Iamanidiot
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Bong have weird tastes when it comes to the electoral choices first jyothi babu now didi.Bengal is going from the frying pan to the fire.
Naxals/Maoists Watch
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SHASH2K2
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PC snubs Mamata: Nobody should back Naxals
Union Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday came in for indirect criticism from Home Minister P. Chidambaram over her pro-Maoist speech in Lalgarh.
Chidambaram said that nobody should be supporting the Maoists, and certainly no one who is a part of the government.
"No one should support the CPI(Maoist), and the government certainly will not encourage anyone to support the CPI(Maoist)," Chidambaram said.
The remarks came a day after Parliament was rocked by Opposition protests over Mamata's speech in Lalgarh on Monday. Addressing a rally, Mamata had raised questions on the encounter in which Maoist leader Azad was killed.
The Opposition had asked the government to explain Mamata's pro-Maoist stand. Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee had said the government would look into Mamata's speech and give a report.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/108593/India/pc-snubs-mamata-nobody-should-back-naxals.html
Union Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday came in for indirect criticism from Home Minister P. Chidambaram over her pro-Maoist speech in Lalgarh.
Chidambaram said that nobody should be supporting the Maoists, and certainly no one who is a part of the government.
"No one should support the CPI(Maoist), and the government certainly will not encourage anyone to support the CPI(Maoist)," Chidambaram said.
The remarks came a day after Parliament was rocked by Opposition protests over Mamata's speech in Lalgarh on Monday. Addressing a rally, Mamata had raised questions on the encounter in which Maoist leader Azad was killed.
The Opposition had asked the government to explain Mamata's pro-Maoist stand. Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee had said the government would look into Mamata's speech and give a report.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/108593/India/pc-snubs-mamata-nobody-should-back-naxals.html
Will Arundhati Roy now praise the jehadis as well?
Civil libertarians are up in arms against any possible police action against Arundhati Roy for her pro-Maoist stance. There are several big guns like Aruna Roy and Jean Dreze who favour a virtual anticipatory bail for the Booker prize winner. Their contention is that support for Maoist insurgency does not constitute a crime.
Mamata Banerjee, too, is of the same view although, as is her wont, she was far more forthright in her expression of support for the Sahitya Akademi prize winner Mahashweta Devi. West Bengal would "burn", she had threatened, if the pro-Maoist writer was arrested.
There will be a measure of support for these views although not everyone will endorse Mamata's method of protest. The essence of such liberalism is that the freedom of expression should not be suppressed. It is also undeniable that Maoism elicits a kind of snobbery, especially among the well-off, where support for the rebels is intended to stress their superiority via an overt empathy with the downtrodden.
Or it may be a guilt complex harboured by the affluent over the destitution of the underprivileged. It is the same complex which makes a section of the upper castes root for Mayawati. Since the Maoists are supposed to be fighting for the poor, their supporters in polite society claim a higher moral status than their critics, who are the "running dogs" of capitalism, to turn to a phrase used in Mao Zedong's time against Liu Shaochi and the chairman's other opponents during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
The pro-Maoists believe that their case is ethically foolproof. There are occasional muted murmurs about the violence perpetrated by the insurgents, such as the killing of policemen in Dantewada.
But, as the more vocal among the apologists point out, such incidents are unavoidable where the Maoists have to defend themselves. It is the old Leftist argument about the state being the more violent of the two while the working class merely fends off the attacks of the rich and the powerful, thereby causing a few casualties in the process.
The underlying assumption is that the state does not really represent the "people". The legitimacy for this stand is drawn from the historical battles of the Bolsheviks, Mao's guerrillas, Fidel Castro's jungle warriors and Ho Chi Minh's peasant army.
The scene in India is a little different in that it is neither a monarchy, nor a dictatorship, nor is it under a regime which is propped up by the Americans, although the last allegation is made in a roundabout way.
The main charge made by Roy, Mahashweta Devi and others is that Indian democracy is devoid of any sympathy for the oppressed because its present-day rulers are under the thumb of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Again, this is an old Marxist characterisation of a bourgeois government as a committee of the exploiters.
However, even if the pro-poor credentials of the Maoist supporters are conceded for argument's sake, the point remains as to what extent this entitles them to behave as virtual subversives.
The answer may become clearer if the activities of another group of militants — the Islamic fundamentalists — are taken into account. Will the state allow their supporters the luxury of using the openness of democracy to speak for them? And will the champions of human rights be as vocal in their endorsement of the jehadi cause as the Maoist uprising? Probably not.
Yet, the jehadis claim to represent an even larger section of people than the Maoists, who speak for the poor in India only. The Islamists, on the other hand, believe that they are voicing the grievances of the ummah or the entire community of Muslims, who live under dictatorial regimes which are in league with the Americans.
In India, Simi and the Indian Mujahideen have joined the terrorists apparently for the reason stated earlier, and also because of the depressed condition of Muslims in this country and the violence unleashed against them by a seemingly biased state machinery during communal outbreaks — as in Gujarat. Like the Maoists, the jehadis also do not expect any redressal of their grievances under the existing system and want to supplant it in India (as well as in the Muslim countries run by America's "puppets") with one which is true to Islamic tenets. Their Caliphate is no different in this respect from the Marxist utopia.
Despite this similarity, there are two reasons why the civil rights groups are more restrained about Islamic fundamentalists than about the Maoists. The first is the fear that the state may be less indulgent towards them if they lean too far towards the jehadis. Society in general, too, will not be all that permissive.
And the second is that Islamic militancy lacks the romantic appeal of Marxism, which is not dissimilar to the unending charm of the Robin Hood legend. Islamism, with its stark puritanism based on the "opium" of religion and the oppression of women, lacks that appeal for the left-liberals.
What happened to BJP????Is it pay back for shorabuddins case to congress???
August 10, 2010 21:03 IST
The Bharatiya Janata Party [ Images ] on Tuesday used Union minister Mamata Banerjee's [ Images ] statement, questioning the encounter of Maoist leader Azad, to draw parallels with the Sohrabuddin case and demanded a Central Bureau of Investigation inquiry into the Naxal's death as well.
"The Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter is an old case but government has ordered a CBI inquiry. We have demanded that a CBI inquiry should be ordered in the Azad encounter case too. A minister is saying that it is a case of murder," Deputy Leader of BJP in Lok Sabha Gopinath Munde [ Images ] said.
Azad was killed in an encounter in Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh. By questioning this encounter, albeit by using Banerjee's statement, the BJP intends to corner the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh.
The BJP may be intending at creating parallels between Azad's case and the Sohrabuddin encounter in Gujarat, where former Home Minister Amit Shah is in jail for his alleged role and the CBI is said to be closing in on Chief Minister Narendra Modi [ Images ].
Taking the issue of Mamata's statement on Azad to Parliament, the opposition demanded suspension of question hour in both Houses and said a discussion on the matter should take place.
Looking to pull the rug from under the Congress' feet, the BJP did not mince words regarding Banerjee and was highly critical of the Union minister's alleged support to Maoists at the Trinamool Congress's [ Images ] Lalgarh rally on Monday.
"The rally was supported by banned organisations and appeals to support it were issued by Maoist leaders. And, while the Central government has launched 'Operation Greenhunt' in Naxal-affected districts and has called for a united action plan, a minister of this government is saying this should be stopped," Munde said.
He also said that Banerjee was against use of guns to fight Maoists.
"Naxalism is not just Naxalism now. It is terrorism. We are against Naxalism. They are looting trains..." Munde said.
The senior BJP leader said his party was not against talks with Maoists but maintained that Union ministers should practice restraint.
© Copyright 2010 PTI. All rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of PTI content, including by framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent.
BJP demands CBI probe into Azad encounter
August 10, 2010 21:03 IST
The Bharatiya Janata Party [ Images ] on Tuesday used Union minister Mamata Banerjee's [ Images ] statement, questioning the encounter of Maoist leader Azad, to draw parallels with the Sohrabuddin case and demanded a Central Bureau of Investigation inquiry into the Naxal's death as well.
"The Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter is an old case but government has ordered a CBI inquiry. We have demanded that a CBI inquiry should be ordered in the Azad encounter case too. A minister is saying that it is a case of murder," Deputy Leader of BJP in Lok Sabha Gopinath Munde [ Images ] said.
Azad was killed in an encounter in Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh. By questioning this encounter, albeit by using Banerjee's statement, the BJP intends to corner the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh.
The BJP may be intending at creating parallels between Azad's case and the Sohrabuddin encounter in Gujarat, where former Home Minister Amit Shah is in jail for his alleged role and the CBI is said to be closing in on Chief Minister Narendra Modi [ Images ].
Taking the issue of Mamata's statement on Azad to Parliament, the opposition demanded suspension of question hour in both Houses and said a discussion on the matter should take place.
Looking to pull the rug from under the Congress' feet, the BJP did not mince words regarding Banerjee and was highly critical of the Union minister's alleged support to Maoists at the Trinamool Congress's [ Images ] Lalgarh rally on Monday.
"The rally was supported by banned organisations and appeals to support it were issued by Maoist leaders. And, while the Central government has launched 'Operation Greenhunt' in Naxal-affected districts and has called for a united action plan, a minister of this government is saying this should be stopped," Munde said.
He also said that Banerjee was against use of guns to fight Maoists.
"Naxalism is not just Naxalism now. It is terrorism. We are against Naxalism. They are looting trains..." Munde said.
The senior BJP leader said his party was not against talks with Maoists but maintained that Union ministers should practice restraint.
© Copyright 2010 PTI. All rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of PTI content, including by framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent.
Pintu
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http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...-bid-to-tap-Naxalites/articleshow/6307929.cms
ISI using D-company in bid to tap Naxalites
TNN, Aug 14, 2010, 12.35am IST
BANGALORE: In a discovery that deepens the terror threat across India, Bangalore police have stumbled upon evidence that Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has been using mafia gangsters to connect to Naxalites.
Bangalore cops say they thwarted a dangerous mission by Chhota Shakeel's men - trying to link up with Naxalites in southern India to create a law-and-order problem in the region. In a joint operation with the Andhra Pradesh police, the bid was foiled and five people arrested.
Police say that Chhota Shakeel acts on behalf of the Karachi-based don Dawood Ibrahim, who has close links with the ISI, the military group whose fingerprints have been found in most terrorist attacks in India.
Altaf alias Rakesh was running Times Bar in Chachi Towers on Residency Road till 2006. When Kerala police cornered him for kidnapping and extortion, he fled to Dubai and there was no trace of him.
But, he was in contact with Vinay Kumar of Ramanathpur, Arakalgud taluk, who worked as a bouncer in a bar. Vinay was wanted in a case registered in Banaswadi. Altaf established contact with Chhota Shakeel and agreed to find people to mediate between the ISI and Maoists in India. Vinay agreed to be the via media.
Vinay found the right person to link up with Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh. Devaiah alias Sachin from Virajpet in Kodagu, had a security agency in R T Nagar. Coffee planter Devaiah was sympathizer of landless labourers. He had set up a small tribal welfare group near Mysore and frequented Chhattisgarh to establish contact with Naxal leaders.
When Vinay offered funding for Naxal groups, Devaiah readily agreed to connect him with leaders in Andhra Pradesh.
When Vinay told Altaf about this, Rs 25 lakh was sent through hawala channels. Altaf wanted Vinay to arrange a meeting of Devaiah and three Naxal leaders in Dubai with Shakeel to discuss the plan of action for India. Vinay organized passports and visas for Dubai for Naxal leaders Ram Kripal Pande, Shivakumar Kunta and Sridhar Pasham, police said.
City policecommissionerShankar Bidari said arrangements had been made to issue a Red Corner Notice against Altaf. Cops are also looking for Vinay's associates handling his money.
Police feel this is just the tip of the Shakeel iceberg. While one of his networks established links with Naxals, another was busy working on ways to fund radical elements in Dakshina Kannada district to create communal tension. Police also got wind of Shakeel's plot to eliminate a rival gangster in Nepal. However, these links were cut by the probe into the money trail in Dakshina Kannada. City police came across Chhota Shakeel's plans during routine surveillance. The Intelligence Bureau too was keeping a close tab on these activities.
ISI using D-company in bid to tap Naxalites
TNN, Aug 14, 2010, 12.35am IST
BANGALORE: In a discovery that deepens the terror threat across India, Bangalore police have stumbled upon evidence that Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has been using mafia gangsters to connect to Naxalites.
Bangalore cops say they thwarted a dangerous mission by Chhota Shakeel's men - trying to link up with Naxalites in southern India to create a law-and-order problem in the region. In a joint operation with the Andhra Pradesh police, the bid was foiled and five people arrested.
Police say that Chhota Shakeel acts on behalf of the Karachi-based don Dawood Ibrahim, who has close links with the ISI, the military group whose fingerprints have been found in most terrorist attacks in India.
Altaf alias Rakesh was running Times Bar in Chachi Towers on Residency Road till 2006. When Kerala police cornered him for kidnapping and extortion, he fled to Dubai and there was no trace of him.
But, he was in contact with Vinay Kumar of Ramanathpur, Arakalgud taluk, who worked as a bouncer in a bar. Vinay was wanted in a case registered in Banaswadi. Altaf established contact with Chhota Shakeel and agreed to find people to mediate between the ISI and Maoists in India. Vinay agreed to be the via media.
Vinay found the right person to link up with Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh. Devaiah alias Sachin from Virajpet in Kodagu, had a security agency in R T Nagar. Coffee planter Devaiah was sympathizer of landless labourers. He had set up a small tribal welfare group near Mysore and frequented Chhattisgarh to establish contact with Naxal leaders.
When Vinay offered funding for Naxal groups, Devaiah readily agreed to connect him with leaders in Andhra Pradesh.
When Vinay told Altaf about this, Rs 25 lakh was sent through hawala channels. Altaf wanted Vinay to arrange a meeting of Devaiah and three Naxal leaders in Dubai with Shakeel to discuss the plan of action for India. Vinay organized passports and visas for Dubai for Naxal leaders Ram Kripal Pande, Shivakumar Kunta and Sridhar Pasham, police said.
City policecommissionerShankar Bidari said arrangements had been made to issue a Red Corner Notice against Altaf. Cops are also looking for Vinay's associates handling his money.
Police feel this is just the tip of the Shakeel iceberg. While one of his networks established links with Naxals, another was busy working on ways to fund radical elements in Dakshina Kannada district to create communal tension. Police also got wind of Shakeel's plot to eliminate a rival gangster in Nepal. However, these links were cut by the probe into the money trail in Dakshina Kannada. City police came across Chhota Shakeel's plans during routine surveillance. The Intelligence Bureau too was keeping a close tab on these activities.
bhramos
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SOTN: Majority feels Naxal demands 'genuine'
New Delhi: The CNNIBN-The Week State Of The Nation poll has found a resounding no to the Naxal violence, but people in India's worst Naxal-hit states say Naxal demands are genuine.
The Naxalites believe blowing up schools, roads and Railway tracks; killing security personnel like CPRF men and even targeting unarmed civilians, who they believe to be police informers, is a legitimate strategy to fight what they perceive to be an oppressive system. But does picking up arms have the sanction of those in the red corridor?
The CNNIBN-The Week Opinion poll suggested that 33 per cent of the people disagreed, while 23 per cent agreed, on asking whether taking up guns justified.
However, the Naxalites justify violence demanding land and forest rights for the poor and a significant percentage of residents in Naxal-hit areas sympathise with the cause and struggle as well. But perhaps the most categorical assertion of no support for violence comes from findings of what the sympathisers feel.
A huge 95 per cent sympathisers emphatically reject violent means. While just nine-per cent justify use of guns, as a symbol of protest.
The Naxal group has been defined in various forms by the country's prominent leaders in different times in different context. Even the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has termed 'Naxals as the gravest internal security threat'.
There is no unified ideology among the country's big names. The Prime Minister called the Naxals as the "gravest internal security threat". But few social thinkers belief Naxals to be the "misguided ideologues" and few have termed the Naxals as "terrorists". But how do people in the war zone perceive the rebels and their armed struggle.
Out of those polled, 32 per cent felt that their demands were genuine but the methods used were wrong and 15 per cent felt Naxalites struggle for the rights of the poor. While 16 per cent said the Naxals spread needless violence. 37 per cent said they had no opinion.
The critics of the Operation Green Hunt have argued that the counter-insurgency operations are primarily to enable Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to set their business in Naxal belt. The CNNIBN -The Week Opinion poll indicated that a majority of the people disagreed, i.e, 33 per cent of the people disagreed, while 21 per cent agreed on whether the anti-Naxal Operations meant to clear forest for MNCs.
Yes, the Naxalites have genuine demands but these cannot be a justification for their violent means that is one clear indicator of the CNNIBN-The Week Opinion poll.
Pro-Naxalite justifications not endorsed
Who met the security forces Agree Disagree
Taking up gun by Naxalite justified since govt. only listen to gun 23% 33%
Anti- Naxal operation is a pretext for clearing forests for businessmen and corporations 21% 33%
Emphatic rejection of violent methods
Naxalites are right in raising issues, but they should not use guns Sympathisers
Agree 91%
Disagree 9%
Mild support for anti-Naxalite reading
Naxalites are exploiting poor Adivasi Agree Disagree
All 33% 28%
Adivasi 32% 28%
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/sotn-majority-feel-naxals-demands-genuine/128735-37-64.html?from=tn
New Delhi: The CNNIBN-The Week State Of The Nation poll has found a resounding no to the Naxal violence, but people in India's worst Naxal-hit states say Naxal demands are genuine.
The Naxalites believe blowing up schools, roads and Railway tracks; killing security personnel like CPRF men and even targeting unarmed civilians, who they believe to be police informers, is a legitimate strategy to fight what they perceive to be an oppressive system. But does picking up arms have the sanction of those in the red corridor?
The CNNIBN-The Week Opinion poll suggested that 33 per cent of the people disagreed, while 23 per cent agreed, on asking whether taking up guns justified.
However, the Naxalites justify violence demanding land and forest rights for the poor and a significant percentage of residents in Naxal-hit areas sympathise with the cause and struggle as well. But perhaps the most categorical assertion of no support for violence comes from findings of what the sympathisers feel.
A huge 95 per cent sympathisers emphatically reject violent means. While just nine-per cent justify use of guns, as a symbol of protest.
The Naxal group has been defined in various forms by the country's prominent leaders in different times in different context. Even the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has termed 'Naxals as the gravest internal security threat'.
There is no unified ideology among the country's big names. The Prime Minister called the Naxals as the "gravest internal security threat". But few social thinkers belief Naxals to be the "misguided ideologues" and few have termed the Naxals as "terrorists". But how do people in the war zone perceive the rebels and their armed struggle.
Out of those polled, 32 per cent felt that their demands were genuine but the methods used were wrong and 15 per cent felt Naxalites struggle for the rights of the poor. While 16 per cent said the Naxals spread needless violence. 37 per cent said they had no opinion.
The critics of the Operation Green Hunt have argued that the counter-insurgency operations are primarily to enable Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to set their business in Naxal belt. The CNNIBN -The Week Opinion poll indicated that a majority of the people disagreed, i.e, 33 per cent of the people disagreed, while 21 per cent agreed on whether the anti-Naxal Operations meant to clear forest for MNCs.
Yes, the Naxalites have genuine demands but these cannot be a justification for their violent means that is one clear indicator of the CNNIBN-The Week Opinion poll.
Pro-Naxalite justifications not endorsed
Who met the security forces Agree Disagree
Taking up gun by Naxalite justified since govt. only listen to gun 23% 33%
Anti- Naxal operation is a pretext for clearing forests for businessmen and corporations 21% 33%
Emphatic rejection of violent methods
Naxalites are right in raising issues, but they should not use guns Sympathisers
Agree 91%
Disagree 9%
Mild support for anti-Naxalite reading
Naxalites are exploiting poor Adivasi Agree Disagree
All 33% 28%
Adivasi 32% 28%
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/sotn-majority-feel-naxals-demands-genuine/128735-37-64.html?from=tn
Last edited by a moderator:
bhramos
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The Indian Air Force Has Full Right To Fire On Naxalites In Self Defense
The Indian Air Force has been granted full permission and right to fire and kill naxalites in self defense. The government gave these orders the Air Force stations in the naxal sensitive area on India. The 'Yes' to this issue came after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave full previlige to the Indian Air Force, as he stated that the naxalites are the worst problem that India has within it.
The Government has allowed the IAF to fire on these extremists in the case of self defense, and now the IAF has deployed two MI-17's and two Dhurv Helicopters in the naxal hit areas. The IAF can also use the side fitted machine guns on the helicopters in the naxal areas.
The weapons can be used by the doorman who sits with the machine gun in helicopter during the sorties over these areas. The IAF can use these guns in defensive mode, but not under the order of anti-naxal operations.
http://www.thatsfamous.com/3643-the...l-right-to-fire-on-naxalites-in-self-defense/
The Indian Air Force has been granted full permission and right to fire and kill naxalites in self defense. The government gave these orders the Air Force stations in the naxal sensitive area on India. The 'Yes' to this issue came after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave full previlige to the Indian Air Force, as he stated that the naxalites are the worst problem that India has within it.
The Government has allowed the IAF to fire on these extremists in the case of self defense, and now the IAF has deployed two MI-17's and two Dhurv Helicopters in the naxal hit areas. The IAF can also use the side fitted machine guns on the helicopters in the naxal areas.
The weapons can be used by the doorman who sits with the machine gun in helicopter during the sorties over these areas. The IAF can use these guns in defensive mode, but not under the order of anti-naxal operations.
http://www.thatsfamous.com/3643-the...l-right-to-fire-on-naxalites-in-self-defense/
bhramos
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Shrinking forest area may add to Naxal problem
HYDERABAD: The forest area in Andhra Pradesh is shrinking and the tribal population shooting up. As a result, the ground is becoming more fertile for Naxalites to stage a come back.
According to official sources, since the implementation of Forest Dwellers Act 2006, the state Forest Department has signed off nearly 13 lakh acre in favour of tribals and others. Of this, over 2 lakh acre was given away in Khammam that borders Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district where the Maoists enjoy an upper hand over the paramilitary forces. "The claims over forest land haven't stopped coming. We don't know how much more forest land we have to surrender. There is tremendous pressure from the government and local politicians to speed up decisions on the claims," they said.
Buttressing the official version is the 2009 report of the Forest Survey of India that revealed that the state has lost 81 sq km forest area in the last couple of years.
Explaining the gravity of the situation, the sources pointed out at a new trend in the forest fringe areas. Having come to know that the forest department is handing over rights on land to hordes of people, some enterprising individuals have decided to encroach upon fresh chunks of land, approach the officials with admission of their offence and ask them to register cases. The offenders believe that when the government comes up with another Forest Dwellers Act after a few years they would have official evidence in their favour that they possessed the land at one point of time.
According to estimates, at least 27,000 acre forest land has been encroached since the implementation of the Act a couple of years ago. With no support forthcoming from the police, the forest officials are finding it difficult to evict the encroachers.
Another alarming factor is the abnormal rise in the tribal population in the state. The Scheduled Caste population was 4.2 million in 1991 which rose to 5 million in the 2001 round of census. What these figures hide rather than reveal is the influx of tribals from the neighbouring states such as Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Orissa in large numbers.
According to one estimation, while the general population rose by 111 per cent in the last four decades, the tribal population shot up in the same period by 280 per cent. The tribals are entering Khammam from Chhattisgarh where the peace has vanished. At least 150 habitations of the migrant tribals have popped up in the district in the past two to three years. Similarly, Srikakulam is awash with people fleeing Orissa and Adilabad with Lambadas from Maharashtra. The Lambada migration into Andhra Pradesh is older as unlike here they are not included in the Scheduled Tribe list in Maharashtra, officials said.
The officials feel that the innocent villagers and tribals are being encouraged by political parties to fell trees and occupy land. Any attempt to evict them leads to law and order situation where the forest officials are forced to back off.
Senior police officials believe that if the government does not show grit to stop the migration and encroachment of forest land, the Maoists could begin recruitment campaigns and also try to make some strikes. It is better to nip the problem in the bud rather than allow it slip out of control and become a menace, one of them said.
Read more: Shrinking forest area may add to Naxal problem - Hyderabad - City - The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...problem/articleshow/6301967.cms#ixzz0wWqkyOb2
HYDERABAD: The forest area in Andhra Pradesh is shrinking and the tribal population shooting up. As a result, the ground is becoming more fertile for Naxalites to stage a come back.
According to official sources, since the implementation of Forest Dwellers Act 2006, the state Forest Department has signed off nearly 13 lakh acre in favour of tribals and others. Of this, over 2 lakh acre was given away in Khammam that borders Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district where the Maoists enjoy an upper hand over the paramilitary forces. "The claims over forest land haven't stopped coming. We don't know how much more forest land we have to surrender. There is tremendous pressure from the government and local politicians to speed up decisions on the claims," they said.
Buttressing the official version is the 2009 report of the Forest Survey of India that revealed that the state has lost 81 sq km forest area in the last couple of years.
Explaining the gravity of the situation, the sources pointed out at a new trend in the forest fringe areas. Having come to know that the forest department is handing over rights on land to hordes of people, some enterprising individuals have decided to encroach upon fresh chunks of land, approach the officials with admission of their offence and ask them to register cases. The offenders believe that when the government comes up with another Forest Dwellers Act after a few years they would have official evidence in their favour that they possessed the land at one point of time.
According to estimates, at least 27,000 acre forest land has been encroached since the implementation of the Act a couple of years ago. With no support forthcoming from the police, the forest officials are finding it difficult to evict the encroachers.
Another alarming factor is the abnormal rise in the tribal population in the state. The Scheduled Caste population was 4.2 million in 1991 which rose to 5 million in the 2001 round of census. What these figures hide rather than reveal is the influx of tribals from the neighbouring states such as Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Orissa in large numbers.
According to one estimation, while the general population rose by 111 per cent in the last four decades, the tribal population shot up in the same period by 280 per cent. The tribals are entering Khammam from Chhattisgarh where the peace has vanished. At least 150 habitations of the migrant tribals have popped up in the district in the past two to three years. Similarly, Srikakulam is awash with people fleeing Orissa and Adilabad with Lambadas from Maharashtra. The Lambada migration into Andhra Pradesh is older as unlike here they are not included in the Scheduled Tribe list in Maharashtra, officials said.
The officials feel that the innocent villagers and tribals are being encouraged by political parties to fell trees and occupy land. Any attempt to evict them leads to law and order situation where the forest officials are forced to back off.
Senior police officials believe that if the government does not show grit to stop the migration and encroachment of forest land, the Maoists could begin recruitment campaigns and also try to make some strikes. It is better to nip the problem in the bud rather than allow it slip out of control and become a menace, one of them said.
Read more: Shrinking forest area may add to Naxal problem - Hyderabad - City - The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...problem/articleshow/6301967.cms#ixzz0wWqkyOb2
SHASH2K2
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Here comes real face of congress. Everything is fair to be in Power.
Not seeking clarification from Mamata on Lalgarh speech: Pranab
Union Minister Pranab Mukherjee on Saturday dismissed as figment of imagination reports that he is going to West Bengal to seek a clarification from Mamata Banerjee on her speech in Maoist dominated Lalgarh which had raised hackles of the Opposition. Mukherjee told reporters that he would meet the Trinamool Congress leader to enquire about her health as she had fallen sick.
"Whatever is appearing... is absolutely figment of imagination.... I am going to meet Mamata Banerjee because after the Lalgarh rally, she became sick and doctors have advised her to take rest. I am going to meet her only in that connection," the senior Congress leader said.
Mukherjee said, "neither I am going to carry red card, green card or yellow card, nor I have been directed or mandated by somebody."
He said there should be "some responsibility in providing news to viewers and readers. It cannot be in the domain of imagination."
BJP and the Left parties had joined hands in Parliament to corner the government on the Railway Minister's speech at her rally at Lalgarh on Monday in which she had condemned the killing of Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad in an encounter in Andhra Pradesh.
Not seeking clarification from Mamata on Lalgarh speech: Pranab
Union Minister Pranab Mukherjee on Saturday dismissed as figment of imagination reports that he is going to West Bengal to seek a clarification from Mamata Banerjee on her speech in Maoist dominated Lalgarh which had raised hackles of the Opposition. Mukherjee told reporters that he would meet the Trinamool Congress leader to enquire about her health as she had fallen sick.
"Whatever is appearing... is absolutely figment of imagination.... I am going to meet Mamata Banerjee because after the Lalgarh rally, she became sick and doctors have advised her to take rest. I am going to meet her only in that connection," the senior Congress leader said.
Mukherjee said, "neither I am going to carry red card, green card or yellow card, nor I have been directed or mandated by somebody."
He said there should be "some responsibility in providing news to viewers and readers. It cannot be in the domain of imagination."
BJP and the Left parties had joined hands in Parliament to corner the government on the Railway Minister's speech at her rally at Lalgarh on Monday in which she had condemned the killing of Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad in an encounter in Andhra Pradesh.
anoop_mig25
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Riding piggyback on Maoists, Mamata aims for red fort
here is a article which explains why Mamata Banerjee is sideing with maoist (as usual Indian ploitics :angry_10::angry_10
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/riding-piggyback-on-maoists-mamata-aims-for-red-fort/659632/0
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Subrata Nagchoudury
Posted: Fri Aug 13 2010, 03:01 hrs
Kolkata:
As she set her foot in Lalgarh, almost 13 months after she last visited the region, Mamata Banerjee launched a definite political agenda for herself. She is trying to find a place in a world that has not seen much of her till now. In the real sense, her Lalgarh venture once again defines her steadfast goal for 2011: to gain power with absolute majority. To this end, Mamata's controversial rally in Lalgarh turns out to be a major political event as it underlines her desperation to have a share of the electoral booty from this region to gain absolute power.
Even without Lalgarh and its contiguous tribal areas in the three districts of West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia, which account for 41 Assembly seats, Mamata might achieve power. But going by the last Lok Sabha results, what she surely cannot achieve without a fair share of seats from these 41 Assembly segments is an absolute majority for the Trinamool Congress. It would be a serious impediment for her to add up to the magic number with the Congress's support in a role reversal of what the TMC is doing for the Congress-led UPA at the Centre.
In an Assembly of 292 seats, a party needs to have 147 seats for absolute majority. Going by the last Lok Sabha results, the Trinamool Congress leads in about 130 Assembly segments over the CPM or the other Left Front constituents in the seven districts of North and South 24 Parganas, Kolkata, Nadia, Howrah, Hooghly and East Midnapore. It leaves a gap of 17 seats to achieve that magic figure of 147, should Mamata retain her spectacular showing of 2009.
The TMC victory rath in 2009 Parliament polls stopped short of Lalgarh in West Midnapore. In the tribal heartland, with Lalgarh at its core, the Marxists continue to hold sway, bagging five out of six Lok Sabha seats. In 2001, when the Congress and the TMC fought the Assembly polls together, they bagged only four seats out of 41 — the Congress three and the TMC just one. In 2006, the TMC was nowhere to be seen, drawing a blank, but the Congress got three seats. This simple electoral logic and compulsion makes Mamata's bid for Lalgarh so much more crucial and gripping.
Given the urgency of the challenge, Mamata knows she does not have time on her hands. This largely explains the desperation that drove her to take a plunge into a political cauldron even at the risk of her party being tagged together with the Maoists. It would be too naïve to assume that she did not anticipate the extreme discomfiture her move would have caused to her UPA partner, the Congress. It's just that she has been somewhat ruthless in her pursuit of power.
Apart from the electoral statistics, she probably wants to address another vital issue that concerns her support base profile. The community-wise support base between the TMC, the Congress and the CPM has been interestingly poised. While Muslims in Malda and Murshidabad continue to be overwhelmingly with the Congress, they have largely switched over to the TMC in North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Kolkata, Howrah and Hooghly. The TMC has also been able to make a dent in the CPM's Scheduled Caste vote bank. The Scheduled Tribes pockets, accounting for 17 Assembly seats, seem to be still out of Mamata's reach.
Therefore, political connotations of the Lalgarh rally — even though it was held under the so-called "apolitical" banner of Santras Birodhi Manch — could not have been missed. Even from her address at the rally her concerns about the electoral outcome in the area were evident, as she hinted at the politics hidden in Lalgarh. She began by blasting the Marxists and accusing them of spreading terror in the region from where they were being systematically ousted. "The CPM is trying to spread its areas of influence. They are thinking that they can spring a surprise by winning 50-60 Assembly seats from these areas. But I can tell you it will not happen. They will be wiped out," Mamata said as she predicted the Left's doom.
The Trinamool's inroads into the region, if any, have to be piggy-backed on Maoist-supported frontal organisations in the area. She has just set the ball rolling about a new relation shaping up between the TMC and such frontal bodies.
Political circles in Lalgarh and intelligence inputs give strong signals about a quid pro quo between the two sides. Highly placed sources say that the PCAPA, in any other form or shape, will be willing to support Mamata in the polls. In return, she would work towards withdrawal of joint forces from the region once she assumed power. There are precedents for this.
Shibu Soren in Jharkhand had struck such deals with Maoists in Jharkhand and YSR Reddy had similar tacit understanding with the PWG in Andhra Pradesh and won battles. Some time back the PCAPA was reportedly thinking of floating a political outfit, but the move was stalled. However, their political ambitions are very much alive.
Mamata's other co-sharer in this transition process — the Congress — used to have a better foothold in many pockets in the region. But like elsewhere, its rank and file is getting merged with the new emerging formation. Sunday's rally was a pointer. Despite the diplomatic slip given by Keshava Rao, the AICC member in charge of West Bengal, and WBPCC president Manas Bhuniya, Congress workers turned up in hordes from Lalgarh, Jhargram, Bankura and Purulia. "We have wholeheartedly supported her rally and laud her initiative," said a Congress block president in Lalgarh.
The next few weeks will definitely show how the tribal heartland is gearing up for the transition. The appointment of Suvendu Adhikari and Sisir Adhikari — the aggressive architects of Mamata's campaign in Nandigram — shows that she is not willing to let Bengal's Marxists rule in their strongest red fort.
here is a article which explains why Mamata Banerjee is sideing with maoist (as usual Indian ploitics :angry_10::angry_10
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/riding-piggyback-on-maoists-mamata-aims-for-red-fort/659632/0
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Subrata Nagchoudury
Posted: Fri Aug 13 2010, 03:01 hrs
Kolkata:
As she set her foot in Lalgarh, almost 13 months after she last visited the region, Mamata Banerjee launched a definite political agenda for herself. She is trying to find a place in a world that has not seen much of her till now. In the real sense, her Lalgarh venture once again defines her steadfast goal for 2011: to gain power with absolute majority. To this end, Mamata's controversial rally in Lalgarh turns out to be a major political event as it underlines her desperation to have a share of the electoral booty from this region to gain absolute power.
Even without Lalgarh and its contiguous tribal areas in the three districts of West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia, which account for 41 Assembly seats, Mamata might achieve power. But going by the last Lok Sabha results, what she surely cannot achieve without a fair share of seats from these 41 Assembly segments is an absolute majority for the Trinamool Congress. It would be a serious impediment for her to add up to the magic number with the Congress's support in a role reversal of what the TMC is doing for the Congress-led UPA at the Centre.
In an Assembly of 292 seats, a party needs to have 147 seats for absolute majority. Going by the last Lok Sabha results, the Trinamool Congress leads in about 130 Assembly segments over the CPM or the other Left Front constituents in the seven districts of North and South 24 Parganas, Kolkata, Nadia, Howrah, Hooghly and East Midnapore. It leaves a gap of 17 seats to achieve that magic figure of 147, should Mamata retain her spectacular showing of 2009.
The TMC victory rath in 2009 Parliament polls stopped short of Lalgarh in West Midnapore. In the tribal heartland, with Lalgarh at its core, the Marxists continue to hold sway, bagging five out of six Lok Sabha seats. In 2001, when the Congress and the TMC fought the Assembly polls together, they bagged only four seats out of 41 — the Congress three and the TMC just one. In 2006, the TMC was nowhere to be seen, drawing a blank, but the Congress got three seats. This simple electoral logic and compulsion makes Mamata's bid for Lalgarh so much more crucial and gripping.
Given the urgency of the challenge, Mamata knows she does not have time on her hands. This largely explains the desperation that drove her to take a plunge into a political cauldron even at the risk of her party being tagged together with the Maoists. It would be too naïve to assume that she did not anticipate the extreme discomfiture her move would have caused to her UPA partner, the Congress. It's just that she has been somewhat ruthless in her pursuit of power.
Apart from the electoral statistics, she probably wants to address another vital issue that concerns her support base profile. The community-wise support base between the TMC, the Congress and the CPM has been interestingly poised. While Muslims in Malda and Murshidabad continue to be overwhelmingly with the Congress, they have largely switched over to the TMC in North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Kolkata, Howrah and Hooghly. The TMC has also been able to make a dent in the CPM's Scheduled Caste vote bank. The Scheduled Tribes pockets, accounting for 17 Assembly seats, seem to be still out of Mamata's reach.
Therefore, political connotations of the Lalgarh rally — even though it was held under the so-called "apolitical" banner of Santras Birodhi Manch — could not have been missed. Even from her address at the rally her concerns about the electoral outcome in the area were evident, as she hinted at the politics hidden in Lalgarh. She began by blasting the Marxists and accusing them of spreading terror in the region from where they were being systematically ousted. "The CPM is trying to spread its areas of influence. They are thinking that they can spring a surprise by winning 50-60 Assembly seats from these areas. But I can tell you it will not happen. They will be wiped out," Mamata said as she predicted the Left's doom.
The Trinamool's inroads into the region, if any, have to be piggy-backed on Maoist-supported frontal organisations in the area. She has just set the ball rolling about a new relation shaping up between the TMC and such frontal bodies.
Political circles in Lalgarh and intelligence inputs give strong signals about a quid pro quo between the two sides. Highly placed sources say that the PCAPA, in any other form or shape, will be willing to support Mamata in the polls. In return, she would work towards withdrawal of joint forces from the region once she assumed power. There are precedents for this.
Shibu Soren in Jharkhand had struck such deals with Maoists in Jharkhand and YSR Reddy had similar tacit understanding with the PWG in Andhra Pradesh and won battles. Some time back the PCAPA was reportedly thinking of floating a political outfit, but the move was stalled. However, their political ambitions are very much alive.
Mamata's other co-sharer in this transition process — the Congress — used to have a better foothold in many pockets in the region. But like elsewhere, its rank and file is getting merged with the new emerging formation. Sunday's rally was a pointer. Despite the diplomatic slip given by Keshava Rao, the AICC member in charge of West Bengal, and WBPCC president Manas Bhuniya, Congress workers turned up in hordes from Lalgarh, Jhargram, Bankura and Purulia. "We have wholeheartedly supported her rally and laud her initiative," said a Congress block president in Lalgarh.
The next few weeks will definitely show how the tribal heartland is gearing up for the transition. The appointment of Suvendu Adhikari and Sisir Adhikari — the aggressive architects of Mamata's campaign in Nandigram — shows that she is not willing to let Bengal's Marxists rule in their strongest red fort.
SHASH2K2
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Oppn attacks Mamata on Azad remarks, Govt defends her
Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee's comments questioning the manner in which Maoist leader Azad had been killed created an uproar in the Rajya Sabha on Thursday with Left and BJP MPs taking up the issue and the government saying that their contention was based only on media reports. A day after Banerjee's statement that she stands by her speech at Lalgarh in West Bengal, Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) leader Sitaram Yechury sought a clarification from the government.
"Nothing of that sort happened," Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Prithviraj Chavan said intervening in a zero hour mention on the issue by Yechury.
"When the issue was raised first, I said that I'll find out the details from the minister... these are only media reports. We must find the facts," Chavan said
The Left found an ally in the Bharatiya Janata Party, which had raised the issue in the house last week. As BJP members joined them in the protest, MP Ravi Shankar Prasad countered the assertion, saying he had seen Banerjee speaking on TV.
He also said Banerjee's statement was a "breach of collective responsibility of the government". Slamming the government on this, the opposition parties shouted slogans in protest.
Yechury pointed out that Chavan himself didn't look convinced as his colleague Brinda Karat shouted "shame shame". Yechury also referred to the absence of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who left the house soon after question hour.
"We are disappointed that the prime minister walked out, through you (Chair) I would ask him to stay," Yechury said as he began his mention.
"The prime minister on several occasions has called the Maoists the greatest threat to internal security... how can a minister in the union cabinet who has taken oath under the constitution go against the head of the cabinet... is it permissible under the constitution," he asked.
Members from the Trinamool Congress, including Minister of State for Health Dinesh Trivedi, were up on their feet protesting the mention.
Strongly objecting to Trivedi's interference, BJP member SS Ahluwalia raised a point of order stating that the minister was a member of the Lok Sabha and should not disrupt the proceedings in the upper house.
Deputy Chairman K Rehman Khan made repeated pleas to pacify the Trinamool members.
"She (Banerjee) said the government has indulged in murder, it's an absolute negation of the authority of government," Yechury added. At a rally earlier this month in Lalgarh, Banerjee condemned the "manner" in which Azad was killed at Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh July 2.
Banerjee on Wednesday stuck to her comments suggesting that Maoist leader Azad was killed in a staged shootout and said she was happy the rebels had responded to calls from the president and the prime minister to come for talks.
Azad, who carried a reward of Rs 12 lakh on his head, was a member of the central committee of the outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist). He was gunned down along with a freelance journalist, Hem Chandra Pandey.
Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee's comments questioning the manner in which Maoist leader Azad had been killed created an uproar in the Rajya Sabha on Thursday with Left and BJP MPs taking up the issue and the government saying that their contention was based only on media reports. A day after Banerjee's statement that she stands by her speech at Lalgarh in West Bengal, Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) leader Sitaram Yechury sought a clarification from the government.
"Nothing of that sort happened," Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Prithviraj Chavan said intervening in a zero hour mention on the issue by Yechury.
"When the issue was raised first, I said that I'll find out the details from the minister... these are only media reports. We must find the facts," Chavan said
The Left found an ally in the Bharatiya Janata Party, which had raised the issue in the house last week. As BJP members joined them in the protest, MP Ravi Shankar Prasad countered the assertion, saying he had seen Banerjee speaking on TV.
He also said Banerjee's statement was a "breach of collective responsibility of the government". Slamming the government on this, the opposition parties shouted slogans in protest.
Yechury pointed out that Chavan himself didn't look convinced as his colleague Brinda Karat shouted "shame shame". Yechury also referred to the absence of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who left the house soon after question hour.
"We are disappointed that the prime minister walked out, through you (Chair) I would ask him to stay," Yechury said as he began his mention.
"The prime minister on several occasions has called the Maoists the greatest threat to internal security... how can a minister in the union cabinet who has taken oath under the constitution go against the head of the cabinet... is it permissible under the constitution," he asked.
Members from the Trinamool Congress, including Minister of State for Health Dinesh Trivedi, were up on their feet protesting the mention.
Strongly objecting to Trivedi's interference, BJP member SS Ahluwalia raised a point of order stating that the minister was a member of the Lok Sabha and should not disrupt the proceedings in the upper house.
Deputy Chairman K Rehman Khan made repeated pleas to pacify the Trinamool members.
"She (Banerjee) said the government has indulged in murder, it's an absolute negation of the authority of government," Yechury added. At a rally earlier this month in Lalgarh, Banerjee condemned the "manner" in which Azad was killed at Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh July 2.
Banerjee on Wednesday stuck to her comments suggesting that Maoist leader Azad was killed in a staged shootout and said she was happy the rebels had responded to calls from the president and the prime minister to come for talks.
Azad, who carried a reward of Rs 12 lakh on his head, was a member of the central committee of the outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist). He was gunned down along with a freelance journalist, Hem Chandra Pandey.
SHASH2K2
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Also some politicians need to spend entire life in Jail like normal prisoners.
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why & how are your politicians elected in the first place & how & who keeps them in power?
99% of Indians I meet on the net tell me their politicians r ruining the country, my own relatives in India tell me the same! You guys know what the problem is - BAD LEADERSHIP & CORRUPTION in a league of it's own. No vision, no will power, it makes India look bad & weak! How many districts are not in Indian governments control?
It is mind boggling, I don't understand how India works!!!!!
Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks
Somewhere On The Bengal-Jharkhand Border: The eerie calm in the dense sal forest is deafening. Walking along a snaking dirt track, a clear patch appears. Sitting on a rock, hidden by thick, emerald green foliage, is the diminutive figure of a woman, a gamchha (thin towel) covering her head. Her blue salwar-kameez meld with the surroundings. Her eyes dart around at the slightest hint of sound. Shobha Mandi, alias Uma, alias Shikha, gives a searching look and then smiles. The 23-year-old CPI-Maoist Jhargram area commander says she was expecting us.
From commanding 25-30 armed Maoist squad members, Uma turned a fugitive four months ago. She fled her command post on the plea of seeing a doctor. She hid with her aunt for a short while; and now she says she wants the world to know her story. She wants to surrender and is likely to give up Naxalism on August 26.
Why did she decide to shed her battle fatigues seven years after she joined the Naxals? "They committed injustices against which they claimed they were fighting," said Uma. "As a recruit, I protested against the habits of some leaders in the presence of Kishanji. Nobody liked it. The leaders instructed the squad members not to speak to me. I was isolated and warned of dire consequences if I protested," she said.
What didn't she like about the leaders? "They rape," she shot back, eyes flashing with rage. "After about a year of joining Naxals, I was put on night-long sentry duty at a forest camp in Jharkhand. Suddenly, out of the dark, Bikash (now, head of the state military commission) came up and asked me for water. As I turned to fetch it, he grabbed me and tried to do 'kharap kaaj' (indecent acts)." When she objected, Bikash threatened to strangle her. After forcing her into submission, Bikash raped her, she said. She was 17 then.
"He warned me against telling anyone about this. But, I told Akash (Kishanji's confidant and a state committee member). He said he would look into it but did nothing. In fact, Akash's wife, Anu, lives with Kishanji," Uma said.
Most women recruits are exploited by senior Maoists. Senior women leaders, too, have multiple sexual partners, Uma said. "If a member gets pregnant, she has no choice but to abort: A child is seen as a burden that hampers the agility of guerrillas."
Uma has heard tales of brutalization of other women Naxals, too. "Seema (then a recruit) told me that Akash raped her as well. Rahul (alias Ranjit Pal) raped Belpahari squad commander Madan Mahato's wife, Jaba. In this case, the party punished Rahul, who is a key weapons trainer at Maoist camps. He was removed from the regional committee for three months," said Uma.
State committee secretary Sudip Chongdar, alias Goutam, was also punished for similar acts, she said, and transferred to Jharkhand's West Singbhum district. Maoists divide time between forest camps and hideouts in villages. Villagers can't refuse shelter to gun-toting Maoists. Also, they must keep all night vigil to alert them against police raids. "When Sudip took shelter in villages, he raped women in their homes. They were too scared to protest," said Uma.
Many of her senior leaders exploited her sexually. One day, says Uma, Kamal Maity, who is a Bengal-Jharkhand-Orissa regional committee member, came to her rescue. At a meeting attended by Kishanji and other top Maoists, Kamal proposed a relationship with Uma. The leaders agreed. "After Jaba's incident, I learnt that a woman cadre is protected against sexual exploitation only if she is with a senior leader," she said. That was a turning point and she rose steadily in Naxal ranks.
Uma is on the police's most wanted list. She is suspected to have planned and executed a series of attacks, including the massacre of 24 EFR jawans in Silda (February 2010); a raid on Sankrail police station in which two policemen were killed and an officer abducted (October 2009). She is also one of the suspects in Jharkhand MP Sunil Mahato's murder in 2007.
She mentored PCPA members, including Bapi Mahato who is in jail for the Jnaneswari train sabotage. Last year, when the joint central and state forces advanced into Lalgarh to break an eight-month siege, she along with other Maoists fired at the police. In Jhargram, she is known as didi. According to a source, Uma single-handedly built up the PCPA at Jhargram.
Uma joined the rebels in 2003. CPI-Maoist hadn't been formed then. "I joined the People's War (PW) which later merged with MCC in 2004 to form CPI-Maoist," she said. She was given a new name, Uma. "I was plump. Anu (Akash's wife; Kishanji's companion) said I looked like Uma Bharti. So, she named me Uma."
Maoist leaders spotted her organizational skills. She was asked to mobilize tribals women at Jamboni and Dahijuri in West Midnapore. She also underwent three-month arms training at Jharkhand's Gorabandha forest. "First, we are taught with dummy weapons using tree branches. All recruits have to fire three bullets in their first session. Those who hit the target are picked for armed squads," she said.
In spite of guns and guerrilla warfare, the woman in her sometimes longs for simple pleasures like painting her nails or wearing earrings. But, she says, "We were not permitted to use even fragrant soaps, lest we get detected. Only Lifebuoy is used by cadres."
Did she join the rebels of her own free will? Circumstances, she said. Uma is second of four siblings. Along with their parents, they worked as wage earners on farms or collected sal leaves, mahua and red ants (kurkut) to sell. "I was good in studies but weak in math. I worked all day and studied at night," the girl from Khayerpahari village in West Bengal's Bankura district recounted. "I couldn't pass the Class X board."
This was in 2002. Younger brother Sanjay, who was in Class VIII, was already taken away by the extremists. He became a Lalgarh squad member and is in jail now. "My father, Jamadar Mandi, was an alcoholic suffering from tuberculosis. There was no money to buy him medicines. We sold our land and also borrowed money," Uma said.
While the family struggled, some "party" members offered help. "They gave my father some money and told me to join them. They said I could leave if I didn't like working with them," said Uma. The prospect of a job spurred her.
But only after she signed up did she realize she could never go home. "Whoever comes here, never returns," a senior leader told her. She wanted freedom from poverty but found herself chained to an ideology she couldn't understand.
After seven years of witnessing bloodletting, she has no fear of death. She now hopes the state she has fought against will rehabilitate her. "There are many in the Maoist ranks who would flee given half a chance," she said.
Read more: Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks - India - The Times of India Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks - India - The Times of India
Somewhere On The Bengal-Jharkhand Border: The eerie calm in the dense sal forest is deafening. Walking along a snaking dirt track, a clear patch appears. Sitting on a rock, hidden by thick, emerald green foliage, is the diminutive figure of a woman, a gamchha (thin towel) covering her head. Her blue salwar-kameez meld with the surroundings. Her eyes dart around at the slightest hint of sound. Shobha Mandi, alias Uma, alias Shikha, gives a searching look and then smiles. The 23-year-old CPI-Maoist Jhargram area commander says she was expecting us.
From commanding 25-30 armed Maoist squad members, Uma turned a fugitive four months ago. She fled her command post on the plea of seeing a doctor. She hid with her aunt for a short while; and now she says she wants the world to know her story. She wants to surrender and is likely to give up Naxalism on August 26.
Why did she decide to shed her battle fatigues seven years after she joined the Naxals? "They committed injustices against which they claimed they were fighting," said Uma. "As a recruit, I protested against the habits of some leaders in the presence of Kishanji. Nobody liked it. The leaders instructed the squad members not to speak to me. I was isolated and warned of dire consequences if I protested," she said.
What didn't she like about the leaders? "They rape," she shot back, eyes flashing with rage. "After about a year of joining Naxals, I was put on night-long sentry duty at a forest camp in Jharkhand. Suddenly, out of the dark, Bikash (now, head of the state military commission) came up and asked me for water. As I turned to fetch it, he grabbed me and tried to do 'kharap kaaj' (indecent acts)." When she objected, Bikash threatened to strangle her. After forcing her into submission, Bikash raped her, she said. She was 17 then.
"He warned me against telling anyone about this. But, I told Akash (Kishanji's confidant and a state committee member). He said he would look into it but did nothing. In fact, Akash's wife, Anu, lives with Kishanji," Uma said.
Most women recruits are exploited by senior Maoists. Senior women leaders, too, have multiple sexual partners, Uma said. "If a member gets pregnant, she has no choice but to abort: A child is seen as a burden that hampers the agility of guerrillas."
Uma has heard tales of brutalization of other women Naxals, too. "Seema (then a recruit) told me that Akash raped her as well. Rahul (alias Ranjit Pal) raped Belpahari squad commander Madan Mahato's wife, Jaba. In this case, the party punished Rahul, who is a key weapons trainer at Maoist camps. He was removed from the regional committee for three months," said Uma.
State committee secretary Sudip Chongdar, alias Goutam, was also punished for similar acts, she said, and transferred to Jharkhand's West Singbhum district. Maoists divide time between forest camps and hideouts in villages. Villagers can't refuse shelter to gun-toting Maoists. Also, they must keep all night vigil to alert them against police raids. "When Sudip took shelter in villages, he raped women in their homes. They were too scared to protest," said Uma.
Many of her senior leaders exploited her sexually. One day, says Uma, Kamal Maity, who is a Bengal-Jharkhand-Orissa regional committee member, came to her rescue. At a meeting attended by Kishanji and other top Maoists, Kamal proposed a relationship with Uma. The leaders agreed. "After Jaba's incident, I learnt that a woman cadre is protected against sexual exploitation only if she is with a senior leader," she said. That was a turning point and she rose steadily in Naxal ranks.
Uma is on the police's most wanted list. She is suspected to have planned and executed a series of attacks, including the massacre of 24 EFR jawans in Silda (February 2010); a raid on Sankrail police station in which two policemen were killed and an officer abducted (October 2009). She is also one of the suspects in Jharkhand MP Sunil Mahato's murder in 2007.
She mentored PCPA members, including Bapi Mahato who is in jail for the Jnaneswari train sabotage. Last year, when the joint central and state forces advanced into Lalgarh to break an eight-month siege, she along with other Maoists fired at the police. In Jhargram, she is known as didi. According to a source, Uma single-handedly built up the PCPA at Jhargram.
Uma joined the rebels in 2003. CPI-Maoist hadn't been formed then. "I joined the People's War (PW) which later merged with MCC in 2004 to form CPI-Maoist," she said. She was given a new name, Uma. "I was plump. Anu (Akash's wife; Kishanji's companion) said I looked like Uma Bharti. So, she named me Uma."
Maoist leaders spotted her organizational skills. She was asked to mobilize tribals women at Jamboni and Dahijuri in West Midnapore. She also underwent three-month arms training at Jharkhand's Gorabandha forest. "First, we are taught with dummy weapons using tree branches. All recruits have to fire three bullets in their first session. Those who hit the target are picked for armed squads," she said.
In spite of guns and guerrilla warfare, the woman in her sometimes longs for simple pleasures like painting her nails or wearing earrings. But, she says, "We were not permitted to use even fragrant soaps, lest we get detected. Only Lifebuoy is used by cadres."
Did she join the rebels of her own free will? Circumstances, she said. Uma is second of four siblings. Along with their parents, they worked as wage earners on farms or collected sal leaves, mahua and red ants (kurkut) to sell. "I was good in studies but weak in math. I worked all day and studied at night," the girl from Khayerpahari village in West Bengal's Bankura district recounted. "I couldn't pass the Class X board."
This was in 2002. Younger brother Sanjay, who was in Class VIII, was already taken away by the extremists. He became a Lalgarh squad member and is in jail now. "My father, Jamadar Mandi, was an alcoholic suffering from tuberculosis. There was no money to buy him medicines. We sold our land and also borrowed money," Uma said.
While the family struggled, some "party" members offered help. "They gave my father some money and told me to join them. They said I could leave if I didn't like working with them," said Uma. The prospect of a job spurred her.
But only after she signed up did she realize she could never go home. "Whoever comes here, never returns," a senior leader told her. She wanted freedom from poverty but found herself chained to an ideology she couldn't understand.
After seven years of witnessing bloodletting, she has no fear of death. She now hopes the state she has fought against will rehabilitate her. "There are many in the Maoist ranks who would flee given half a chance," she said.
Read more: Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks - India - The Times of India Raped repeatedly, Naxal leader quits Red ranks - India - The Times of India
