nepal to reconsider using the army before it was too late.
The Nepalis lacked the political will to reach a decision and eventually the Maoists came to virtually dominate that country.
India is not Nepal. But we have learnt the lesson of that experience. Our policy makers will not make the same mistakes. Our Maoists will be crushed no matter how long it takes the Indian State to do this.
But there are deeper questions surrounding the Maoist revolt that need to be answered. It is fashionable now to say that the adivasis have gained nothing since Independence. And to some extent, the figures speak for themselves.
The scheduled tribes number 85 million people in India (though that figure includes those in the North-east, where the situation is entirely different). Some estimates suggest that adivasi lands constitute up to 20 per cent of India’s entire territory. But something like 2/3rds or more of all adivasis are still illiterate.
Hence, say some activists, the poor adivasis have no choice but to turn to the Maoists because the Indian State has failed them.
Actually, it is not that simple. Take the case of the Harijans (Dalits, if you like), who have been at the bottom of the social pyramid for centuries. Post-Independence, we offered Harijans and adivasis the same sorts of things: affirmative action, seats reserved in Parliament, etc. Because they were concentrated in certain areas, adivasis could swing elections in a way that Harijans could hardly ever do. Two new states — Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh — are adivasi-dominated.
So why is it that the Harijans have accessed the political system, have thrown up the likes of Mayawati and have successfully demanded the attention of the Indian State while the adivasis are still seen as helpless victims?
Put it another way: why is the same system that empowers Harijans regarded as so useless by so many activists that they claim that the adivasis have no choice but to support those who commit murder in their names?
It is an important question and I have still to hear a convincing answer.
So, as I said at the beginning, the future is not bright. The State will retaliate and it will do so with the full support of the Indian people. There will be massive collateral damage and blood will be shed. Innocents will die and the conflict will escalate.
Sadly, I do not see an alternative. There may be ways of reaching out to the tribals, bypassing the Naxalites. But all that will have to wait. First, the State must reassert the rule of law. Then, it will finish off the Maoists. And only then, will we tackle the serious issue of social justice. As regrettable as this is, the Maoists have left us with no choice.
The views expressed by the author are personal

 

[ajtr]

Pitched battle over 'people's war' at JNU

NEW DELHI: The Jawaharlal Nehru University campus became a battleground on Friday night when members of disparate student organizations clashed over what was seen as an attempt to support the Naxalites and 'celebrate' the massacre of 76 CRPF men.

The National Students Union of India (NSUI), Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Pari-shad (ABVP) and Youth for Equality (YFE) came together to allege that a campus function by the JNU Forum Against War on People was used by Maoist supporters to celebrate the Dantewada killings. But the organizers said the meeting was only meant to oppose Operation Green Hunt launched by the government.

The NSUI national general secretary, Shaikh Shahnawaz, recalled: "Members of Democratic Students Union (DSU) and All India Students Association (AISA) organized a meeting to celebrate the killing of 76 CRPF personnel in Chhattisgarh. They were even shouting slogans like 'India murdabad, Maovad zindabad'. How can this be allowed inside a Central university?"

To oppose the holding of the function, NSUI and ABVP activists took out a march to the venue where a clash broke out among the students. "How can an administration let anti-India activities take place? Such organizations which celebrate the death of security personnel should be banned, just like SIMI was," said a PhD scholar from Tapti Hostel, Bharat Kumar.

The university administration said no permission had been taken to organise the meeting. Condemning the incident, vice-chancellor B B Bhattacharya said: "By organizing such a meeting at this point of time when the nation has lost 76 precious lives is very insensitive on their part. Moreover, they have not taken any permission, which is a typical JNU attitude of defying rules just for the sake of it. Now that they managed to get the desired provocation, the campus will see a series of ritualistic protests to seek media attention, which is unfortunate. A few students and our security received minor bruises."

Samar Pandey, a member of the JNU Forum Against War On People, said that permission had been taken for the meeting. "NSUI and ABVP students tried to disrupt the meeting against 'Operation Green Hunt' and misbehaved. We took permission and pasted our pamphlets," he said.

Interestingly, this issue has brought together arch-rivals ABVP and NSUI against DSU and AISA while Students Federation of India (SFI) is seen taking a neutral stand though a few of its activists were spotted with the ABVP-NSUI alliance. YFE has been carrying out a candlelight vigil since the Dantewada day to salute the martyrs while NSUI and ABVP will now observe an anti-Naxal week on the campus.

Meanwhile, the assistant dean of students, Sachidanand Sinha, said: "We will not allow peace on campus to be disrupted. We will take suitable action on Monday."

 

[nandu]

Maoists warn of more Dantewada-type attacks

The CPI-Maoist on Sunday warned of more Dantewada-type attacks on security forces if the Centre carried on with the anti-Maoist offensive even as it expressed sympathy for the families of the 76 jawans killed and offered compensation.

In a letter faxed to media houses here, the banned organisation said it would carry out more attacks similar to Dantewada and asked the security forces not to take part in operations directed against it.

"Else the consequences will be bad for them," the letter warned. The CPI-Maoist expressed sympathy for the aggrieved families of the deceased and said it was ready to compensate them.

"We also want people to come out and offer financial aid to them." The Maoists also asked people to support their fight and stop acting as 'informers' to the security forces.

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/maoists-warn-of-more-dantewadatype-attacks/604595/

 

[Agantrope]

Compensation!!! uh... ask them to atleast develop the area under their control. Now it is clearly evident that they are nothing but another power hungry party oops.. Terrorists

 

[jayadev]

Dantewada effect? CRPF 'suspends' anti-Maoist drive in Bastar

RAIPUR: The Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) has suspended the anti-Maoist campaign in Chhattisgarh's forests following the massacre of 75 troopers, state police sources said Monday.

"That attack has shocked the CRPF men in Bastar," a high level source in the Chhattisgarh Police told IANS. Reached over telephone in Jagdalpur town, a CRPF officer refused to comment.

"I cannot say yes, I cannot say no (to what you are saying)," the officer told IANS. "You may talk to our people in Delhi."

Sources in the Chhattisgarh Police said while their men were continuing search operation against Maoists in the sprawling forested area of Bastar, the CRPF was not giving them the usual support - for now.

"The anti-Maoist operation has been hit hard after the killing of 75 CRPF troopers April 6," the police source said. "For the time being they are in their camps. No operation from CRPF is on in the jungles now," the source said.

"I hope the CRPF will soon get over the setback and join the police for intensified combing of the forests," the source said.

Seventy-five CRPF personnel and a lone Chhattisgarh policeman were slaughtered by Maoist guerrillas in the forests of Dantewada district in Bastar region April 6 in the worst attack of its kind in India.

Since then, CRPF personnel have complained to journalists, on the condition of anonymity, that weapons provided to them are of poor quality and that some of their camps even lack drinking water.


Among the main CRPF camps are Pollampalli and Dornapal in Dantewada district and Chote Donjar in Narayanganj district.

Bastar region, where the Communist Party of India-Maoist runs a de facto state, covers around 40,000 sq km of mostly forested area inhabited mainly by triabes.

According to official sources, 14 CRPF battalions are deployed in Chhattisgarh. Thirteen of them are based in Bastar in the south while one battalion is in the northern district of Surguja bordering Jharkhand.

Meanwhile, the Chhattisgarh government has raised the ex-gratia payment for government employees and police personnel from Rs.5 lakh to Rs.15 lakh.

The ex-gratia amount will be in addition to a group insurance cover amounting to Rs.10 lakh for each government employee and policeman posted in Maoist-infested area.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Dantewada-effect-CRPF-suspends-anti-Maoist-drive-in-Bastar/articleshow/5787765.cms

 

[Rage]

The latest I'm hearing from the campus bluffs is that an anti-Naxal forum has been formed at the JNU (this is for you Dark Prince) by a trilateral convergence of the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and Youth for Equality (YFE). There were some scuffles with the members of the All India Students’ Association (AISA) and Democratic Students Union (DSU), who the students alleged were 'celebrating' the massacre of the CRPF troops, but who for their part maintained that they were only coming out in opposition against "Green Hunt". The anti-Naxal forum has gone on a massive overdrive to convince students to come out in solidarity with the CRPF, and to coerce the JNU administration against granting permission to any future DSU-AISA activities.

 

[Pintu]

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Dantewada-fallout-CRPF-to-be-split/articleshow/5799132.cms

Dantewada fallout: CRPF to be split
TNN, Apr 14, 2010, 02.55am IST

NEW DELHI: Following the massacre of 75 CRPF men in the Maoist attack in Dantewada last week, the Centre has decided to speed up restructuring of the paramilitary force by bifurcating it into two parts with one earmarked for ‘soft duties’ like general law and order and the other being kept for ‘tough’ assignments like counter-insurgency and anti-Naxal operations.

Although the exercise had begun two months ago with 10 battalions of CRPF being separated for general law and order duties, it has now been decided to speed up the process keeping in view increasing deployment of the force in Naxal-affected states.

A senior home ministry official said, “Once the bifurcation is complete, the CRPF’s character will change from a ‘force for all seasons’ to ‘specialised’ one. Almost half the battalions will be kept exclusively for hard duties.”

Currently, CRPF — the largest paramilitary force in the country — has 206 battalions. Though it has a small specialised unit in the form of Rapid Action Force (RAF) for riot control duties, the personnel from the main unit also have to take part in such duties on demand.

 

[jayadev]

Rethink counter-Maoist strategy: Digvijay Singh to P Chidambaram

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Rethink-counter-Maoist-strategy-Digvijay-Singh-to-P-Chidambaram/articleshow/5800173.cms

 

[jayadev]

Maoists worst human rights offenders: study

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/maoists-worst-human-rights-offenders-study/113291-37-64.html?from=tn

 

[nandu]

Night trials of UAVs in Chhattisgarh

In the aftermath of the Dantewada massacre of 76 security personnel by the naxals, authorities here have begun night trials of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) to equip security forces with real—time information of targets.

The trial held at the grounds of Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College here started on Wednesday and continued till early this morning during which the security experts gauged the machine's feasibility during temperature variations, at various heights and in detection of landmines.

The UAV known as T—MAV (Micro Air Vehicle) is a compact machine manufactured by 'Honeywell' and weighs around 10 kg.

The company claims that its deployment and stowing operations can be accomplished in less than five minutes.

Sources said the services of UAVs, which have been used by U.S. forces to track down Taliban militants, are urgently required as the forces engaged in anti-naxal operations need real-time information to achieve greater success.

The UAVs can go up to a height of 10,000 feet, fly at a speed of 70 km per hour and can provide 240 minutes of sensor imagery to the ground station.

The night—long trial also saw its use in detecting people in pitch dark and dense forests. In certain cases of detecting mines, the UAV could not pick up signals properly and only showed some disturbance on the surface.

The trial attended by officials from Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand, besides an officer from the Ministry of Home Affairs, put the machine through a rigorous examination and took it to various hilly terrains as well as roads to check for hidden improvised explosive devices (IEDs) using heat sensors.

A company official, while briefing the Central and state representatives, said the machine's advanced reconnaissance and situational awareness functions would be critical in protecting troops.

With its vertical take off facility, the UAV, already deployed and helping American troops in their fight against Taliban in Afghanistan, can provide advanced reconnaissance, security and surveillance functions for troops on the ground in various operational terrains.

The Government had decided to use the UAV's following last week's killing of 76 security personnel so that there was enough technical intelligence gathering, image capturing and detailing of topography of the terrain to the forces going into operations against Left—wing extremists.

Kanker, about 175 km from state capital Raipur, is situated in the North Bastar district and is known for its Jungle Warfare School run by the Army where personnel of paramilitary forces are also trained in guerrilla warfare.

http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article397904.ece?homepage=true

 

[Pintu]

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com...ht-Naxals-Chidambaram/articleshow/5813663.cms

Dantewada a wake up call, need for resolve to fight Naxals: Chidambaram
15 Apr 2010, 2252 hrs IST,PTI

NEW DELHI: Home Minister P Chidambaram on Thursday said the Dantewada massacre was a "wake up call" for the country and asked for a collective resolve to defeat the Maoists, whose aim was to seize political power.

"Let us have no illusions about what they (Naxals) want. It is seizure of political power. The People's Liberation Guerrilla Army will be converted into People's Liberation Army," said Chidambaram replying to a day-long debate in the Lok Sabha, which saw opposition targeting the Congress-led coalition over "division" within itself on tackling the issue.

"Naxals call this war. They call us enemies. They call this hallowed hall (Parliament) a pigsty," he said.

Dismissing reports that the 76 slain personnel of the CRPF were caught napping by the Naxals, the minister said they died fighting, having killed eight Maoists.

"If this tragedy is not a wake up call, then nothing can wake up this country and this Parliament," he said.

Turning emotional, the home minister said in a choked voice that he had resigned owning moral responsibility in the wake of the massacre, but Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi had rejected it reposing confidence in him.

"I will continue leadership to the ministry of home affairs and the paramilitary forces," declared Chidambaram, saying the tragedy should "make us more determined, resolute and fearless" in dealing with the adversary.

Noting that the report of the one-man inquiry into the Naxal attack would be available to the government by April 24 or 25, he said, "we will draw conclusions and lessons" from it.

He also said that the Centre would give Rs 35 lakh to each of the bereaved family of the CRPF men and a job to a member. The process would be completed by the month-end. This, he said, would be in addition to the compensation provided by the state government, which could range from Rs 5 lakh to Rs 15 lakh.

In Rajya Sabha too, day-long discussions was held on the issue amid frequent adjournments.

"We will overcome. It will be the triumph of the idea of India," Chidambaram said, adding that it was necessary to know the type of adversary the country was facing and it was the nation's duty to stand by the jawans.

"Let us understand the nature of the Naxal challenge and not fall prey to some romantic version of a Left wing movement," he said, adding "I have no fear. I do not fear the Naxals."

Asking the house not to pass any judgment on the Dantewada massacre till the probe report was available, Chidambaram said the preliminary investigation into the incident has indicated that "something terribly went wrong."

Asserting that development and police action (in Naxal-affected areas) should go hand in hand, the home minister scotched to nip the controversy that the Centre was unmindful of the socio-economic reasons and was treating the Maoist menace as only a law and order problem.

Noting that the Centre alone cannot be blamed for the lack of development in Naxal belts, Chidambaram had a dig at the Left-ruled West Bengal wondering how one can hold the Union government responsible for "no development in Lalgarh in the last 30 years."

He regretted that many states do not spend the funds the Centre allocated for various development schemes.

The home minister said he had offered every chief minister total support in what they do to maintain law and order, control the Naxal menace, and for development.

Recalling the meeting of chief ministers of Maoist-affected states, Chidambaram said they had all agreed to the proposed action plan to solve the Naxal problem and he offered to meet each of them individually to seek their consent for implementation of the plan.

The Centre, he said, had decided to carry out anti-Naxal operations in states under the directions of the respective DGPs and chief ministers.

And in the case of inter-state operations, it would be carried out under directions of special DG of CRPF in coordination with DGPs of respective states, he added.

On the suggestion of some members to engage other paramilitary forces for anti-Naxalite operations, Chidambaram said, the CRPF is the only reserve force that can fight Naxalites and perform other functions like election duties and peace keeping in riot affected areas.

The other paramilitary forces like ITBP, BSF and Assam Riffles are primarily border guarding forces, the minister said.

"We have only CRPF for Naxal operations. Recently Indian Army has helped us and trained 25 battalions of CRPF. About 25,000 men were trained. home ministry is setting up 20 training schools", he said.

Responding to the suggestion of Lalu Yadav (RJD) and Mulayam Singh Yadav (SP) for an all party meet to discuss Naxal menace, Chidambaram said he would consult the Prime Minister.

Chidambaram described the word "Operation Green Hunt" as a figment of imagination and said the government had never used words like "enemy" and "war" against Maoists.

He said, "there is no Operation Green Hunt...Why do media make this myth and lie that there is something (called) Operation Green Hunt?"

The home minister also said the government has never used words like "enemy" and "war" against the Maoists and added that these words are used by them in their literature.

 

[jayadev]

Opposition with Centre on Maoists; are UPA & Cong with it: Jaitley

NEW DELHI: The Opposition on Thursday used the political differences in the Congress to question the Manmohan Singh government's seriousness in the
ongoing anti-Naxal operations. Participating in a discussion on the Dantewada massacre in the Rajya Sabha on Thursday, Opposition leader Arun Jaitley said: `` The UPA government wasted its first five years by neither understanding the problem, nor suggesting a solution. The Maoist activities grew in this period.

When the present home minister took over, we had some hope that he, at least, understood the problem. But the developments in the last five days have saddened us. Saddened not because our security forces suffered a temporary setback, but because in the middle of a battle, which this nation cannot afford to lose, we find that the home minister is crippled by his own party and colleagues.''

Former Union minister Yashwant Sinha said almost the same thing in the Lok Sabha, while initiating the debate on the massacre. `` The Opposition is with the government in this fight against Naxals. But is the Congress and UPA with the government in this fight,'' he asked.

Referring to AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh's edit page article in ET, the senior BJP leader alleged that he had `` challenged the entire policy of the government on Maoist menace. He (Mr Singh) is talking about collective responsibility and when a senior leader, an office-bearer of AICC, makes such a challenge, he not only challenges the home minister, but the entire government,'' Mr Sinha said.

`The C ongress g eneral s ecretary says the home minister has intellectual arrogance. It is development, not security action, which will fight Maoists, he maintains. Mani Shankar Aiyar agrees with him, and Mamata Banerjee says there are no Maoists in Lalgarh. She has called for suspending the joint operations . She has further called for arresting the West Bengal chief minister,'' Mr Jaitley told the Rajya Sabha.

Mr Jaitley alleged that it was Congress which had become a liability in the battle against Maoists. `` The Congress party has been infiltrated with half-Maoists , who do not indulge in violence but justify acts of Maoists. The home minister must ignore them,'' he said.

Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, participating in the debate in the Lok Sabha, asked the home minister to exhibit more firmness in dealing with Naxalites. He demanded that the government adopt a twopronged approach: shakti (tough response ) coupled with suvidha (basic facilities to develop Naxal-hit areas). His suggestion was endorsed by Congress' Charandas Mahant, but he also blamed the BJP -led Chhattisgarh government for leading the state to the edge of a precipice.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Opposition-with-Centre-on-Maoists-are-UPA--Cong-with-it-Jaitley-/articleshow/5814672.cms

 

[bhramos]

Maoists tracked CRPF men for three days before ambush

Aman Sethi
JAGARGUNDA: Around 300 Maoists tracked CRPF personnel for three days in the Tarmetla jungles before the April 6 ambush, in which 75 CRPF men and eight Maoists were killed, according to Ramanna, secretary of the South Bastar regional committee of the CPI(Maoist) and architect of the attack.

In a rare interview, conducted in the Jagargunda forests in Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district, Ramanna alias Ravula Srinivas gave a detailed account of the planning and execution of the attack. If true, his version offers an insight into Maoists' intelligence and military capabilities.

"Our lookouts spotted trucks carrying tents, cement and food supplies on April 3. On the same day, we also spotted about 15 CRPF soldiers moving between the Chintalnar and Chintagupha camps, but we didn't have enough numbers to mount an ambush," he said.

The Maoists withdrew to the forests and lay in wait for the patrol party. It spent three days roaming the jungles surrounding the CRPF camp in Chintalnar before withdrawing to the villages near the main road for dinner. "They would stop for a few hours to eat and rest before going back into the jungle," Ramanna said.

On the night of April 4, the Maoists set up an ambush deep in the forests, but the force managed to avoid it. Instead, as reported previously by TheHindu, the force carried out a search operation near Tumnar (also known as Thokul) near Tarmetla.

"By April 5, we realised that the force was mainly patrolling the areas near the main Chintalnar-Dornapal road and decided to ambush the road instead," said Ramanna. At 3 a.m. on April 5, the Maoists received information that the force was near Mukram.

At 5 a.m. on April 6, three Maoist companies (about 300 fighters) surveyed the main road and decided to attack from a hillock two km from Mukram. At 5:30 a.m., the CRPF personnel left Mukram and reached the site of the attack by 5:50 a.m.

"The CRPF spotted our fighters near the main road and opened fire," Ramanna said, contradicting reports that the patrol party was attacked first. "We opened fire from a Light Machine Gun (LMG) set up at the base of the hillock and started suppressive fire from the top of the hillock."

Under the cover of LMG fire, two groups of Maoists to the left of the CRPF moved on to the main road, forcing the CRPF jawans to move into a wide field adjacent to the road, while another company — hidden in the vegetation at the far end of the field — flanked the CRPF from the right.

Caught between three distinct groups of fighters from the road on their right, the field on their left and the hillock straight ahead, the CRPF personnel perished in a hail of gunfire.

http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/17/stories/2010041761300100.htm

 

[ajtr]

Naxals support Govt-run PDS scheme

PTI | Raipur

The much-criticised public distribution system is the only fledgling Government scheme which seems to have escaped the red terror in the dense forests of Bastar region where Naxal writ runs large.

The PDS which faces flak in the rest of the country for its loopholes has faced just 33 attacks in last 10 years in the districts of Bastar, Dantewada, Narayanpur and Bijapur with none since 2008 and maximum of 25 during the year 2002.

In Chhattisgarh, which remains the hotbed of Naxals in the country, any other government scheme has failed to break into the Naxal stronghold as schools, panchayats, hospitals, bridges, roads are being blown up by left wing extremists, a senior district administration official in Bastar said.

The scheme has managed to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the far-flung districts as it provided 35 kilograms of rice at Re 1 to each member (maximum of four members) of below poverty line families of this region.

Chief Secretary of the state P Joy Ommen told PTI that Chhattisgarh has the best PDS system in the country and deaths from hunger are bare minimum.

Police officials, however feel the scheme has been successful in the state because of the patronage of the Naxals who do not want to disturb cheap and effective supply of rations.

"They (Naxals) are attacking every move of development made in this region be it roads, schools, panchayat buildings but they do not touch the ration coming from the PDS. The reasons are simple, they manage to get away with their share of this ration from tribals
which in turn helps them to sustain in jungles," a senior police official said.

There are many cases where Naxals come to tribal villages soon after PDS supply arrives and get a share of ration supplies from each home, they said.

"Moreover, Naxals do not want to disturb their support base among tribals by attacking this scheme as it is a major source of food safety among tribals," said the officials.

When asked whether they are going to take any action against Naxals who come to collect rations, a senior police official replied in negative, saying that even the police were interested in smooth flow of the scheme.

"We do not want to take any action against them getting away with rations as it will adversely affect the tribal population which is dependent on it. However, we are keeping a strict monitoring in the areas where tribal population is rare so that food supplies do not reach the left wing extremists," he said. In few cases where the food was exclusively meant for Maoists, the items had been intercepted, he said.

 

[Rage]

Here we go again:


Maoists blow up four buildings in Bihar

The Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres blew up a school, a community hall and two health centres at Sarodag village in Kaimur District on April 10, reported Times of India. Maoist leaflets were also found at the site.

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/detailed_news.asp?date1=4/12/2010&id=6#6