Chinese Premier's vist to India

[no smoking]

No clear support for India's Security Council seat.

China already said that, no need to repeat.

Nothing on Mumbai blast.

China has no say on this case.

Nothing on Pak export of terrorism.

China has the same opinion as US: there is terrorism in Pak but Pak gov has no control over them.

No real concession to Indian to even the trade deficit.

If you want to sell us sth, you need to provide sth we need!

No firm commitment on India's demand for great access to the Chinese Market.
[/LIST]

At least, I didn't hear any indian company's bid was cancelled by china because some kind of security reason.

 

[Ray]

China already said that, no need to repeat.

Speaking on foreign soil and in the country that is affected, carries more conviction than speaking on issues in domestic circumstances as an aside!

China has no say on this case.



China has the same opinion as US: there is terrorism in Pak but Pak gov has no control over them.

Not quite.

The US has said Pakistan must rein in their terrorists!

Huge difference.

If you want to sell us sth, you need to provide sth we need!

What is sth?

At least, I didn't hear any indian company's bid was cancelled by china because some kind of security reason.

Who knows?

India speaks upfront.

China does everything underhand. See all her foreign policy actions. Never directed. Everything by inference.

 

[Ray]

Beijing not playing ball, say diplomats

SANKARSHAN THAKUR

New Delhi, Dec. 17: For all his verbal grandstanding on the formidable potential of India-China friendship in the emerging new world, Premier Wen Jiabao departed for Islamabad today leaving New Delhi a little lost on whether its concerns really bothered Beijing.

Indians may have put across their annoyance with the Chinese on a whole range of bilateral and regional issues by refusing, for the first time in years, to commit themselves on paper to a "One China" outlook, the code for accepting Tibet as an integral part of the northern neighbour.

But while that may amount to no more than an academic taunt to the Chinese — even those who think the omission of "One China" in the joint communiqué as significant are quick to add the caveat that it makes no real difference to China's suzerainty over Tibet — what worries New Delhi is China's blunt refusal even to recognise Pakistan as an exporter of terror to India.

"The message to India should be clear," said a top diplomat from an Asian neighbour of China. "China isn't playing ball, if it is playing any games here it is playing from the Pakistani side. Perhaps India was wrong even to expect any change there, where was the groundwork?"

The Pakistanis, predictably, were chuckling as they prepared to receive Wen.

"You got lost in minute administrative issues like stapled visas," a Pakistani mission official said: "The Chinese operate at that level too, but not when a leader of the stature of Wen is visiting, you seemed to lose sight of the big picture that is emerging."

He would not go into what that might be, but he added, tongue-in-cheek: "The big picture on the subcontinent as far as China is concerned has been clear for a while. And the Wen visit only confirmed where Chinese interests lie."

Misgivings about how the Chinese have conducted themselves with India bilaterally and geopolitically were not for leader of Opposition Sushma Swaraj alone to raise.

While she brought up the Chinese silence on 26/11, the status of Arunachal Pradesh and the issue of stapling visas in a meeting with Wen today, seasoned diplomats began to question whether New Delhi had prepared well enough for the visit.

"Did Wen come to India merely because he expressed a desire to, or did we do our homework before agreeing to host him?" asked a retired Indian ambassador. "Such visits should be able to achieve something, what was there in it for us? Wen came and went and we did not even get so much as a word on terrorism from him, that should have been our chief working concern with him."

Another former ambassador, G. Parthasarathy, raised the more fundamental issue of what it is that India could have hoped to achieve with a Wen visit. "Look, Wen represents a leadership that is on its way out in less than two years, they are not even in a position to make substantive promises to us, if at all, they can't deliver even if they wished to."

Parthasarathy spoke of China's "increased regional and global arrogance", particularly after the recession that left the West weakened, and said: "The bottomline is China respects power, not friendship. It is its policy to contain India and it is using Pakistan for that quite unabashedly. This visit is proof of that.

"We have to now exhibit power to them. We have to gain more economic muscle, we have to upscale our conventional and nuclear deterrence in the years to come. I think we did well to be present at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony despite the Chinese frowning. But if we have to do all of this, we need a broad and long-term policy framework that we do not seem to have."

To add to disappointed noises already made by two former foreign secretaries — Kanwal Sibal and Salman Haider, both of whom thought India got little out of the visit — a seasoned diplomat and former ambassador to the US said: "China has been openly belligerent and patronising of India. They remain insensitive to Indian concerns because they have their own to pursue.

"Deng (Xiaoping) said a long time ago that the 21st century cannot become an Asian century unless China and India shake hands. China has long moved on from that position, we are still stuck on it because we have not been imaginative enough to change with changing times."

Making a strong case for "homework that makes us outcome-oriented", the diplomat illustrated India's laggard responses by turning to President Hu Jintao's 2005 speech on the Chinese navy's blue water ambitions.

"We never seemed to take note of that, but what Jintao said way back is only becoming obvious in Chinese naval aggression in the seas around us," he said.

He also thought India should have been sagacious enough not to reveal its "little victory" in having avoided any obeisance to One China. "These are negotiating weights you play with in diplomacy," he argued. "It does not always serve to have them in public play."
Little Bo Beep

Nothing unusual. It was only hot air grandstanding with diplomatic doublespeak!

The only silver lining is that India has clearly stated its stand for the first time that the One China idea is bogus and patently false and contrived.

This shows that India is no longer willing to bend backwards to assuage Peking.

This is no academic taunt. It is a well thought out action since China values in not 'losing face' and that too when they are present in situ and in this case, it was a high dignitary of China!

India is moving in the right direction.

Friendship, sure! But on equal terms respecting each other's sensitivity and not expect it to be a one way street.

China requires our money.

Let the one who pays the piper call the tune! So goes the English saying.

 

[Ray]

India more assertive with China, but not enough

While India was prepared to talk tough on some issues, crucial issues like disparity in trade and China's support to Pakistan and border issues have not been dealt with adequately during Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's visit, says strategic expert B Raman

India has begun being more assertive against China than it was till the end of last year, but not yet in an adequate measure so as to be able to make an impact on Chinese policy-making towards India.

That is the conclusion emerging from a study of the joint statement issued at the end of the talks between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao in New Delhi on December 16.

In my earlier articles, I had drawn attention to two instances of welcome Indian assertiveness against China -- firstly, ignoring Beijing's unhappiness over the visit of the Dalai Lama to Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh earlier this year and secondly, attending the ceremony held in Oslo on December 10 to award in absentia the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo, a Chinese human rights activist now in jail in China, ignoring Chinese entreaties and pressure tactics not to do so.


A third instance of welcome Indian assertiveness could be read between the lines while analysing the joint statement. The standard formulation that India adheres to the one China policy and recognises Tibet as an integral part of China has been absent. The statement issued during Wen's previous visit to Delhi in April 2005 had said: "The Indian side reiterated that it recognised the Tibet Autonomous Region as part of the territory of the People's Republic of China and that it did not allow Tibetans to engage in anti-China political activities in India."

India was among the first countries to recognise that there is one China and its one China policy remains unaltered. The Indian side stated it would continue to abide by its one China policy. The Chinese side expressed its appreciation for the Indian positions.

The latest statement does not incorporate any such assurances to China. This is an expression of Indian unhappiness over the Chinese coming out in recent months in indirect support of Pakistani claims of sovereignty over Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, including Gilgit and Baltistan, while diluting its post-1999 support to Indian claims of sovereignty over Jammu & Kashmir.

China's reluctance to support us on the issue of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism is a flea bite. We need not lose sleep over it. But, its abandoning the neutral policy followed by it after 1999 on Indian and Pakistani claims of sovereignty over J&K has been a serious development with likely long-term consequences and it is time we made it clear that if China does not respect India's territorial integrity, India is no longer bound to respect China's.

That is the hint that India has hopefully conveyed to Beijing by not agreeing to incorporate the usual formulations on the so-called One China policy and Tibet.

We should not stop with this. We should move further forward by having a second look at our Tibetan policy, including our interactions at the official level with the Dalai Lama. There was a welcome surge in Tibetan demonstrations in Delhi during the visit of Wen. This is a hopeful indicator that in future Indian attention to Chinese sensitivities will be in direct proportion to Chinese attention to Indian sensitivities.

The bilateral economic relations continue to move forward. Contracts worth $16 billion were signed during the visit. It was decided to try to increase the value of bilateral trade from $60 billion expected by the end of this year to $100 billion by 2015. Unfortunately, the economic relations have been moving forward in a direction more favourable to Chinese than Indian interests.

The adverse balance of trade in India's disfavour ($19 billion) continues to increase despite repeated Chinese assurances to redress it.

China has benefited enormously from the bilateral economic relations. Expectations that this could render Beijing more amenable to solving the border dispute and more sensitive to India's major concerns over the growing China-Pakistan axis continue to be belied. The China advocated policy of keeping the border dispute in cold storage while paying more attention to the economic relations is proving to be detrimental to India.

Due to the uncertainties caused by Beijing in the Arunachal Pradesh sector by further developing its infrastructure in the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region and by holding two exercises by the People's Liberation Army (Air Force) in Tibet this year - one of them involving the suspected movement of missiles by the Qinghai-Lhasa railway and the other involving air-ground exercises with live ammunition at high altitudes by combined units of the Air Force and the Artillery -- India has been forced to spend more on the development of the infrastructure in the north-east.

At the same time, the lack of progress in solving the border dispute in this area has come in the way of the economic integration of Arunachal Pradesh with the rest of India.

By increasing its presence in the Gilgit-Baltistan area, China has added to the strategic threats in our Leh-Kargil sector, which would necessitate greater attention to the development of infrastructure in this sector at a time when we still seem to be struggling to develop the infrastructure and our defence capabilities in the Arunachal Pradesh sector.China has benefited enormously from the bilateral economic relations. Expectations that this could render Beijing more amenable to solving the border dispute and more sensitive to India's major concerns over the growing China-Pakistan axis continue to be belied. The China advocated policy of keeping the border dispute in cold storage while paying more attention to the economic relations is proving to be detrimental to India.

Due to the uncertainties caused by Beijing in the Arunachal Pradesh sector by further developing its infrastructure in the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region and by holding two exercises by the People's Liberation Army (Air Force) in Tibet this year - one of them involving the suspected movement of missiles by the Qinghai-Lhasa railway and the other involving air-ground exercises with live ammunition at high altitudes by combined units of the Air Force and the Artillery -- India has been forced to spend more on the development of the infrastructure in the north-east.

At the same time, the lack of progress in solving the border dispute in this area has come in the way of the economic integration of Arunachal Pradesh with the rest of India.

By increasing its presence in the Gilgit-Baltistan area, China has added to the strategic threats in our Leh-Kargil sector, which would necessitate greater attention to the development of infrastructure in this sector at a time when we still seem to be struggling to develop the infrastructure and our defence capabilities in the Arunachal Pradesh sector.China has benefited enormously from the bilateral economic relations. Expectations that this could render Beijing more amenable to solving the border dispute and more sensitive to India's major concerns over the growing China-Pakistan axis continue to be belied. The China advocated policy of keeping the border dispute in cold storage while paying more attention to the economic relations is proving to be detrimental to India.

Due to the uncertainties caused by Beijing in the Arunachal Pradesh sector by further developing its infrastructure in the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region and by holding two exercises by the People's Liberation Army (Air Force) in Tibet this year - one of them involving the suspected movement of missiles by the Qinghai-Lhasa railway and the other involving air-ground exercises with live ammunition at high altitudes by combined units of the Air Force and the Artillery -- India has been forced to spend more on the development of the infrastructure in the north-east.

At the same time, the lack of progress in solving the border dispute in this area has come in the way of the economic integration of Arunachal Pradesh with the rest of India.

By increasing its presence in the Gilgit-Baltistan area, China has added to the strategic threats in our Leh-Kargil sector, which would necessitate greater attention to the development of infrastructure in this sector at a time when we still seem to be struggling to develop the infrastructure and our defence capabilities in the Arunachal Pradesh sector.

Our reviewing the Tibetan policy could help us in the Arunachal Pradesh sector, but not in the Kargil-Leh sector facing Gilgit-Baltistan. A review of our interactions with the nationalist elements in Xinjiang in China and in Gilgit-Baltistan is necessary in this regard.

A sustained Indian policy of paying more attention to developments in China's peripheral areas has to be an important component of our policy of assertiveness. In an article of September 9, titled "One India and One China", I wrote as follows: "Our recognition of Tibet as an integral part of China and our acceptance of the one China policy of Beijing without a quid pro quo from Beijing in the form of acceptance of J&K as an integral part of India and of the One India policy have proved counter-productive.

"In our anxiety to avoid adding to the tensions and distrust between the two countries, we have let Beijing dictate what should be the nature of our interactions with the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan refugees. We avoid open interactions with the Dalai Lama and are not even prepared to associate him with the project to revive the Nalanda University.

"Better relations with China on mutually and equally advantageous terms and not on terms which favour China alone, but not India should be our policy. A clear message in non-provocative language has to go to Beijing that India has been disillusioned by the self-centred policies of Beijing and its lack of reciprocity in respecting our core interests. Strategic relations have to be a two-way traffic and based on quid pro quo. For China, they are a one-way traffic benefiting only its core interests. We should no longer accept this."

Those observations still remain valid. That is the inevitable conclusion from the Wen visit.

Link

An indicator of the prevailing mood in India.

Enough is enough!

 

[ejazr]

Here is joint communique between India-China. You get the sense of all air and no real substance. Overall, GoI has to "manage" China until it canform a coalition and be strong enough to "tackle" it. And that woudl take atleast anotehr 5-10 years.

Joint Communiqué of the Republic of India and the People's Republic of China
1. At the invitation of H.E. Dr. Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, H.E. Mr Wen Jiabao, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, is on a State visit to the Republic of India from 15 to 17 December 2010. Premier Wen Jiabao held talks with Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and will call on Smt. Pratibha Patil, President of India. Leaders of the two countries had an in-depth exchange of views on bilateral relations and regional and international issues of mutual interest in a sincere and friendly atmosphere and reached broad consensus.

2. The two sides agreed that as the two largest developing countries in the world, India and China shoulder important and historical responsibilities of ensuring their comprehensive and sustainable economic and social development. They also make a vital contribution to advancing peace and development in Asia and in the world at large. India-China relations go beyond their bilateral scope and have acquired global and strategic significance.

3. The two sides welcome each other's peaceful development and regard it as a mutually reinforcing process. They believe that their growing relationship offers increasing opportunities to advance their cooperation. There is enough space in the world for the development of both India and China and indeed, enough areas for India and China to cooperate.

4. The two sides reviewed with satisfaction the comprehensive and rapid progress of India-China relations in the last ten years, and reaffirmed their commitment to abiding by the basic principles and consensus concerning the development of India-China relations set out in the Declaration of Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation between India and China in 2003, the Joint Statement of India and China in 2005, the India-China Joint Declaration of 2006 and A Shared Vision for the 21st Century of India and China of 2008. The two sides decided to enhance strategic communication, advance functional cooperation, broaden cultural exchanges, and deepen and enrich the India-China Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, mutual respect and sensitivity for each other's concerns and aspirations.

5. Reflecting this partnership, the two sides decided to establish the mechanism of regular exchange of visits between Heads of State/Government. They welcomed the opening of the telephone hotline between the Prime Minister of India and Chinese Premier and agreed on regular consultations between the two leaders on issues of importance to both countries. They also agreed to establish the mechanism of annual exchange of visits between the two Foreign Ministers.

6. While expressing satisfaction at the growing quantum of bilateral trade and investment ties, the two sides agreed to further broad base and balance trade and economic cooperation, and identify new opportunities to realize the vast potential for future growth. Towards this objective, the two sides:

a) Positively viewed the growing opportunities in the economic relationship and agreed to establish a Strategic Economic Dialogue to enhance macro-economic policy coordination, to promote exchanges and interactions and join hands to address issues and challenges appearing in the economic development and enhance economic cooperation.

b) Set a new bilateral trade target of USD 100 billion by 2015. The two sides agreed to take measures to promote greater Indian exports to China with a view to reduce India's trade deficit. This includes support for Indian participation in China's national and regional trade fairs, advancing of trade facilitation, enhancing exchange and cooperation of pharmaceutical supervision, stronger relationships between Chinese enterprises and Indian IT industry and speedier completion of phyto-sanitary negotiations on agro products.

c) Agreed to expand cooperation in infrastructure, environmental protection, information technology, tele-communications, investment and finance on a priority basis to draw on each other's strengths and pursue mutual benefit and win-win results. India welcomed Chinese enterprises to invest and participate in India's infrastructure development such as in roads, railways and in the manufacturing sector. The two sides agreed to encourage greater mutual investment and project contracting cooperation between businesses of the two countries, appropriately handle economic and trade frictions and differences and jointly oppose protectionism in all forms. They constituted an India-China CEO's Forum to deliberate on business issues and make recommendations on expansion of trade and investment cooperation.

d) Concluded a Memorandum of Understanding between the Reserve Bank of India and China Banking Regulatory Commission to increase banking and financial cooperation. India and China also agreed to grant permission to the banks of the other country to open branches and representative offices. Modalities will be worked out by the concerned authorities.

7. Both sides reviewed with satisfaction the celebration activities of the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of India and the People's Republic of China in 2010. The two sides declared 2011 as the "Year of India-China Exchange". The two sides further decided to encourage greater exchanges between the civil society organizations, youth, media, scholars, think-tanks, artists and cultural personalities. The two sides agreed to continue youth exchange activities in the next five years. China will invite 500 Indian youth from various fields to visit China within the year 2011. Memorandum of Understanding on Media Exchanges as well as the Programme of Cultural Exchanges between the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of India for the year 2010-2012 were signed. Both sides agreed to discuss compiling an encyclopedia on India-China cultural contacts.

8. Both sides recognized the importance of educational exchanges, including promoting wider knowledge of each other's languages. In this context, the Chinese side welcomed the decision by the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) of India to introduce Chinese as a foreign language in the curriculum of schools in India from the next academic session (April 2011). China will offer support for training Chinese language teachers and providing Chinese language training materials. The two sides declared the establishment of the India-China Outstanding College Students Exchange Programme and would work out the modalities of the Programme through consultations. To facilitate and strengthen intercollegiate and student exchanges, the two countries agreed to consider the finalization of an agreement on mutual recognition of degrees and diplomas.

9. The two sides noted the good cooperation between China and India in the field of trans-border rivers. The Indian side appreciated the flood-season hydrological data and the assistance in emergency management provided by the Chinese side. The two sides reiterated that they will promote and enhance cooperation in this field.

10. The two sides reiterated their firm commitment to resolving outstanding differences including the boundary question at an early date through peaceful negotiations. They reiterated that resolution of the boundary question is one of the ten-pronged strategies agreed by leaders of the two countries. The two sides reaffirmed their commitment to the Agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for Settlement of the Boundary Question agreed in 2005 and the process of negotiations being undertaken by the Special Representatives and resolved to actively seek a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution from the political and strategic perspective. Pending the resolution of the boundary question, the two sides shall work together to maintain peace and tranquility in the border areas in line with the previous agreements.

11. Both countries called for continued international adherence to the principles of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Kyoto Protocol including that of "common but differentiated responsibilities". Both sides also appreciated the joint efforts of India and China in the international negotiations towards arriving at fair and balanced climate agreements with the aim of further enabling the full, effective and sustained implementation of the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol according to the mandate of Bali Roadmap. Both sides appreciated bilateral cooperation in the area of mitigating and adapting to climate change and agreed to strengthen such cooperation. They welcomed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the two countries on Cooperation in Green Technologies. China appreciated India's hosting the 11th meeting of the Conference of the Parties of the Bio-diversity Convention in 2012.

12. Both sides underlined their unequivocal opposition to terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and stressed that there is no justification for any act of terrorism anywhere. They committed themselves to countering terrorism through joint efforts that include disrupting the financing of terrorism. They also recognized the need to implement all relevant UN resolutions, in particular UNSC resolution 1267, 1373, 1540 and 1624.

13. India and China, being each other's neighbour, have a shared interest in the stability, prosperity and security of the wider region. They agreed to intensify their dialogue on various aspects pertaining to this region and work together on realizing their common goals. The two sides believed that as members of the Asian family, stronger neighbourly relations and mutually beneficial cooperation between India and China help foster a peaceful and stable regional environment that promotes equality, mutual trust and mutual respect. India and China expressed their commitment to assisting Afghanistan to become a peaceful, stable, prosperous nation. They emphasized the importance of a coherent and united international commitment to Afghan-led initiatives.

14. The two sides reaffirmed their support for the multilateral cooperation mechanisms in Asia and their positive view on each other's participation in the cross-regional, regional and sub-regional cooperation processes in Asia. The two sides agreed to broaden cooperation within the framework of the East Asia Summit, the Asia-Europe Meeting, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Russia-India-China trilateral cooperation mechanism and the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Both sides agreed that EAS is making a meaningful contribution to building an open, inclusive and transparent architecture in the Asia-Pacific region. Both sides agreed to work together on projects which strengthen bonds between the peoples of East Asia. In this context, China welcomed India's efforts to revive the Nalanda University. Both sides appreciated the work of the Nalanda Mentor Group and the progress made so far. India welcomed China's contribution of US$ 1 million for the Nalanda University.

15. The two sides expressed their commitment to promoting the multilateral arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation processes. They supported the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of all nuclear weapons, and called on the international community to move forward together to achieve the goal of global nuclear disarmament, The two sides reaffirmed their firm opposition to the weaponization of and an arms race in outer space.

16. The two sides reaffirmed the importance of maritime security, unhindered commerce and freedom of navigation in accordance with relevant universally agreed principles of international law. In this context, they agreed to work together in tackling piracy in the Gulf of Aden.

17. Recognizing common interests and similar concerns on major regional and international issues, the two sides decided to enhance their coordination and cooperation in multilateral forums. China attaches great importance to India's status in international affairs as a large developing country, understands and supports India's aspiration to play a greater role in the United Nations, including in the Security Council. China welcomed India's election to non-permanent membership of UN Security Council during 2011-2012 and both countries agreed to deepen consultation within the Council. Multilateral issues such as climate change, the Doha Development Round of WTO, energy and food security, international financial and economic reform are a particular focus for closer cooperation. The two sides recognized that as the global economy stabilizes and recovers, China and India would strengthen communication and consultation within the G20 framework, jointly facilitate the improvement of global economic governance and advance economic globalization towards balanced development and shared benefits. They agreed to enhance cooperation within the BRIC framework.

18. Premier Wen Jiabao invited Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to visit China during 2011 and Prime Minister Singh accepted the invitation with pleasure. The dates of the visit will be decided through diplomatic channels.

New Delhi
December 16, 2010

 

[badguy2000]

well,

PR China's Tier1 trade partners: EU,Japan and USA. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 400 billion USD+

PR China's Tier2 trade parters: S.Korea, Taiwan,Hongkong and Asean. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 100-400 billion USD;

PR China's Tier3 trade parters: Russia, India,Brazil and Australia. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 50-100 billion USD;


However, CHina is India's top trade partner.....

Case is very simple:
Without sino-India trade, CHina's trade would still be ok;
But without Sino-india trade, India's trade would be in deep trouble.

 

[SHASH2K2]

well,

PR China's Tier1 trade partners: EU,Japan and USA. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 400 billion USD+

PR China's Tier2 trade parters: S.Korea, Taiwan,Hongkong and Asean. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 100-400 billion USD;

PR China's Tier3 trade parters: Russia, India,Brazil and Australia. the yearly trade between CHina and either of them is 50-100 billion USD;


However, CHina is India's top trade partner.....

what exactly you are trying to convey here? If India is not so important then why the hell Mr wen Jiabao is asking for more market access? why so much of cry when GOI decoded to block Hua wei and ZTE ? Go and trade with Pakistanis .

 

[badguy2000]

what exactly you are trying to convey here? If India is not so important then why the hell Mr wen Jiabao is asking for more market access? why so much of cry when GOI decoded to block Hua wei and ZTE ? Go and trade with Pakistanis .

well, what I try to convey is that India might be a important trade partners ,but not as important as some Indian guys here think.

 

[SHASH2K2]

well, what I try to convey is that India might be a important trade partners ,but not as important as some Indian guys here think.

Thats what I try to convey is that India might be a important trade partners
or may be not so important trade partner but why the hell china want to increase trade with India? Because they and you also know that in future we will be much more important than what we are now and you want a big slice of business. If we are not so important why the hell so much noise for more market access ?

 

[badguy2000]

Thats what I try to convey is that India might be a important trade partners
or may be not so important trade partner but why the hell china want to increase trade with India? Because they and you also know that in future we will be much more important than what we are now and you want a big slice of business. If we are not so important why the hell so much noise for more market access ?

.sino-india trade is not " India does a favour of CHina" or " China does a favour of India'.
it is in the common interest of the two.

For example, when Chinese companies earn money by exporting billions dollar power generators to India, India also saves big bucks by buying CHina-made power generators with concessional loans from CHinese banks.

if the deal were cut, CHinese companies could not earn money and India would pay much more interest for bank loans.

Besides, because CHina has a much bigger trade than India,any down-break of sino-india trade would have much more impact on India trade than china trade.

 

[anoop_mig25]

^^^ india is important to china because they see boom in india infrastructure market and want to capture it because they know indian private company doesnt have any expertise in it or strength to develope itself and to reduce cost they would depend upon chinese industry . also indian public enterprise are to slow to be dependable . so all talk of trades

so india is trader partner and not strategic partner as with our neighbour which has hold of strategic area

 

[Ray]

India is not important for Chinese trade.

However, the US and EU market is drying up.

China, always looking well beyond the present, sniffs fresher grass in India.

Losing trade with China would hit the cheap manufactured goods market and not the hi tech ones.

It does not matter if some cheap torch that packs up within the week is not sold in the Indian footpaths.

Hardly anything to lose sleep over!

 

[badguy2000]

India is not important for Chinese trade.

However, the US and EU market is drying up.

China, always looking well beyond the present, sniffs fresher grass in India.

Losing trade with China would hit the cheap manufactured goods market and not the hi tech ones.

It does not matter if some cheap torch that packs up within the week is not sold in the Indian footpaths.

Hardly anything to lose sleep over!

power generators and telecom facilities are hardly labeled as " the cheap manufactured goods ',which are the quite big part of sino-india trade.

Instead, the real " the cheap manufactured goods " such as shoes,toys in fact are small part of sino-india trade.

Frankly speaking, no other countries can provide india with power generators and telecom facilites with the same costperformance as China can.

Furthermore, concessional loans to import goods are not easy for India to get,when the whole west world almost bankrupt.

 

[Ray]

power generators and telecom facilities are hardly labeled as " the cheap manufactured goods

US and EU companies make better equipment and which last longer.

So, why should we go in for copies, just because they are cheap?

Furthermore, no other countries can provide india as import credit as China does now,when west world almost bankrupts.

Actually, we are flush with funds to make an upfront payment!

 

[badguy2000]

US and EU companies make better equipment and which last longer.

So, why should we go in for copies, just because they are cheap?



Actually, we are flush with funds to make an upfront payment!

haha,what a blind fainth on west quality! you should have googled first before you say so.

costperformace is the king here! CHina-made one has the best costperformance.


Besides, even measureed by tech level,west-made power generators don't "last longer" than China-made.

main power plants in CHina are even more modern and advanced than the ones in EU and USA,
becasuse China's power plants use last tech much more rapidly than west one's and India's one.


According to China's laws, most of power plants in USA and India ,including those under construction in Inda,would be forced to shut ,due to outdated tech and heavy pollution

 

[maomao]

Chinese quality is known well known, not even my semi-illiterate house-keepers buy them......thats the reality about Chinese equipment...I have seen my ISP changing all Chinese inferior equipment with Indian over the years...thats the reality sad but true for Chinese!

 

[badguy2000]

Chinese quality is known well known, not even my semi-illiterate house-keepers buy them......thats the reality about Chinese equipment...I have seen my ISP changing all Chinese inferior equipment with Indian over the years...thats the reality sad but true for Chinese!

it is very funny and enjoyable that indian spends billions of dollar puchasing goods from China while you blah how $hit china-made is!

 

[amoy]

Actually a balanced trade is good for China too. China needs to import more so that Chinese consumers can benefit from inflation being alleviated. Otherwise China again has to invest more with the surplus in the US treasury bonds in turn.

As for 'One China' or 'One India' brought up as 'core concerns', neither side really cares about that IMO. It's all about 'face'. Without India reiterating 'One China', China's so-called 'suzernity continues over Tibet. Or without 'One India', would India lose de facto control of J&K?

Nothing changes. India plays doublespeak all the time, on one hand, recognizing China's sovereignty over Tibet, on the other hand housing a 'government in exile' in Dharmsāla. China has to play back by the rules India sets. Besides, rather than wasting time with India China must grow partnership with Pakistan further, which is really of strategic significance to China as a 'gateway' to Persian Gulf.

 

[maomao]

it is very funny and enjoyable that indian spends billions of dollar puchasing goods from China while you blah how $hit china-made is!

As I clearly said people who use them once realize latter, soon people who are suppling inferior cheap Chinese goods will start going bankrupt as the Chinese Mobile sellers in India and will eventually stop buying Cheap Chinese products in wholesale to sell it to the poor, as poor today also realize what "Made in China" stands for!!

 

[SHASH2K2]

.sino-india trade is not " India does a favour of CHina" or " China does a favour of India'.
it is in the common interest of the two.

For example, when Chinese companies earn money by exporting billions dollar power generators to India, India also saves big bucks by buying CHina-made power generators with concessional loans from CHinese banks.

you are giving the lollypop of cheap bank loans to Reliance power so that they go for made in China equipments. Company as large as reliance don't need financial support . Its all win win for China only .

Besides, because CHina has a much bigger trade than India,any down-break of sino-india trade would have much more impact on India trade than china trade.

Given the trade Imbalance china stand to loose more . Go ahead and do it . with whole world running after china to reduce the trade imbalance and also to strengthen your currency china need us more than we do.