An emerging India through Pakistani Eyes - threats and counter strategies

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Who is this Ashoka Mody.. Kaushik Basu boyfriend?
India uses both expenditure approach and Production approach[for registered industries ] ..and Income approach for unregistered sector
How do demented will know? They will not have time understand and study.
 

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FalconSlayers

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India, Pakistan: 2024 is year of elections
Farhat Ali Published about 3 hours ago


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The general elections in Pakistan in February 2024 would soon be followed by the general election in India. Both have parliamentary form of government. However, the significant difference between the two is the fact that politics in India has successfully moved towards the politics of state economy and people’s welfare.

The people of India have tasted its benefits and want more of it. Prime minister Narendra Modi has outpaced his opponents on both the accounts while religiously pursuing his party BJP’s Hindutva nationalist agenda, which is critical to his own survival.

In the Indian current political landscape, the consensus among political analysts is that a win for Modi or the party is ‘almost an inevitability’. As BJP swept three major state elections in December, Modi did not hold back from predicting that “this hat-trick has guaranteed the 2024 victory”.

Modi came to power in 2014 largely on the back of an anti-incumbency wave while his re-election in 2019 was all but secured after India carried out airstrikes on Pakistan, after a terrorist incident a few months before the polls, resulting in a storm of national security sentiment in his favour. Modi in the meantime has moved far beyond this need and may not require this symbolism in 2024. There are bigger strides to count upon.
The Indian prime minister now showcases himself as a political strongman who could do what needs to be done and get away with it - like the unilateral, illegal, unlawful and illegitimate annexation of Jammu and Kashmir—as a person who has performed economic wonders by positioning India among the five largest economies of the world, outpacing other leading economies with a 7.3 % growth and with an ambition to be the third largest.

Alongside this he, off and on, pops out BJP’s Hindutva nationalist agenda, which continues to work as a useful vehicle for increased popularity among Hindus who constitute overwhelming majority of the country, particularly in the populous Hindi belt of the north, resulting in the widespread persecution of Muslims.
Modi’s messaging in this election campaign is directed at his role in elevating India as a global power – be that in international politics and global diplomacy or in the recent landing on the moon as the first country to successfully land a spacecraft near the lunar south pole.

Prime Minister Modi just months before election touted his country’s economic prospects at a global business summit held this week in his home state of Gujarat where business leaders, chief executives and diplomats from 133 countries are reported to have participated and unveiled investment plans worth nearly $33 billion.
Posters of Modi were put up across Ahmadabad, along with those of UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan who arrived in the state on a visit ahead of the event.

India is a “powerhouse for talented youth, a technology hub for finding solutions and a democracy that delivers,” Modi told the ‘Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit’, adding that the nation was on its way to becoming the world’s third-largest economy in a few years.

India of today is defined by its economic success or prowess. What is not truly exposed and recognised by the people of India and conveniently ignored by the world powers is the price India is paying to move in the single-track direction of economic growth.

Reportedly, the apparatus of the country has been skewed heavily towards the BJP since Modi came to power in 2014, resulting in an unprecedented consolidation of power, curbs on critical media, woeful erosion of judiciary’s independence and all forms of parliamentary scrutiny and accountability, and a stepped up drive of government agencies to pursue and jail political opponents.

Western-led economies are not what India is trying to imitate. They maintain the balance between economic deliverance, democratic values and institutional independence and supremacy. All these values are fast eroding in India.

Concerns are raised over what a third-term for Narendra Modi would mean for the country amidst rising Hindu-Muslim tensions. Ashutosh Varshney, the director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia at Brown University in the US, has said that he expects the rights of Muslims to continue to come under attack.
India’s immediate future would be defined by its economic success, and India becoming the world’s third largest economy, amidst erosion of democracy, freedom of speech and justice and the rights of the members of Muslim community, who exceed 200 million. The question how long this will be sustainable has no easy answer.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2024



FARHAT ALI
The writer is a former President, Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry
 

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India, Pakistan: 2024 is year of elections
Farhat Ali Published about 3 hours ago
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View attachment 236245
The general elections in Pakistan in February 2024 would soon be followed by the general election in India. Both have parliamentary form of government. However, the significant difference between the two is the fact that politics in India has successfully moved towards the politics of state economy and people’s welfare.

The people of India have tasted its benefits and want more of it. Prime minister Narendra Modi has outpaced his opponents on both the accounts while religiously pursuing his party BJP’s Hindutva nationalist agenda, which is critical to his own survival.

In the Indian current political landscape, the consensus among political analysts is that a win for Modi or the party is ‘almost an inevitability’. As BJP swept three major state elections in December, Modi did not hold back from predicting that “this hat-trick has guaranteed the 2024 victory”.

Modi came to power in 2014 largely on the back of an anti-incumbency wave while his re-election in 2019 was all but secured after India carried out airstrikes on Pakistan, after a terrorist incident a few months before the polls, resulting in a storm of national security sentiment in his favour. Modi in the meantime has moved far beyond this need and may not require this symbolism in 2024. There are bigger strides to count upon.
The Indian prime minister now showcases himself as a political strongman who could do what needs to be done and get away with it - like the unilateral, illegal, unlawful and illegitimate annexation of Jammu and Kashmir—as a person who has performed economic wonders by positioning India among the five largest economies of the world, outpacing other leading economies with a 7.3 % growth and with an ambition to be the third largest.

Alongside this he, off and on, pops out BJP’s Hindutva nationalist agenda, which continues to work as a useful vehicle for increased popularity among Hindus who constitute overwhelming majority of the country, particularly in the populous Hindi belt of the north, resulting in the widespread persecution of Muslims.
Modi’s messaging in this election campaign is directed at his role in elevating India as a global power – be that in international politics and global diplomacy or in the recent landing on the moon as the first country to successfully land a spacecraft near the lunar south pole.

Prime Minister Modi just months before election touted his country’s economic prospects at a global business summit held this week in his home state of Gujarat where business leaders, chief executives and diplomats from 133 countries are reported to have participated and unveiled investment plans worth nearly $33 billion.
Posters of Modi were put up across Ahmadabad, along with those of UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan who arrived in the state on a visit ahead of the event.

India is a “powerhouse for talented youth, a technology hub for finding solutions and a democracy that delivers,” Modi told the ‘Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit’, adding that the nation was on its way to becoming the world’s third-largest economy in a few years.

India of today is defined by its economic success or prowess. What is not truly exposed and recognised by the people of India and conveniently ignored by the world powers is the price India is paying to move in the single-track direction of economic growth.

Reportedly, the apparatus of the country has been skewed heavily towards the BJP since Modi came to power in 2014, resulting in an unprecedented consolidation of power, curbs on critical media, woeful erosion of judiciary’s independence and all forms of parliamentary scrutiny and accountability, and a stepped up drive of government agencies to pursue and jail political opponents.

Western-led economies are not what India is trying to imitate. They maintain the balance between economic deliverance, democratic values and institutional independence and supremacy. All these values are fast eroding in India.

Concerns are raised over what a third-term for Narendra Modi would mean for the country amidst rising Hindu-Muslim tensions. Ashutosh Varshney, the director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia at Brown University in the US, has said that he expects the rights of Muslims to continue to come under attack.
India’s immediate future would be defined by its economic success, and India becoming the world’s third largest economy, amidst erosion of democracy, freedom of speech and justice and the rights of the members of Muslim community, who exceed 200 million. The question how long this will be sustainable has no easy answer.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2024



FARHAT ALI
The writer is a former President, Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry
what about the plight of Hindus in your own country you fucking Farthat Assli?
 

Indx TechStyle

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Pakistan doesn’t need a grand military parade on borrowed money. This isn’t nation-building
File photo of Pakistani Army officers | Commons

File photo of Pakistani Army officers | Commons
For weeks, flocks of military helicopters and fast-flying fighter jets have crisscrossed Islamabad’s skies in preparation for the annual demonstration of the military might on 23 March, Pakistan Day. These are hard economic times, and so, curious about the cost of the ceremony, I consulted ChatGPT. Operating an attack helicopter, the AI chatbot told me, can range from $3,851 to $20,642 per hour. Fighter jets show greater variation, with lighter models costing $4,500 to $5,500 per hour and heavier ones reaching $20,000 to $60,000. An aerial display, of course, is merely the tip of an iceberg; parades on the ground cost much more.
Still, ignoring these expenses, many countries hold demonstrative displays. Some seek to project strength and warn adversaries by showcasing new weapons and technology during parades. Others hope to boost national morale, knowing such demonstrations can powerfully impact young minds. As tanks lumber by, the earth trembles under their power. When coloured contrails emerge from a tight formation of jets streaking overhead, a collective gasp erupts, followed by thunderous applause.
In Pakistan’s case, which particular end do these displays of force serve? Who is the target audience?
Razzle-dazzle to distract people
The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) couldn’t care less. Emboldened by the Taliban government in Kabul, Afghanistan, its barbaric rampage continues, slaughtering our soldiers and police daily. Driven by a warped ideology, it fights to transform Pakistan into an Islamic state mirroring Afghanistan’s brutal theocracy. Intoxicated by their victory over the US, TTP’s fighters brush off Pakistan as a mere midget destined to crumble. Will a handful of Cobra gunships circling Islamabad deter them?
The Indians are also likely to shrug off troop parades and fly-pasts by Chinese-origin JF-17s and American F-16s. India’s 2023 defence budget of $72.6 billion is nine times higher than Pakistan’s, enabling it to buy and put on display more and advanced military hardware. Flushed with hubris after recent successful space missions, and with greater indigenous weapon production capability, New Delhi cares only about Pakistan’s carefully hidden nukes, which, for obvious reasons, cannot be paraded.
This leaves only the domestic public as the audience for the grand spectacle to be played out on Saturday. Could some razzle-dazzle distract the people from prolonged political instability, a disputed election, fears of further turbulence, and, above all, inflation that is biting deep into their pockets?
Social media may be one place to look for an answer but large numbers of trolls, both human and machine, inject uncertainty. I think a low-end barber shop, offering haircuts at a fifth of what one pays in a “decent” place, is more reliable for discovering the pulse of politics among poorer classes.
Sitting in line and awaiting my turn, I was entertained by a running political conversation among other clients and the barbers themselves. Some appeared Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supporters, although one customer sounded like a Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) sympathiser. The din of low-flying army helicopters did not inspire awe or admiration. Instead, it was negatively received in pithy, unrepeatable Pothwari. One young man complained that he couldn’t afford fuel for his motorbike but the ones flying above were taking joyrides.
Fighting terrorism
Parades won’t work. So, what can the Centre do to dispel today’s widespread pessimism and create a sense of hope for the future? Is it possible to bring about a sense of oneness that had briefly existed during certain points of Pakistan’s history?
A tried and tested way is to raise public enthusiasm over Kashmir. Pakistan would “wage a war for 1,000 years, a war of defence” against India, thundered then-foreign minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. His epic speech, delivered at the United Nations just after the 1965 war, was ecstatically received at home. This, in fact, is what launched Bhutto’s political career. But in the summer of 1990, when his daughter, as the prime minister, repeated these words verbatim, they fell flat.
Thereafter, this line has not worked well. On 26 August 2019, weeks after India’s abrogation of Arctic 370, then-Prime Minister Imran Khan announced that henceforth, “Kashmir Hour” would be observed across the country every week. To show solidarity with the Kashmiri people, government employees, and ordinary people were told to come out of their houses and workplaces every Friday at noon for 30 minutes. All traffic lights would be turned red at 12:00 pm. The first week went well but the second week’s turnout was poor and by the third week, the crowd had disappeared.
Instead of Kashmir, will rousing Pakistanis to fight terrorism by TTP and other extremist religious groups create national unity? By official counts, there were 70,000 deaths from terrorism in 2002-2014 whereas the tally of Pakistanis killed in all four Pakistan-India wars is around 18,000.
This makes it clear which enemy is deadlier. Nevertheless, officialdom has never articulated clearly why the fight against TTP must be fought. The military’s India-centric cadet and defence colleges are echo chambers that do not intellectually equip officers for combating the enemy within. Hence, the army and police lack the public support that they need and rightly deserve. Instead, all kinds of confused strategies abound.
For example, last week, The Sunday Guardian carried an article by former TTP spokesman, Ehsanullah Ehsan, claiming that Pakistan and Tajikistan have hit upon a common strategy for recruiting the fanatical Islamic State–Khorasan Province (ISKP) to combat the Taliban regime in Kabul. This is likely false but what if it’s true? Has there ever been a proper reflection on the consequences of having used extremists in the past?
National unity is needed for Pakistan to eventually defeat TTP and its backers in Kabul. To this end, our officers, soldiers, and police must be told clearly that Pakistan must never become a state like Afghanistan to be ruled by backward, fanatical, and misogynistic mullahs. It’s not just our army and police, but also the general public that must be given this reason to fight TTP.
The Pakistan Day parade—fuelled by borrowed money that must be repaid with interest—will undoubtedly inject a spike of adrenalin and showcase some patriotic displays. For a fleeting moment, the national spirit may soar. However, to truly unite Pakistanis, our leaders must demonstrate profound empathy with ordinary people during today’s dire economic circumstances. To fight the scourge of terrorism, the government must articulate an inclusive vision for Pakistan that respects all its regions and religious faiths and is declaredly modern and forward-looking.
 

FalconSlayers

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India’s arms build-up
Time for India to realise the implications of its actions and works towards building a peaceful and stable South Asia

As South Asia’s security environment continues to remain volatile and explosive, India’s extensive procurement of weapons has only added fuel to the fire. The recent election of Pakistan as the chair of the UN Disarmament Commission shed further light on India’s aggressive military policies and arms acquisitions, which Islamabad views as a serious threat to peace and stability in the region.

It is concerning to see India’s disproportionately-high spending on its efforts to bolster its military capabilities, despite the escalating geopolitical tensions and growing mistrust among regional and world powers. Such actions only serve to heighten the risk of a potential arms race in the region, further destabilising the security environment. India’s quest for military superiority is not only detrimental to its own security but also poses a serious threat to its neighbours, including friendly countries. The recent statement by Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Munir Akram at the commission’s session only reiterates the growing concerns among the neighbouring countries regarding India’s aggressive military policies.



It would be one thing if India was quiet and methodical — building up a strong defence without threatening anyone. Unfortunately, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decade in charge has been quite the opposite. His loud and chaotic government has threatened everyone from archrivals China and Pakistan to allies such as Bangladesh and Nepal, and even a de facto client state like Bhutan. Worryingly, much of Delhi’s heated rhetoric in recent years has been to play for domestic audiences, especially at election time, rather than any real threat.

It is time for India to realise the implications of its actions and works towards building a peaceful and stable South Asia. The focus should be on resolving the existing disputes through dialogue and negotiations rather than resorting to military threats. Detablisation of the region may be good for a few votes among hawking voters, but in the long run, it is bad for all of South Asia, including India itself.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 5th, 2024.
 

Hari Sud

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India’s arms build-up
Time for India to realise the implications of its actions and works towards building a peaceful and stable South Asia

As South Asia’s security environment continues to remain volatile and explosive, India’s extensive procurement of weapons has only added fuel to the fire. The recent election of Pakistan as the chair of the UN Disarmament Commission shed further light on India’s aggressive military policies and arms acquisitions, which Islamabad views as a serious threat to peace and stability in the region.

It is concerning to see India’s disproportionately-high spending on its efforts to bolster its military capabilities, despite the escalating geopolitical tensions and growing mistrust among regional and world powers. Such actions only serve to heighten the risk of a potential arms race in the region, further destabilising the security environment. India’s quest for military superiority is not only detrimental to its own security but also poses a serious threat to its neighbours, including friendly countries. The recent statement by Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Munir Akram at the commission’s session only reiterates the growing concerns among the neighbouring countries regarding India’s aggressive military policies.



It would be one thing if India was quiet and methodical — building up a strong defence without threatening anyone. Unfortunately, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decade in charge has been quite the opposite. His loud and chaotic government has threatened everyone from archrivals China and Pakistan to allies such as Bangladesh and Nepal, and even a de facto client state like Bhutan. Worryingly, much of Delhi’s heated rhetoric in recent years has been to play for domestic audiences, especially at election time, rather than any real threat.

It is time for India to realise the implications of its actions and works towards building a peaceful and stable South Asia. The focus should be on resolving the existing disputes through dialogue and negotiations rather than resorting to military threats. Detablisation of the region may be good for a few votes among hawking voters, but in the long run, it is bad for all of South Asia, including India itself.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 5th, 2024.
Pakistanis should look into the mirror and look at their own military build up. India did not have to spend all that money if Pakistan would not acquire arms previously free from US and now from China at low costs. For India, the only solace is that the Chinese arms are third rate items and pose a limited danger. On the other hand Chinese are sitting on the Northern border with a large inventory of arms and rockets. It leaves India no other choice but to get their own guns and ward off both Pakistan and China.
 

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Pakistanis should look into the mirror and look at their own military build up. India did not have to spend all that money if Pakistan would not acquire arms previously free from US and now from China at low costs. For India, the only solace is that the Chinese arms are third rate items and pose a limited danger. On the other hand Chinese are sitting on the Northern border with a large inventory of arms and rockets. It leaves India no other choice but to get their own guns and ward off both Pakistan and China.
India's military expansion after 1971, especially strategic capabilities, do not have much to do with Pakistan. Nor they were centred around Pakistan.
Army & AF build up were China centric and naval aim was to take hold of Indian Ocean so that no global power can try to threaten India ever again like US did with its 7th fleet in 1971. All the operational requirements and milestones ongoing today, reflect that.

Pakistan only jumped in with a delusion about its relevance, ending up getting bullied and sidelined completely.
 

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