China's Counterinsurgency Strategy in Tibet and Xinjiang

Ray

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China's Counterinsurgency Strategy in Tibet and Xinjiang

Separatist riots in Tibet in 2008 and in Xinjiang in 2009 demonstrated that Chinese authorities may be efficient at riot control. But the protests also indicate that China has not addressed the root causes of recurring ethnic unrest and deteriorating loyalty towards the Chinese regime among Tibetans and Uyghurs.

Counterinsurgency is not only about eradicating insurgents. It also aims at de-linking the insurgents from the local population by undertaking societal and institutional reform. Chinese counterinsurgency usually achieves the first objective, but not the second.

China focuses on maintaining physical security and stability by means of police and public security officials, using the People's Liberation Army as a last resort. This approach has successfully maintained physical security by terminating large-scale violence and protecting political authorities.

The downside to the strategy is that societal and institutional reform is crowded out. Tibetan and Uyghur minorities question China's entitlement to rule over them because their demands for achieving greater status, prosperity, and influence are not met. The pressures on ethnic minorities for trading in cultural distinctiveness with social opportunity in China are illustrated by the inclination of Tibetans and Uyghurs to adopt Han Chinese names to conceal their genealogical inheritance.

The unequal economic opportunities available to ethnic minorities compared to Han Chinese are demonstrated by the absence of Tibetans and Uyghurs in positions of decision-making power in profitable economic enterprises. The minimal political influence of non-Han Chinese is indicated by the lack of cooperation between Chinese officials and local Tibetan and Uyghur leaders with influence among their ethnic kin.

One explanation of the problems of Chinese counterinsurgency is the assimilationist traits of Chinese nationalism. These engender a uniform concept of the cultural practices of the Chinese nation that is incompatible with ethnic pluralism. Another explanation is the bias towards vertical coordination within China's political system.

This structure allows security agencies to carry out their part of counterinsurgency efficiently. But horizontal coordination is poor between security agencies and agencies responsible for societal and institutional reform. This in turn prevents China from addressing the concerns of ethnic minorities that continue to fuel discontent.

China's Counterinsurgency Strategy in Tibet and Xinjiang | Asia Pacific Memo
This indicates the arrogance of the Han Chinese wherein they totally ignore the concerns of the ethnic minorities and is merely interested in creating the myth of Chinese one race theory by the usual historical intimidation and humiliation and deprivation for those who resist.

Unless China reassesses its strategy, unrest will continue to brew.

The total creulty recently displayed in Sichuan indicates that the resentment is spreading closer to the real Han country beyond the non assimilated areas.
 

Ray

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The most serious challenge to China's ethnic policies comes from Tibetans and Uyghurs. In general, language, religion, geopolitics and the late integration with China all play a part in their political separatist tendency. Most of the 55 ethnic minorities are not proficient in their own ethnic language. Even the most populous ethnic groups, such as the Zhuang, Manchus, Hui and Mongolians, use Mandarin. Most of them have been integrated into China for centuries and are therefore highly sinicised.

Thus, it is a polite way of stating that others have become Hans and have forgotten their singular identity.

The paper written by a Han professor from UK and very classical Han in approach also most tangentially indicates that the Tibetans and Uighurs are resisting Hanisation or Sinicization.
 
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