An emerging India through Pakistani Eyes - threats and counter strategies

[SwordOfDarkness]

1972 shimla agreements was basically this..

clause 2.

Hmm such a nice agreement.
Must have prevented wars .

 

[AnantS]

Hmm such a nice agreement.
Must have prevented wars .

Well we hindu baniyas .. used such clever wording so that all the actions that Pakistan needs to desist from in Past Present and Future have been covered. With this we all agreements we did after this Pakistan we always linked the new agreement with Simla Agreement (E.g Lahore Agreement). Basically in not so many words - we say Simla agreement was last meaningful agreement we had. You need to honor that first. Lahore can be considered addendum to Simla to include Nuclear aspects.

 

[Indx TechStyle]

Too much "Pakistanism" in a single article.
Modi goes to D.C.
IN the aftermath of the 2002 anti-Muslim Gujarat pogrom, Narendra Modi, who was chief minister of the state at the time, was denied entry into the US. This state of affairs persisted for nearly a decade.

Now, as India’s prime minister, he is the toast of Washington, as his just-concluded state visit to the US showed. Indeed, time, geopolitics and realpolitik heal all ‘wounds’, and morality can quickly be dispensed with when needed in international relations.

There was much backslapping and grandiose praise for Mr Modi at his American lovefest. President Joe Biden termed ties with India as “one of the defining relationships of the 21st century”, while the Indian PM was given a rock-star reception as he addressed Congress.

However, a handful of members of the Democratic Party’s progressive wing boycotted the address, citing Mr Modi’s horrendous track record on human rights, while prominent press freedom groups collectively highlighted media restrictions in India.

The reasons why the US is courting India are obvious. These are times of seismic shifts in geopolitics, with alliances changing as Asia emerges as the economic engine of the world.

The US is keen to tap India’s massive market; agreements worth billions of dollars, including defence contracts, were signed during Mr Modi’s visit. As economies across the developed world stagnate, India’s growth rate is stable.

Moreover, for the past several decades, the West, particularly the US, is keen to prop up India as an economic and military rival to China, while Washington is also trying hard to wean New Delhi away from Moscow.

Yet in this rush to woo India, America’s, and specifically the Democratic Party’s, commitments to human rights, are quietly being put aside. When a reporter asked Mr Modi about human rights, he replied that in India, “there is absolutely no discrimination”. This contention is as laughable as it is tragic.

Millions of India’s Muslims, as well as other minorities, would beg to differ. Under Mr Modi’s rule, the BJP has unleashed a vicious brand of political Hindutva to reduce Muslims to second-class status and make them perennial untouchables in the rashtra, while the treatment of Kashmiris by the ‘world’s biggest democracy’ is an affront to democratic values.

Considering the BJP’s hateful rhetoric, the Indo-American joint statement released during the visit, which lectured Pakistan to do more in order to control militancy, rings hollow.

While Pakistan has had a problem with militancy, the critique would have carried more weight had the Biden administration also brought up India’s deplorable treatment of its Muslims, and its long subjugation of Kashmir.

Clearly, for the West, lessons on human rights are reserved for enemies and weaker states, while for more powerful foreign partners, rights abuses are no barrier when it comes to promoting national interests.

 

[ezsasa]

Growing India-US Technology Collaboration: Implications for Pakistan

The proponents of the Revolution in Military Affairs argue that the risk of escalation is manageable due to technology. Likewise, in the case of the U.S. transfers of cutting-edge technology to India, New Delhi is likely to believe that its risk is manageable. Keeping this in view, India might develop a false sense of security and go for another Balakot-type incident, sowing the seeds of conflict in the region.

Similarly, it is likely that New Delhi will direct other military procurements toward Pakistan. Thus the U.S. transfer of technology is likely to initiate an arms race in South Asia, ultimately compelling Pakistan to maintain balance vis-à-vis India. This collaboration will further burden Pakistan’s already struggling economy.

Apart from this, the India-U.S. joint statement also mentioned terrorism, with specific reference to Pakistan. This signals that the United States is likely to shift its policy from mediation to ensure stability toward supporting New Delhi in times of crisis in future.

Finally, although Pakistan is not presently in the ideal position to indulge in an unwanted arms race, it is still important to initiate investment in the technological domain in order to close the gap with India.

Growing India-US Technology Collaboration: Implications for Pakistan

The transfer of cutting-edge technologies to India is aimed at countering China, but it will also threaten the national security of Pakistan.

thediplomat.com

 

[shade]

Growing India-US Technology Collaboration: Implications for Pakistan

Growing India-US Technology Collaboration: Implications for Pakistan

The transfer of cutting-edge technologies to India is aimed at countering China, but it will also threaten the national security of Pakistan.

thediplomat.com

I love seeing this salwar-shivering on display

But the truth is no tech-transfer will materialize.

 

[FalconSlayers]

India's future path
Javid Husain Published July 29, 2023 Updated about 3 hours ago




0

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder: A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.


INDIA’S rapid economic growth and military build-up over the past three decades has catapulted it to a pre-eminent position both at the regional and global level, making it a strong contender for ‘great power’ status in the years to come.

As a neighbour, it is incumbent upon Pakistan to assess India’s internal, regional and global policy aims and directions because they directly affect its security and economic well-being. As the famous dictum by Sun Tzu goes, “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles.”

According to the World Bank, India occupied fifth position in world economies in 2022 with GDP in nominal dollar terms amounting to $3,385 billion as against $25,462bn and $17,963bn for the US and China respectively.

By 2030, India is expected to move up to the third slot, with China and the US occupying the first and second positions. By way of comparison, Pakistan’s GDP in 2021-22 was estimated at $376bn only.

India’s rapidly growing economic strength has enabled it to increase its military expenditure at a fast pace. According to Sipri, an independent research institute looking into various aspects of armed conflict, India’s military expenditure was estimated at $81.4bn in 2022, ranking fourth globally. Pakistan’s military expenditure, according to official estimates for 2023-24, is projected to be $8bn only.

India’s higher military expenditure has enabled it to build up its military strength in various fields at a fast pace. Its fast-developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies has added to its military weight, upsetting the strategic balance in South Asia to Pakistan’s disadvantage.

India poses an enduring threat to Pakistan’s security and economic well-being if one considers the dangerous trends in its internal, regional and global aims and policies.

Internally, the growing sway of Hindutva and Hindu extremism as propagated and practised by the Narendra Modi-led BJP and, arguably, a large majority of Indians has dangerous implications not only for India’s religious minorities but also for Pakistan which, despite its shortcomings, is seen as an embodiment of Islamic ideology, which teaches social equality. In contrast, the caste system is part and parcel of the Hindu faith.

At the regional level, India is systematically pursuing its goal of establishing its hegemony in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. Henry Kissinger in his book, World Order (2014), takes note of India’s hegemonic designs and points out that India has established “in practice a special position in the Indian Ocean region” and like the American Monroe Doctrine conducts “its policy on the basis of its own definition of a South Asian order”.

India views Pakistan as a major obstacle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic designs in South Asia. A large section within India entertains hopes of the reversal of the partition, which led to the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan. The causes of many Pakistan-India disputes can be traced to these two fundamental factors.

At the global level, as pointed out by well-known Indian security analyst C. Raja Mohan, India wishes to take its place as one of the great powers, that is, a key player in international peace and security or as a major pole in the emerging multipolar world.

Its membership of G-20 and BRICS, the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and its quest for permanent membership of the UN Security Council should be seen in that context.

India’s long-term and rapidly developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies, bilaterally or through such forums as the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the US), promotes its economic progress and military build-up and helps it counter Beijing’s ingress in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region, while serving the US policy of containment of China.

However, India is too big to be reduced to the status of a satellite of the US. Therefore, there will be occasional policy differences between the two as they pursue their respective national agendas.

The foregoing analysis underlines the need for Pakistan to stand on its own feet through policies of austerity and self-reliance, strengthen its political stability, and develop itself economically and technologically on a fast track, while maintaining a credible security deterrent and following a low-risk foreign policy. Its failure to do so will expose it to grave dangers internally and externally.

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder — A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.

India’s future path

Pakistan must strengthen its political stability and develop itself economically and technologically while maintaining a credible security deterrent.

www.dawn.com

 

[TopWatcher]

India's future path
Javid Husain Published July 29, 2023 Updated about 3 hours ago




0
View attachment 216455
The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder: A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.


INDIA’S rapid economic growth and military build-up over the past three decades has catapulted it to a pre-eminent position both at the regional and global level, making it a strong contender for ‘great power’ status in the years to come.

As a neighbour, it is incumbent upon Pakistan to assess India’s internal, regional and global policy aims and directions because they directly affect its security and economic well-being. As the famous dictum by Sun Tzu goes, “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles.”

According to the World Bank, India occupied fifth position in world economies in 2022 with GDP in nominal dollar terms amounting to $3,385 billion as against $25,462bn and $17,963bn for the US and China respectively.

By 2030, India is expected to move up to the third slot, with China and the US occupying the first and second positions. By way of comparison, Pakistan’s GDP in 2021-22 was estimated at $376bn only.

India’s rapidly growing economic strength has enabled it to increase its military expenditure at a fast pace. According to Sipri, an independent research institute looking into various aspects of armed conflict, India’s military expenditure was estimated at $81.4bn in 2022, ranking fourth globally. Pakistan’s military expenditure, according to official estimates for 2023-24, is projected to be $8bn only.

India’s higher military expenditure has enabled it to build up its military strength in various fields at a fast pace. Its fast-developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies has added to its military weight, upsetting the strategic balance in South Asia to Pakistan’s disadvantage.

India poses an enduring threat to Pakistan’s security and economic well-being if one considers the dangerous trends in its internal, regional and global aims and policies.

Internally, the growing sway of Hindutva and Hindu extremism as propagated and practised by the Narendra Modi-led BJP and, arguably, a large majority of Indians has dangerous implications not only for India’s religious minorities but also for Pakistan which, despite its shortcomings, is seen as an embodiment of Islamic ideology, which teaches social equality. In contrast, the caste system is part and parcel of the Hindu faith.

At the regional level, India is systematically pursuing its goal of establishing its hegemony in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. Henry Kissinger in his book, World Order (2014), takes note of India’s hegemonic designs and points out that India has established “in practice a special position in the Indian Ocean region” and like the American Monroe Doctrine conducts “its policy on the basis of its own definition of a South Asian order”.

India views Pakistan as a major obstacle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic designs in South Asia. A large section within India entertains hopes of the reversal of the partition, which led to the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan. The causes of many Pakistan-India disputes can be traced to these two fundamental factors.

At the global level, as pointed out by well-known Indian security analyst C. Raja Mohan, India wishes to take its place as one of the great powers, that is, a key player in international peace and security or as a major pole in the emerging multipolar world.

Its membership of G-20 and BRICS, the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and its quest for permanent membership of the UN Security Council should be seen in that context.

India’s long-term and rapidly developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies, bilaterally or through such forums as the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the US), promotes its economic progress and military build-up and helps it counter Beijing’s ingress in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region, while serving the US policy of containment of China.

However, India is too big to be reduced to the status of a satellite of the US. Therefore, there will be occasional policy differences between the two as they pursue their respective national agendas.

The foregoing analysis underlines the need for Pakistan to stand on its own feet through policies of austerity and self-reliance, strengthen its political stability, and develop itself economically and technologically on a fast track, while maintaining a credible security deterrent and following a low-risk foreign policy. Its failure to do so will expose it to grave dangers internally and externally.

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder — A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.

India’s future path

Pakistan must strengthen its political stability and develop itself economically and technologically while maintaining a credible security deterrent.

www.dawn.com

Inse kuch na hoonga

 

[Pythonlover]

India views Pakistan as a major obstacle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic designs in South Asia. A large section within India entertains hopes of the reversal of the partition, which led to the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan. The causes of many Pakistan-India disputes can be traced to these two fundamental factors.

India’s future path

Pakistan must strengthen its political stability and develop itself economically and technologically while maintaining a credible security deterrent.

www.dawn.com

Pakis so greatly overestimate their importance that it is amusing. Lol, "a major obstacle in fulfilment of hegemonic designs". If tomorrow Pakistan is wiped out from earth, no one would even notice, except a few states in its surrounding will notice decline in terrorism, violence and drug trade.

On the other hand, if India would be wiped out from earth, many global industries relying on IT will collapse, there will be global food shortages, developing world will be deprived of cheap drugs and vaccines. There will be chaos around the world.

And we don't want reversal of partition. I have personally accepted that partition was one of the best things to happen to India. It took away significant chunk of rabid Islamists and created a buffer zone between unstable Afghanistan and India. We all know what happens in a nation filled with rabid Islamists. Even if some of us want "reversal" of partition, it is only for land, and not for people.

 

[Indx TechStyle]

India's future path
Javid Husain Published July 29, 2023 Updated about 3 hours ago




0
View attachment 216455
The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder: A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.


INDIA’S rapid economic growth and military build-up over the past three decades has catapulted it to a pre-eminent position both at the regional and global level, making it a strong contender for ‘great power’ status in the years to come.

As a neighbour, it is incumbent upon Pakistan to assess India’s internal, regional and global policy aims and directions because they directly affect its security and economic well-being. As the famous dictum by Sun Tzu goes, “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles.”

According to the World Bank, India occupied fifth position in world economies in 2022 with GDP in nominal dollar terms amounting to $3,385 billion as against $25,462bn and $17,963bn for the US and China respectively.

By 2030, India is expected to move up to the third slot, with China and the US occupying the first and second positions. By way of comparison, Pakistan’s GDP in 2021-22 was estimated at $376bn only.

India’s rapidly growing economic strength has enabled it to increase its military expenditure at a fast pace. According to Sipri, an independent research institute looking into various aspects of armed conflict, India’s military expenditure was estimated at $81.4bn in 2022, ranking fourth globally. Pakistan’s military expenditure, according to official estimates for 2023-24, is projected to be $8bn only.

India’s higher military expenditure has enabled it to build up its military strength in various fields at a fast pace. Its fast-developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies has added to its military weight, upsetting the strategic balance in South Asia to Pakistan’s disadvantage.

India poses an enduring threat to Pakistan’s security and economic well-being if one considers the dangerous trends in its internal, regional and global aims and policies.

Internally, the growing sway of Hindutva and Hindu extremism as propagated and practised by the Narendra Modi-led BJP and, arguably, a large majority of Indians has dangerous implications not only for India’s religious minorities but also for Pakistan which, despite its shortcomings, is seen as an embodiment of Islamic ideology, which teaches social equality. In contrast, the caste system is part and parcel of the Hindu faith.

At the regional level, India is systematically pursuing its goal of establishing its hegemony in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. Henry Kissinger in his book, World Order (2014), takes note of India’s hegemonic designs and points out that India has established “in practice a special position in the Indian Ocean region” and like the American Monroe Doctrine conducts “its policy on the basis of its own definition of a South Asian order”.

India views Pakistan as a major obstacle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic designs in South Asia. A large section within India entertains hopes of the reversal of the partition, which led to the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan. The causes of many Pakistan-India disputes can be traced to these two fundamental factors.

At the global level, as pointed out by well-known Indian security analyst C. Raja Mohan, India wishes to take its place as one of the great powers, that is, a key player in international peace and security or as a major pole in the emerging multipolar world.

Its membership of G-20 and BRICS, the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and its quest for permanent membership of the UN Security Council should be seen in that context.

India’s long-term and rapidly developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies, bilaterally or through such forums as the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the US), promotes its economic progress and military build-up and helps it counter Beijing’s ingress in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region, while serving the US policy of containment of China.

However, India is too big to be reduced to the status of a satellite of the US. Therefore, there will be occasional policy differences between the two as they pursue their respective national agendas.

The foregoing analysis underlines the need for Pakistan to stand on its own feet through policies of austerity and self-reliance, strengthen its political stability, and develop itself economically and technologically on a fast track, while maintaining a credible security deterrent and following a low-risk foreign policy. Its failure to do so will expose it to grave dangers internally and externally.

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder — A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.

India’s future path

Pakistan must strengthen its political stability and develop itself economically and technologically while maintaining a credible security deterrent.

www.dawn.com

Copy paste this to pakistanisms thread lol.

 

[Neeraj Mathur]

India's future path
Javid Husain Published July 29, 2023 Updated about 3 hours ago




0
View attachment 216455
The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder: A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.


INDIA’S rapid economic growth and military build-up over the past three decades has catapulted it to a pre-eminent position both at the regional and global level, making it a strong contender for ‘great power’ status in the years to come.

As a neighbour, it is incumbent upon Pakistan to assess India’s internal, regional and global policy aims and directions because they directly affect its security and economic well-being. As the famous dictum by Sun Tzu goes, “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles.”

According to the World Bank, India occupied fifth position in world economies in 2022 with GDP in nominal dollar terms amounting to $3,385 billion as against $25,462bn and $17,963bn for the US and China respectively.

By 2030, India is expected to move up to the third slot, with China and the US occupying the first and second positions. By way of comparison, Pakistan’s GDP in 2021-22 was estimated at $376bn only.

India’s rapidly growing economic strength has enabled it to increase its military expenditure at a fast pace. According to Sipri, an independent research institute looking into various aspects of armed conflict, India’s military expenditure was estimated at $81.4bn in 2022, ranking fourth globally. Pakistan’s military expenditure, according to official estimates for 2023-24, is projected to be $8bn only.

India’s higher military expenditure has enabled it to build up its military strength in various fields at a fast pace. Its fast-developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies has added to its military weight, upsetting the strategic balance in South Asia to Pakistan’s disadvantage.

India poses an enduring threat to Pakistan’s security and economic well-being if one considers the dangerous trends in its internal, regional and global aims and policies.

Internally, the growing sway of Hindutva and Hindu extremism as propagated and practised by the Narendra Modi-led BJP and, arguably, a large majority of Indians has dangerous implications not only for India’s religious minorities but also for Pakistan which, despite its shortcomings, is seen as an embodiment of Islamic ideology, which teaches social equality. In contrast, the caste system is part and parcel of the Hindu faith.

At the regional level, India is systematically pursuing its goal of establishing its hegemony in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. Henry Kissinger in his book, World Order (2014), takes note of India’s hegemonic designs and points out that India has established “in practice a special position in the Indian Ocean region” and like the American Monroe Doctrine conducts “its policy on the basis of its own definition of a South Asian order”.

India views Pakistan as a major obstacle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic designs in South Asia. A large section within India entertains hopes of the reversal of the partition, which led to the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan. The causes of many Pakistan-India disputes can be traced to these two fundamental factors.

At the global level, as pointed out by well-known Indian security analyst C. Raja Mohan, India wishes to take its place as one of the great powers, that is, a key player in international peace and security or as a major pole in the emerging multipolar world.

Its membership of G-20 and BRICS, the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and its quest for permanent membership of the UN Security Council should be seen in that context.

India’s long-term and rapidly developing strategic partnership with the US and its allies, bilaterally or through such forums as the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the US), promotes its economic progress and military build-up and helps it counter Beijing’s ingress in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region, while serving the US policy of containment of China.

However, India is too big to be reduced to the status of a satellite of the US. Therefore, there will be occasional policy differences between the two as they pursue their respective national agendas.

The foregoing analysis underlines the need for Pakistan to stand on its own feet through policies of austerity and self-reliance, strengthen its political stability, and develop itself economically and technologically on a fast track, while maintaining a credible security deterrent and following a low-risk foreign policy. Its failure to do so will expose it to grave dangers internally and externally.

The writer is a retired ambassador and author of Pakistan and a World in Disorder — A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century.

India’s future path

Pakistan must strengthen its political stability and develop itself economically and technologically while maintaining a credible security deterrent.

www.dawn.com

Every article from any pakistani have same lines or they are saying the same things with some extra but not useful information. Its like a broken tape recorder saying same things again and again.

 

[FalconSlayers]

Pakistan Vs Pakistan

Najm us Saqib

July 31, 2023
Opinions, Columns



Our experts on South Asian affairs would tend to believe India’s role in hampering Pakistan’s development. Right from the pre-independence conflicting era to wars in 1948, 1965 and 1971 to dismemberment of the country - they would quote several reasons of India’s ‘hegemonistic’ behaviour towards its western neighbour. Encounters at multilateral forums suggest the existence of some inherent animosity. India’s development as an economic rising power would be seen in Pakistan as the enemy’s foremost design to eventually target the country that once was a part of it. Pakistan’s advancement in the nuclear field, primarily to create a sort of balance of power in South Asia, would invariably be construed in India as a direct threat to peace and stability in the region. India’s joining BRICS, SCO, the QUAD or I2U2 are interpreted as ‘designs’ to subdue or isolate Pakistan. Any military deal in both countries would invariably be perceived as a threat by both countries. So much so that India’s aspirations to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council would also be construed as a threat. In addition to all this, Sino-Pakistan relations or the Sino-India border issues and ensuing military tussle, as well as the Indo-Israel bilateral relations would be interpreted in diametrically opposite directions.

For Pakistan, Kashmir remains a fundamental issue whereas India’s concerns revolve around any or all terrorist activities taken place within its territory as well as in the disputed Jammu & Kashmir region. In the process, both countries have not only suffered massive human losses but also the ramifications of this long-standing conflict have adversely affected their economic development. From bilateral trade to cricket, several areas of interest would therefore be made hostage to the eternal enmity that both countries have been ‘enjoying’ for the past several decades. In the SAARC region, India desires to view China as its sole economic and military ‘competitor’. For various existential reasons, India would like to see a ‘compliant’ Pakistan as its progress is somewhat hindered due to this ‘pebble in the shoe.’ India cannot and does not want to conquer Pakistan. Keeping the dream of an Undivided India or Akhand Bharat in mind, its wish is to see a weak and dependent Pakistan.

Experts on both sides of the fence have also tried to understand the true nature of Pak-India hostility. Various successive governments in Islamabad and New Delhi have ‘apparently’ given peace a chance by floating several proposals to address the ‘core dispute’ of Jammu & Kashmir. The past decades have seen substantive debates taking place to conclude whether a political or military solution would suit the region. From autonomy to joint governance to formal partition of Kashmir to independence, all options have been placed on the table. Nothing has worked as any possible solution would meet the same fate. The events of August 2019 practically sealed the fate of Jammu & Kashmir. However, Pakistan remains steadfast in its principled stand on one of its matters of ‘vital national interest’.

Could we then conclude that bilateral issues would never be addressed, or sincere efforts had never been put in to coexist peacefully? In either case, one thing appears most certain. Our experts have not been able to resolve any outstanding bilateral issues. The fact of the matter is that the K-word resonates with the T-word and matters of mutual interest keep awaiting in the abyss. This brings us to a few important observations:

One: India and Pakistan are sworn enemies and despite serious efforts, the issues have not been addressed to the satisfaction of either party.

Two: World powers including the US and China are not interested in bringing the two nuclear states on the table due to reasons best known to them.

Three: Given the intrinsic nature of respective internal predicaments, both countries would wish to avoid even a conventional war. Revisiting the 2003 LoC ceasefire agreement has manifestly shown intentions of both countries in this regard.

Four: For India, Pakistan is ‘irrelevant’ and for Pakistan, India is a necessary evil. Hence, one may expect the relations to go from bad to worse, particularly in view of the ongoing discussions on the Indus Waters Treaty and the future status of AJ&K.

Agreed, we need enemies to better define ourselves. Agreed, a hero is defined by its villain and vice versa. However, it is high time that Pakistan realized that it could not sustain perpetual antipathy in its neighborhood. We understand why India wishes to simply ignore Pakistan. We understand that Pakistan needs to put its house in order first to deal with both friends and enemies. What we do not seem to admit is an obvious fact: India can afford to pursue its hegemonistic policies in the region whereas Pakistan is struggling to stand on its feet. Secondly, Pakistan must stop hoping for anything good coming from India. The two tenures of PM Modi have taken the joke far enough to expect anything positive from India.

If India is not blinking, and under the circumstances, it wouldn’t, what should Pakistan do? Is there any way out? Is there a possibility of any solution whereby Pakistan could take things in its own hands, independent of any outside support? A solution to the rigmarole without India’s direct or indirect involvement? These questions can easily be addressed provided there is a will to do so. But wait a minute…!! Before we delve into such a scenario, one paramount question would have to be answered. Does Pakistan want such a solution or not? Furthermore, how would the stakeholders in Pakistan agree to be on one-page to come up with a collective approach to deal with this animal? Lastly, would anyone in Pakistan like to make India ‘irrelevant’? How about depriving India of an enemy? Georgy Arbatov, a Soviet Union expert on the US affairs said to one of his American counterparts in 1988: ‘We are going to do a terrible thing to you. We are going to deprive you of an enemy.’ The fascinating part? They did it.

Pakistan Vs Pakistan

Our experts on South Asian affairs would tend to believe India’s role in hampering Pakistan’s development. Right from the pre-independence

www.nation.com.pk

 

[Marliii]

Pakistan Vs Pakistan

Najm us Saqib

July 31, 2023
Opinions, Columns



Our experts on South Asian affairs would tend to believe India’s role in hampering Pakistan’s development. Right from the pre-independence conflicting era to wars in 1948, 1965 and 1971 to dismemberment of the country - they would quote several reasons of India’s ‘hegemonistic’ behaviour towards its western neighbour. Encounters at multilateral forums suggest the existence of some inherent animosity. India’s development as an economic rising power would be seen in Pakistan as the enemy’s foremost design to eventually target the country that once was a part of it. Pakistan’s advancement in the nuclear field, primarily to create a sort of balance of power in South Asia, would invariably be construed in India as a direct threat to peace and stability in the region. India’s joining BRICS, SCO, the QUAD or I2U2 are interpreted as ‘designs’ to subdue or isolate Pakistan. Any military deal in both countries would invariably be perceived as a threat by both countries. So much so that India’s aspirations to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council would also be construed as a threat. In addition to all this, Sino-Pakistan relations or the Sino-India border issues and ensuing military tussle, as well as the Indo-Israel bilateral relations would be interpreted in diametrically opposite directions.

For Pakistan, Kashmir remains a fundamental issue whereas India’s concerns revolve around any or all terrorist activities taken place within its territory as well as in the disputed Jammu & Kashmir region. In the process, both countries have not only suffered massive human losses but also the ramifications of this long-standing conflict have adversely affected their economic development. From bilateral trade to cricket, several areas of interest would therefore be made hostage to the eternal enmity that both countries have been ‘enjoying’ for the past several decades. In the SAARC region, India desires to view China as its sole economic and military ‘competitor’. For various existential reasons, India would like to see a ‘compliant’ Pakistan as its progress is somewhat hindered due to this ‘pebble in the shoe.’ India cannot and does not want to conquer Pakistan. Keeping the dream of an Undivided India or Akhand Bharat in mind, its wish is to see a weak and dependent Pakistan.

Experts on both sides of the fence have also tried to understand the true nature of Pak-India hostility. Various successive governments in Islamabad and New Delhi have ‘apparently’ given peace a chance by floating several proposals to address the ‘core dispute’ of Jammu & Kashmir. The past decades have seen substantive debates taking place to conclude whether a political or military solution would suit the region. From autonomy to joint governance to formal partition of Kashmir to independence, all options have been placed on the table. Nothing has worked as any possible solution would meet the same fate. The events of August 2019 practically sealed the fate of Jammu & Kashmir. However, Pakistan remains steadfast in its principled stand on one of its matters of ‘vital national interest’.

Could we then conclude that bilateral issues would never be addressed, or sincere efforts had never been put in to coexist peacefully? In either case, one thing appears most certain. Our experts have not been able to resolve any outstanding bilateral issues. The fact of the matter is that the K-word resonates with the T-word and matters of mutual interest keep awaiting in the abyss. This brings us to a few important observations:

One: India and Pakistan are sworn enemies and despite serious efforts, the issues have not been addressed to the satisfaction of either party.

Two: World powers including the US and China are not interested in bringing the two nuclear states on the table due to reasons best known to them.

Three: Given the intrinsic nature of respective internal predicaments, both countries would wish to avoid even a conventional war. Revisiting the 2003 LoC ceasefire agreement has manifestly shown intentions of both countries in this regard.

Four: For India, Pakistan is ‘irrelevant’ and for Pakistan, India is a necessary evil. Hence, one may expect the relations to go from bad to worse, particularly in view of the ongoing discussions on the Indus Waters Treaty and the future status of AJ&K.

Agreed, we need enemies to better define ourselves. Agreed, a hero is defined by its villain and vice versa. However, it is high time that Pakistan realized that it could not sustain perpetual antipathy in its neighborhood. We understand why India wishes to simply ignore Pakistan. We understand that Pakistan needs to put its house in order first to deal with both friends and enemies. What we do not seem to admit is an obvious fact: India can afford to pursue its hegemonistic policies in the region whereas Pakistan is struggling to stand on its feet. Secondly, Pakistan must stop hoping for anything good coming from India. The two tenures of PM Modi have taken the joke far enough to expect anything positive from India.

If India is not blinking, and under the circumstances, it wouldn’t, what should Pakistan do? Is there any way out? Is there a possibility of any solution whereby Pakistan could take things in its own hands, independent of any outside support? A solution to the rigmarole without India’s direct or indirect involvement? These questions can easily be addressed provided there is a will to do so. But wait a minute…!! Before we delve into such a scenario, one paramount question would have to be answered. Does Pakistan want such a solution or not? Furthermore, how would the stakeholders in Pakistan agree to be on one-page to come up with a collective approach to deal with this animal? Lastly, would anyone in Pakistan like to make India ‘irrelevant’? How about depriving India of an enemy? Georgy Arbatov, a Soviet Union expert on the US affairs said to one of his American counterparts in 1988: ‘We are going to do a terrible thing to you. We are going to deprive you of an enemy.’ The fascinating part? They did it.

Pakistan Vs Pakistan

Our experts on South Asian affairs would tend to believe India’s role in hampering Pakistan’s development. Right from the pre-independence

www.nation.com.pk

Is the author literally saying pakistan should balkanize itself in the last sentence?

 

[Sanglamorre]

Is the author literally saying pakistan should balkanize itself in the last sentence?

I think the author wasn't able to have his daily dose of Afghani before writing this. There's no clear direction, no solutions proposed, nothing of import in that article. It rambles to no discernible end.

 

[FalconSlayers]

What dumb pieces of shit these porkis are ?

 

[ezsasa]

What dumb pieces of shit these porkis are ?
View attachment 218706

sharing notes, same idea being propagated.

 

[Indx TechStyle]

What dumb pieces of shit these porkis are ?
View attachment 218706

That's some serious level of coping. So many Pakistanisms; old & new clubbed together (highlighted in red). Will further enlist after office hours.

Time for a revised paradigm in South Asia
Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment

The writer is a political, security and defence analyst. He tweets @shazchy09 and can be contacted at [email protected]
Let me deal with the demons first. There are three: Kashmir stands out as the most intractable, and substantive, why most on both sides in common understanding cannot fathom beyond it without first seeking to resolve it. In fact, the Kashmir argument is the showstopper in any effort to improve relations with India, so invested is the Pakistani mindset on it. Indians flip it to their purpose by invoking terror forcing Pakistan to explain their position. This dialectic has for decades hindered a saner review and progress from the no-peace, no-war state in how the two South Asian neighbours barely coexist. Unimaginable but true, in a twenty-first century world where connectivity, mutually beneficial cohabitation and interdependence are the sustaining features of modern economies. Not for South Asia which remains the least connected region of the world where its eight members trade between them just two percent of their collective global trade.

India thinks it has resolved Kashmir already by amending and rescinding clauses in its Constitution which had preserved its special status. Pakistan rejects such unilateral legislative assault on an issue which is inherently bilateral and alive on the list of UN recognised disputes to which both nations are signatories. A plethora of resolutions on Kashmir have been successfully thwarted by India in defiance of what is universally recognised as a global flash point. Its gravity and impact have lost steam against Indian recalcitrance and the failure of either side to create conditions conducive to its resolution.

In 2019 India changed the character of the issue in what may be understood as a strategic surprise even if Pakistan finds refuge in Kashmir’s disputed status. In a strategic sense Pakistan seems to be at a loss to find a suitable response. Pakistan’s strategic options too look constrained in the face of quiet connivance of the world which has chosen to look the other way. To India it is a done deal; to Pakistan it is still a challenge grappling with the paradigmatical shift. In practical terms Pakistan is restricted to pursue what are strictly political and diplomatic choices. If in due course the status quo prevails the paradigm may have undergone an irreversible change. Is there space then to rethink the issue in greatly more practical terms providing an imaginative closure to a problem that has beguiled us into a listless stasis? It may just open the strategic space a bit, so essential for the entire region to turn the corner.

Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment. Now a fully established autocrat who has a dominating hold over most levers of the state and society, Modi uses these to great effect to serve his political purpose. Domestically it translates into a heinous agenda of ethnic cleansing those not from the Hindu faith which makes for some twenty percent of the 1.4 billion population. That is also how he frames the Pakistani bogey which he uses with abandon as a political ploy to win elections. Before every election he will enact a skirmish on the LOC and use it as narrative of imagined success. Another election looms in 2024 with Modi seeking his third consecutive term while the region watches in anguish on what shape the act will take. It will surely push back any chance of fresh thinking on South Asia to break the stasis and the logjam and move to a mutually beneficial coexistence. Can he rise above himself and his exaggerated sense of personal and national aggrandisement? This alone will decide if the two can indeed Tango.

Why he doesn’t is equally instructive. It is after decades that India has a tail up on Pakistan with the latter roiling in its stew of political instability and economic turmoil. Years of misgovernance has regressed Pakistan to the point of a failing economy and a desolate society. With these indices Modi and India think it is imprudent to offer a helping hand to an old nemesis. Trade between the two neighbours can exponentially improve the lot of millions on both sides of the border but Modi rather see Pakistan biting dust.

In and of itself it can have serious consequences for India and the region. How may Pakistan react to such gamesmanship remains untested rending a tenuous region even more precarious. For the moment though both Modi and India relish Pakistan’s misfortune. Per Modi, “Let Pakistan rot in its own stew”. Unfortunate but true. Better times for South Asia will wait for a statesman to arrive in its midst.

Third: equally obstinate are those in the government service of both nations who have raked fear and whipped rhetoric in the service of their mission which has centred on trading anger, hate and racial exclusiveness. Both use foundational issues such as Kashmir to their cause forever warping the need to resolve it on even terms. The currency of hate entrenches when Indians abhor Pakistanis because they are Muslims and Pakistanis dislike India because she has appropriated Kashmir in a sly occupation. Diplomats and soldiers have fed on this narration and built on their respective stocks. More productively used they have the wherewithal to forge unique solutions, but inertia and the perceived sanctity of their own historical experience stays such inclination.

These three demons, till they are exorcised through widespread knowledge, debate and mature interaction will keep holding back the future of the two people. This is when the larger stability in the region is at stake and major powers are vying for influence either through direct engagement or seeking proxies to further their agenda. The around two billion souls that inhabit the larger SAARC region remain hostage to the classic gameplay of the two nuclear powers, India and Pakistan. They are willing to submit to regional arrangements like SCO and ASEAN but will neither resurrect SAARC nor develop a thriving economic region within South Asia. Poverty thus continues to be rampant on either side. Africa, the pervasive laggard, will soon leave behind South Asia as its people progress to a better future.

As older order begins to give way South Asia continues to be held back by a lackluster and bankrupt leadership. It will though easily fall prey to tagging another major power hoping for increased influence and heft by proxy. It will always be shortchanged as Pakistan’s own experience so aptly demonstrates. South Asia deserves better but under the pervasive shadow of the demons that haunt its innate promise it largely remains unrealised. Pakistan has a lot to do to leverage its potential and improve its socioeconomic fundamentals while India must rise above its arrogance and imagined superiority to forge the complementarity the two can bring to the table to a more fulfilling future. Modi in his third term will need a new script.

 

[The Juggernaut]

In these options "South Asia" is another word for Pakistan.

 

[Indx TechStyle]

In these options "South Asia" is another word for Pakistan.

South Asia is the ultimate term used by India's break offs to feel "less Indian". Somehow, wasn't listed in pakistanisms.

 

[Illusive]

That's some serious level of coping. So many Pakistanisms; old & new clubbed together (highlighted in red). Will further enlist after office hours.

Time for a revised paradigm in South Asia
Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment

The writer is a political, security and defence analyst. He tweets @shazchy09 and can be contacted at [email protected]
Let me deal with the demons first. There are three: Kashmir stands out as the most intractable, and substantive, why most on both sides in common understanding cannot fathom beyond it without first seeking to resolve it. In fact, the Kashmir argument is the showstopper in any effort to improve relations with India, so invested is the Pakistani mindset on it. Indians flip it to their purpose by invoking terror forcing Pakistan to explain their position. This dialectic has for decades hindered a saner review and progress from the no-peace, no-war state in how the two South Asian neighbours barely coexist. Unimaginable but true, in a twenty-first century world where connectivity, mutually beneficial cohabitation and interdependence are the sustaining features of modern economies. Not for South Asia which remains the least connected region of the world where its eight members trade between them just two percent of their collective global trade.

India thinks it has resolved Kashmir already by amending and rescinding clauses in its Constitution which had preserved its special status. Pakistan rejects such unilateral legislative assault on an issue which is inherently bilateral and alive on the list of UN recognised disputes to which both nations are signatories. A plethora of resolutions on Kashmir have been successfully thwarted by India in defiance of what is universally recognised as a global flash point. Its gravity and impact have lost steam against Indian recalcitrance and the failure of either side to create conditions conducive to its resolution.

In 2019 India changed the character of the issue in what may be understood as a strategic surprise even if Pakistan finds refuge in Kashmir’s disputed status. In a strategic sense Pakistan seems to be at a loss to find a suitable response. Pakistan’s strategic options too look constrained in the face of quiet connivance of the world which has chosen to look the other way. To India it is a done deal; to Pakistan it is still a challenge grappling with the paradigmatical shift. In practical terms Pakistan is restricted to pursue what are strictly political and diplomatic choices. If in due course the status quo prevails the paradigm may have undergone an irreversible change. Is there space then to rethink the issue in greatly more practical terms providing an imaginative closure to a problem that has beguiled us into a listless stasis? It may just open the strategic space a bit, so essential for the entire region to turn the corner.

Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment. Now a fully established autocrat who has a dominating hold over most levers of the state and society, Modi uses these to great effect to serve his political purpose. Domestically it translates into a heinous agenda of ethnic cleansing those not from the Hindu faith which makes for some twenty percent of the 1.4 billion population. That is also how he frames the Pakistani bogey which he uses with abandon as a political ploy to win elections. Before every election he will enact a skirmish on the LOC and use it as narrative of imagined success. Another election looms in 2024 with Modi seeking his third consecutive term while the region watches in anguish on what shape the act will take. It will surely push back any chance of fresh thinking on South Asia to break the stasis and the logjam and move to a mutually beneficial coexistence. Can he rise above himself and his exaggerated sense of personal and national aggrandisement? This alone will decide if the two can indeed Tango.

Why he doesn’t is equally instructive. It is after decades that India has a tail up on Pakistan with the latter roiling in its stew of political instability and economic turmoil. Years of misgovernance has regressed Pakistan to the point of a failing economy and a desolate society. With these indices Modi and India think it is imprudent to offer a helping hand to an old nemesis. Trade between the two neighbours can exponentially improve the lot of millions on both sides of the border but Modi rather see Pakistan biting dust.

In and of itself it can have serious consequences for India and the region. How may Pakistan react to such gamesmanship remains untested rending a tenuous region even more precarious. For the moment though both Modi and India relish Pakistan’s misfortune. Per Modi, “Let Pakistan rot in its own stew”. Unfortunate but true. Better times for South Asia will wait for a statesman to arrive in its midst.

Third: equally obstinate are those in the government service of both nations who have raked fear and whipped rhetoric in the service of their mission which has centred on trading anger, hate and racial exclusiveness. Both use foundational issues such as Kashmir to their cause forever warping the need to resolve it on even terms. The currency of hate entrenches when Indians abhor Pakistanis because they are Muslims and Pakistanis dislike India because she has appropriated Kashmir in a sly occupation. Diplomats and soldiers have fed on this narration and built on their respective stocks. More productively used they have the wherewithal to forge unique solutions, but inertia and the perceived sanctity of their own historical experience stays such inclination.

These three demons, till they are exorcised through widespread knowledge, debate and mature interaction will keep holding back the future of the two people. This is when the larger stability in the region is at stake and major powers are vying for influence either through direct engagement or seeking proxies to further their agenda. The around two billion souls that inhabit the larger SAARC region remain hostage to the classic gameplay of the two nuclear powers, India and Pakistan. They are willing to submit to regional arrangements like SCO and ASEAN but will neither resurrect SAARC nor develop a thriving economic region within South Asia. Poverty thus continues to be rampant on either side. Africa, the pervasive laggard, will soon leave behind South Asia as its people progress to a better future.

As older order begins to give way South Asia continues to be held back by a lackluster and bankrupt leadership. It will though easily fall prey to tagging another major power hoping for increased influence and heft by proxy. It will always be shortchanged as Pakistan’s own experience so aptly demonstrates. South Asia deserves better but under the pervasive shadow of the demons that haunt its innate promise it largely remains unrealised. Pakistan has a lot to do to leverage its potential and improve its socioeconomic fundamentals while India must rise above its arrogance and imagined superiority to forge the complementarity the two can bring to the table to a more fulfilling future. Modi in his third term will need a new script.

Every time I see articles like these, I get sense of relief that pakis are still on the track we need them in.

 

[indiatester]

That's some serious level of coping. So many Pakistanisms; old & new clubbed together (highlighted in red). Will further enlist after office hours.

Time for a revised paradigm in South Asia
Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment

The writer is a political, security and defence analyst. He tweets @shazchy09 and can be contacted at [email protected]
Let me deal with the demons first. There are three: Kashmir stands out as the most intractable, and substantive, why most on both sides in common understanding cannot fathom beyond it without first seeking to resolve it. In fact, the Kashmir argument is the showstopper in any effort to improve relations with India, so invested is the Pakistani mindset on it. Indians flip it to their purpose by invoking terror forcing Pakistan to explain their position. This dialectic has for decades hindered a saner review and progress from the no-peace, no-war state in how the two South Asian neighbours barely coexist. Unimaginable but true, in a twenty-first century world where connectivity, mutually beneficial cohabitation and interdependence are the sustaining features of modern economies. Not for South Asia which remains the least connected region of the world where its eight members trade between them just two percent of their collective global trade.

India thinks it has resolved Kashmir already by amending and rescinding clauses in its Constitution which had preserved its special status. Pakistan rejects such unilateral legislative assault on an issue which is inherently bilateral and alive on the list of UN recognised disputes to which both nations are signatories. A plethora of resolutions on Kashmir have been successfully thwarted by India in defiance of what is universally recognised as a global flash point. Its gravity and impact have lost steam against Indian recalcitrance and the failure of either side to create conditions conducive to its resolution.

In 2019 India changed the character of the issue in what may be understood as a strategic surprise even if Pakistan finds refuge in Kashmir’s disputed status. In a strategic sense Pakistan seems to be at a loss to find a suitable response. Pakistan’s strategic options too look constrained in the face of quiet connivance of the world which has chosen to look the other way. To India it is a done deal; to Pakistan it is still a challenge grappling with the paradigmatical shift. In practical terms Pakistan is restricted to pursue what are strictly political and diplomatic choices. If in due course the status quo prevails the paradigm may have undergone an irreversible change. Is there space then to rethink the issue in greatly more practical terms providing an imaginative closure to a problem that has beguiled us into a listless stasis? It may just open the strategic space a bit, so essential for the entire region to turn the corner.

Second is the character of the Modi regime which mars any chance of betterment. Now a fully established autocrat who has a dominating hold over most levers of the state and society, Modi uses these to great effect to serve his political purpose. Domestically it translates into a heinous agenda of ethnic cleansing those not from the Hindu faith which makes for some twenty percent of the 1.4 billion population. That is also how he frames the Pakistani bogey which he uses with abandon as a political ploy to win elections. Before every election he will enact a skirmish on the LOC and use it as narrative of imagined success. Another election looms in 2024 with Modi seeking his third consecutive term while the region watches in anguish on what shape the act will take. It will surely push back any chance of fresh thinking on South Asia to break the stasis and the logjam and move to a mutually beneficial coexistence. Can he rise above himself and his exaggerated sense of personal and national aggrandisement? This alone will decide if the two can indeed Tango.

Why he doesn’t is equally instructive. It is after decades that India has a tail up on Pakistan with the latter roiling in its stew of political instability and economic turmoil. Years of misgovernance has regressed Pakistan to the point of a failing economy and a desolate society. With these indices Modi and India think it is imprudent to offer a helping hand to an old nemesis. Trade between the two neighbours can exponentially improve the lot of millions on both sides of the border but Modi rather see Pakistan biting dust.

In and of itself it can have serious consequences for India and the region. How may Pakistan react to such gamesmanship remains untested rending a tenuous region even more precarious. For the moment though both Modi and India relish Pakistan’s misfortune. Per Modi, “Let Pakistan rot in its own stew”. Unfortunate but true. Better times for South Asia will wait for a statesman to arrive in its midst.

Third: equally obstinate are those in the government service of both nations who have raked fear and whipped rhetoric in the service of their mission which has centred on trading anger, hate and racial exclusiveness. Both use foundational issues such as Kashmir to their cause forever warping the need to resolve it on even terms. The currency of hate entrenches when Indians abhor Pakistanis because they are Muslims and Pakistanis dislike India because she has appropriated Kashmir in a sly occupation. Diplomats and soldiers have fed on this narration and built on their respective stocks. More productively used they have the wherewithal to forge unique solutions, but inertia and the perceived sanctity of their own historical experience stays such inclination.

These three demons, till they are exorcised through widespread knowledge, debate and mature interaction will keep holding back the future of the two people. This is when the larger stability in the region is at stake and major powers are vying for influence either through direct engagement or seeking proxies to further their agenda. The around two billion souls that inhabit the larger SAARC region remain hostage to the classic gameplay of the two nuclear powers, India and Pakistan. They are willing to submit to regional arrangements like SCO and ASEAN but will neither resurrect SAARC nor develop a thriving economic region within South Asia. Poverty thus continues to be rampant on either side. Africa, the pervasive laggard, will soon leave behind South Asia as its people progress to a better future.

As older order begins to give way South Asia continues to be held back by a lackluster and bankrupt leadership. It will though easily fall prey to tagging another major power hoping for increased influence and heft by proxy. It will always be shortchanged as Pakistan’s own experience so aptly demonstrates. South Asia deserves better but under the pervasive shadow of the demons that haunt its innate promise it largely remains unrealised. Pakistan has a lot to do to leverage its potential and improve its socioeconomic fundamentals while India must rise above its arrogance and imagined superiority to forge the complementarity the two can bring to the table to a more fulfilling future. Modi in his third term will need a new script.

How they latch on to the 20% "minority" with "atrocities" committed by Hindus shows how low their critical thinking faculties are.
Anyone using that circular logic has to be kept in the bad bin and never allowed into any sane debates.