Alexander the Great Invades India

civfanatic

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Re: Marshal Zhukov on Alexander's failed India invasion

Academics with long-standing ties to JNU are most likely to produce such literature. There is no dearth of the same.
It's been three days since I last posted on this thread. No one has replied to my Post #417. You still haven't provided a single citation of any literature which is allegedly 'Marxist' and which is found in the public education system. Instead, you have posted personal attacks on numerous threads. That may make you feel better in some weird way (I will never give you an infraction or ban, don't worry), but that doesn't change the fact that you are totally clueless and have no idea what you are talking about, which is clear from this short discussion here (among others).

Why are some people so prone to beating around the bush and meaningless rhetoric? Why is it so difficult to provide some evidence to support your claims and argue in a semi-coherent and logical manner?


:facepalm: Yeah.. you alone are the Thekedaar of all historical narrative in our public discourse.

Oh come on, get real.
So I take it from this piece of meaningless rhetoric that you don't know the difference? I would not be surprised one bit.
 
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Alexander the Great and West Nile Virus Encephalitis


Alexander the Great and West Nile Virus Encephalitis


Alexander the Great died in Babylon in 323 BC. His death at age 32 followed a 2-week febrile illness. Speculated causes of death have included poisoning, assassination, and a number of infectious diseases. One incident, mentioned by Plutarch but not considered by previous investigators, may shed light on the cause of Alexander's death. The incident, which occurred as he entered Babylon, involved a flock of ravens exhibiting unusual behavior and subsequently dying at his feet. The inexplicable behavior of ravens is reminiscent of avian illness and death weeks before the first human cases of West Nile virus infection were identified in the United States. We posit that Alexander may have died of West Nile encephalitis.

Alexander the Great died in the ancient Mesopotamian city of Babylon, on June 10, of 323 BC (Figure). His death after a 2-week febrile illness (Table) has fascinated ancient scholars and contemporary medical investigators (1), who have posited various diagnoses based on sparse clinical information—a few recorded signs and symptoms. Retrodiagnoses have included poisoning and infectious as well as noninfectious diseases (1–6). After reviewing ancient accounts and modern theories, we have concluded that Alexander may have died of West Nile encephalitis

Previous Theories.Poisons
Few poisons induce fever, and few of these were available in Alexander's time—except plant salicylates, which disturb temperature regulation; alkaloids, which interfere with perspiration; and ergot mycotoxins, which produce a subjective sensation of heat. Plutarch mentions that Aristotle (Alexander's tutor) procured arsenic to poison Alexander (7). But plants, mycotoxins, and arsenic are not the likely causes of death since none would have caused the reported high, sustained fever.

Infections
Alexander's death occurred in late spring, upon his return to Babylon from the Indian subcontinent. Environmental conditions were unremarkable (8). Babylon, located on the Euphrates River (90 km south of present-day Baghdad), was bordered on the east by a swamp. Animals, including birds, were abundant (9), and arthropods were also likely present (available from: URL: http://www.ac.wwu.edu/~stephan/Animation/alexander.html). Diseases endemic to the area (present-day Iraq) (leishmaniasis, bubonic plague, hemorrhagic fevers) were not mentioned by chroniclers of Alexander's death. Also not reported was illness among his troops, mainly Macedonians and local recruits. Descriptions of Alexander's illness do not include common disease signs (e.g., rash, icterus, "thin blood," vomiting, diarrhea or dysentery, hematuria, seizures).

Malaria, a diagnosis postulated by previous authors (1–3), occurred in Mesopotamia (10,11), and is common in today's Middle East (12). Some of Alexander's symptoms are compatible with malaria: continuous fever, chills, diaphoresis, prostration, myalgia, progressive weakness, stupor, diminished sensorium, delirium; however, dark urine, so called "black water fever," or intermittent fevers were not reported. Today, most malaria in Iraq is due to Plasmodium vivax (13). Given Alexander's travel history, had his illness been malaria, it would have been due to P. falciparum; however, absence of P. falciparum's dramatic signature fever curve diminishes the possibility of malaria as a probable cause.

Typhoid fever and its complications have also been thoroughly considered (1). Alexander had a 2-week febrile illness culminating in terminal encephalopathy. As do encephalitis, endocarditis, pneumococcal pneumonia, psittacosis, rickettsial disease, and tularemia, typhoid causes sustained or continuous fever (14). The typical course of typhoid fever lasts one month. In fatal cases, death usually occurs at the end of week 2. Typhoid's neurologic manifestations, which also include delirium and expressionless demeanor, are seen in week 3. Other signs include cough, diarrhea, "rose spots," epistaxis, and bloody stool (15). None of these signs or other illnesses similar to Alexander's were documented by Plutarch. Most other enteric infections have no neurologic sequelae and are generally self-limited. Vibrio vulnificus infection, which may cause fatal sepsis in heavy drinkers (as was Alexander), causes rapid death, accompanied by skin and muscle lesions and bleeding.

Other suggested diagnoses include Schistosoma haematobium infection (4), which causes painless hematuria; however, ectopic egg deposition may occur at any time, causing transverse myelitis, paralysis, and death (16). Exposure to cercariae produces pruritus and Katayama fever induces serum sickness (4), but symptoms include low grade fever and pruritic swellings, which were not reported in Alexander's case. Some leptospirosis symptoms are consistent with Alexander's illness; however, other classic leptospirosis signs (biphasic fever, calf or thigh pain, jaundice, hemorrhage, pulmonic involvement) were not reported. Acanthamoeba spp. (pathogenic free-living amoebae) and Naegleria spp. cause meningoencephalitis, which is acquired during bathing, an activity in which Alexander reportedly participated with compulsion. Acanthamoebae are cosmopolitan but prefer compromised hosts. Moreover, death from naegleriasis usually occurs within a week of onset, and encephalitis caused by acanthamoebae causes death only after a prolonged period of symptoms.

When Alexander's clinical symptoms were listed on GIDEON (Global Infectious Diseases and EpidemiOlogy Network (13), influenza ranked highest (41.2% probability) on the list of differential diagnoses. While influenza could have killed Alexander, reports did not mention others becoming ill with similar symptoms. Lymphocytic choriomeningitis, an influenzalike illness followed by meningoencephalitis, is rare. Poliomyelitis can occur as an isolated case or as epidemic; its characteristics include fever, vomiting, severe myalgia, and prostration, as well as the early complication of flaccid paralysis, which has been postulated as another late sign in Alexander's illness (1). This interpretation narrows the differential diagnosis to include poliomyelitis (see above), Guillain-Barré syndrome, and the encephalitides. (A list of the many other infectious diseases others have considered as well as additional, less likely candidates is available from the authors.)

Go to:West Nile Fever and Encephalitis.West Nile fever was not considered by previous authors as cause of Alexander's death, possibly because it has only recently emerged globally. West Nile virus (family Flaviviridae, genus Flavivirus), first isolated from a febrile patient in Uganda in 1937 (17), is one of many viruses causing encephalitis. Infection is marked by fever, encephalitis, or meningoencephalitis. Until the early 1990s, the virus was largely confined to Africa, Europe, and Asia. In 1941, an outbreak occurred in Tel Aviv, with no deaths reported. Over the next 60 years, seven outbreaks occurred in Israel and its environs (18). In 1957, during an outbreak in an army camp, a single case of encephalitis was recognized in a group of 300 soldiers (19). By 2000, a countrywide outbreak occurred, with a case-fatality rate of 8.4% (20). In 1999, West Nile virus was introduced to the United States, and 4,156 laboratory-confirmed human cases of infection (earliest onset of illness, June 10) occurred in 2002 (21). Median age in fatal cases was 72 years, although neurologic disease occurred in all cases. Also recognized in both fatal and nonfatal cases was flaccid paralysis in patients with encephalitis.

West Nile virus infections in vertebrates may have been occurring in the Middle East for centuries. Now the virus has spread to new areas of the world and to new populations and causes infection characterized by new signs and symptoms. In the 2000 epidemic in Israel, encephalitis occurred in nearly 59% of 417 human cases. Of 233 hospitalized patients (case-fatality rate 14%), >98% had fever, 46% cognitive changes, and 17% abdominal pain or myalgias. Nearly 18% became comatose (22). Acute flaccid paralysis was noted, as in the United States in 1999 and later (23).

When West Nile virus–infected Culex mosquitoes take a blood meal from a susceptible vertebrate, the virus may be incidentally transmitted. Birds serve as amplifying hosts, the degree of amplification depending on avian species, environmental conditions, and other factors. Birds with viremia provide mosquitoes blood meals; these mosquitoes subsequently serve to bridge West Nile virus infection to humans. Responses to recent epizootics and epidemics have improved our understanding of the disease. New competent mosquito vectors are recognized, new human and mammalian symptoms are identified, and new bird species are determined as poor, intermediate, or excellent amplifiers of the virus.

Ludwig et al. examined 437 birds at the Bronx Zoo and Wildlife Conservation Park during the 1999 West Nile virus epizootic and epidemic in New York City (24), where virus activity was first recognized in wild and captive birds in the United States. Avian deaths were observed weeks before the first human West Nile virus encephalitis cases. Even though 42% of birds tested were New World birds, 14 (82%) of 17 deaths were in New World birds and 3 (5%) of 57 were in Old World birds, which suggests that birds in the latter group might have had innate immunity by virtue of their ancestral, coevolutionary history with the virus. Diseased birds manifested various symptoms, including abnormal head and neck posture, ataxia, tremors, circling, disorientation, and impaired vision. Most birds with symptoms died.

In Iraq, several mosquito species, including Culex tritaeniorhynchus, Cx. theileri, and Aedes caspius (25) have been implicated in West Nile virus transmission. Although mosquitoes in Iraq have not been completely catalogued, it is likely that, as in the United States, other mosquitoes there also serve as vectors of West Nile virus. These mosquitoes are found throughout Iraq, from March to December, and have various larval habitats. Annual spring flooding of the Tigris and Euphrates provides ideal breeding grounds for Culex spp. Mosquito species that may have occurred in Babylon are unknown; however, breeding habits must be ancient, and mosquitoes are well known for their proclivity to breed in swamps.

Still, the possibility that West Nile virus killed Alexander is mitigated by the fact that he fell ill in May. Although the virus may have occurred at that time, most recent human cases in Israel occurred in July to September, with only a few cases occurring in June. In temperate areas, West Nile virus infection in humans is seasonal. Amplification occurs in mosquitoes and birds several months before the virus spills over into dead-end hosts. Experimentally infected indigenous mosquitoes showed an intrinsic incubation period of 7 to 14 days at 28°C (26). Others have shown that when Cx. pipiens mosquitoes were allowed to feed on viremic chicks infected with West Nile virus and incubated at 30ºC virus could be detected 4 days later (27). This suggests that maximum virus amplification may not be reached until mid-summer. Iraq's mean high spring temperature is (29ºC) (28), somewhat higher than Tel Aviv's (24ºC).

Israel has had West Nile virus activity and human cases during the last 3 years, with most human cases not detected until August. Israel is at the same latitude as Iraq and has similar climate. If Iraq also had slightly higher temperatures 2,000 years ago (we will never know this with certainty), onset of disease in humans and birds, including inexplicable avian die-offs, could have occurred earlier in the summer. We reread Plutarch and saw the following passage about Alexander's entrance into Babylon:
""¦ when he arrived before the walls of the city he saw a large number of ravens flying about and pecking one another, and some of them fell dead in front of him." (29)

Bird observers (dāgil işşūri) were common in Asia Minor at the time. These diviners considered birds as oracles. Greek Kulturkreis and Babylonian Alalakh tablets mention auguries based on the behavior of birds, particularly fighting birds, to predict the future (30). Plutarch presumably thought it sufficiently noteworthy to record angry or disoriented ravens, although it is impossible to determine whether this event was added later as a necessary metaphoric foreboding of Alexander's death.

Current geographic distribution of corvids indicates that these likely were ravens (Corvus corax) and not crows (Corvus corone sardonius or other crow species). No ravens were at the Bronx Zoo in 1999 (T. MacNamara, Wildlife Conservation Society, and pers. comm., 2003). However, in the United States today, New World crows (American crow, C. brachyrhynchos and fish crow, C. ossifragus) are among the birds most susceptible to fatal West Nile virus infections. One wonders if an influx of migratory birds might have served as reservoirs of West Nile virus and infected ravens in Babylon, causing a massive die-off.

Pathogenicity of West Nile virus for corvids was established 50 years ago. Work et al., assigned by the Rockefeller Foundation to study arboviruses in Egypt, isolated 23 West Nile virus strains from blood samples of febrile children in the Sindbis area and found that the virus caused illness in more children and young adults than in older adults. In addition, and particularly germane to our hypothesis, they isolated West Nile virus from a hooded crow (Corvus corone sardonius) for the first time, demonstrating experimental infection of birds with viremia as high as 109, and death rates of 100% (31,32). During winter, 80% of these crows were seropositive, and the investigators assumed that during transmission season, crow death rates were high. The experimental studies showed that mosquitoes could be infected by feeding on hooded crows with viremia levels as low as 103.5 and could subsequently serve as West Nile virus vectors to humans of any age. This early epidemiologic work provided an early clue in New York City in 1999, when both exotic and domestic birds signaled the introduction of West Nile virus disease to the New World (33). Before 1998, the virus was not recognized as an important cause of death in wild birds; therefore, it was surprising to find that the Israeli 1998 strain was the as same that which infected birds at the Bronx Zoo. Ravens dropping dead from the skies likely were also a surprise to Alexander.

Go to:Conclusions.lexander the Great died in late spring in the semi-tropical, urban area of present-day Baghdad. Explanations for his death have included poisoning, enteric and parasitic diseases, influenza, and poliomyelitis. Our diagnosis, as well as previous alternative diagnoses, may be subject to author bias, errors in translation, and a paucity of clinical information. We assumed that he died in late spring in Babylon after a 2-week illness that included fever and signs suggestive of encephalitis. We presumed that diseases now endemic to Iraq were also present in ancient Mesopotamia. Recent scholarly thought has been ingenious and rigorous, given the sparseness of available information. Nonetheless, earlier diagnoses did not include West Nile virus encephalitis. Previous considerations omitted an event that was carefully recorded by Plutarch and which, before 1999, would have been considered irrelevant: the erratic behavior and observable deaths of numerous ravens outside the walls of Babylon. This observation might now be construed as an important clue. If this observation is included as part of Alexander's illness, West Nile virus encephalitis complicated by flaccid paralysis becomes an alternative diagnosis. It is possible that, in the 3rd century BC, disease caused by West Nile virus arrived in Mesopotamia for the first time in recorded history, killing indigenous birds and an occasional human and causing only incidental febrile illness in many others. Over subsequent centuries the virus may have devolved, becoming less pathogenic for indigenous birds, while retaining its potential as a dangerous human pathogen. This is speculative, but in 1999, a "natural experiment" did occur when this Old World epizootic strain was introduced into the United States. What has been observed in the ongoing North American epizootic and epidemic might be similar to what happened in Babylon many years ago. We now know that unexplained bird die-offs can presage human cases of disease caused by West Nile virus. In 323 BC, a similar event might have been considered an omen of Alexander the Great's death. In this instance, the oracles would have been correct.
 
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Soaked in Honey: Alexander the Great | Who2 Biographies

Soaked in Honey: Alexander the Great

World-beater ALEXANDER THE GREAT died in distant Babylon in 323 B.C. The cause is not clear: he may have been poisoned, contracted a fever, or just had a bad reaction to a long bout of drinking.

After his death, Alexander's body was placed in a gold casket and (according to legend) preserved in honey for the long trip home. As it turned out, though, his body went not to Macedon but to Egypt under the guidance of Alexander's old friend Ptolemy. The body ended up in a tomb in Alexandria, the city Alexander himself founded, where it was visited by Julius Caesar and others. The casket was later melted down by a money-hungry pharoah, and some legends say the body was then displayed in a glass casket before finally disappearing entirely.
 

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Re: Marshal Zhukov on Alexander's failed India invasion

It's been three days since I last posted on this thread. No one has replied to my Post #417. You still haven't provided a single citation of any literature which is allegedly 'Marxist' and which is found in the public education system. Instead, you have posted personal attacks on numerous threads. That may make you feel better in some weird way (I will never give you an infraction or ban, don't worry)
I had already received 3 infractions due to which I could not see any posts addressed to me. I am seeing your post right now. But, I am not interested in debating (this OT conversation) in this thread. Move the related conversations to a different thread & then, I would see to it.

Second, I am not the least bit worried about your infractions & bans because my DFI access is going to be extremely limited to nil over the next several months (maybe more, on lines of my earlier 3-year gap). Professional reasons.

but that doesn't change the fact that you are totally clueless and have no idea what you are talking about, which is clear from this short discussion here (among others).
With this supercilious statement, you are only buttressing my responses above.

Why are some people so prone to beating around the bush and meaningless rhetoric? Why is it so difficult to provide some evidence to support your claims and argue in a semi-coherent and logical manner? So I take it from this piece of meaningless rhetoric that you don't know the difference? I would not be surprised one bit.
Had it ever occurred to you some people might have better things to do than continue ranting on Internet ?

That some people might have little interest in the rant of one wannabe scholar who cannot stand anyone who happens to differ ?

Do you have any idea how you vitiate the atmosphere & to what extent you provoke people ?

Have you ever debated in your real life ? Obviously not. Otherwise you would have known the basics of debate. Your tone & tenor speaks enough about your .......

The kind of language you use & attitude you use is not worthy of rebuttals but something else altogether that cannot be served on world wide web.

The kind of oft-repeated phrases you throw: "twist in panties" & so on, directed at all those who differ, deserves so much better....

So consider yourself lucky that in the confines of your virtual world & under the patronage of your accomplices, you can continue with such an attitude & get away from repercussions...

Request you not to goad/bait me in future. One cannot act the gentleman part all the time.

Acting in accordance with the advice of one moderator who knows what he is talking about, I would prefer contributing & learning (if at all) on defence/tech related threads which are not septic yet (thanks to your absence there). If you or someone has a problem with this, ban me right away without any warning whatsoever.
 
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civfanatic

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Re: Marshal Zhukov on Alexander's failed India invasion

I had already received 3 infractions due to which I could not see any posts addressed to me. I am seeing your post right now. But, I am not interested in debating (this OT conversation) in this thread. Move the related conversations to a different thread & then, I would see to it.

Second, I am not the least bit worried about your infractions & bans because my DFI access is going to be extremely limited to nil over the next several months (maybe more, on lines of my earlier 3-year gap). Professional reasons.
I have not issued you any infractions. Any infractions that you received were issued by other moderators who decided, on their own accord, that some of your posts were substandard. I have been a moderator for one and a half year, and during all that, have issued only one single infraction.

I do not blame you for not wanting to continue this debate, as I to would not want to debate on a topic which I knew little. What I don't understand, however, is why one would start such a debate in the first place.


Had it ever occurred to you some people might have better things to do than continue ranting on Internet ?

That some people might have little interest in the rant of one wannabe scholar who cannot stand anyone who happens to differ ?

Do you have any idea how you vitiate the atmosphere & to what extent you provoke people ?

Have you ever debated in your real life ? Obviously not. Otherwise you would have known the basics of debate. Your tone & tenor speaks enough about your .......

The kind of language you use & attitude you use is not worthy of rebuttals but something else altogether that cannot be served on world wide web.

The kind of oft-repeated phrases you throw: "twist in panties" & so on, directed at all those who differ, deserves so much better....

So consider yourself lucky that in the confines of your virtual world & under the patronage of your accomplices, you can continue with such an attitude & get away from repercussions...

Request you not to goad/bait me in future. One cannot act the gentleman part all the time.

Acting in accordance with the advice of one moderator who knows what he is talking about, I would prefer contributing & learning (if at all) on defence/tech related threads which are not septic yet (thanks to your absence there). If you or someone has a problem with this, ban me right away without any warning whatsoever.
It's amazing how some people can write posts that appear so long, yet have no substance whatsoever. I do not recall ranting anywhere in this thread. All I did was ask for evidence for some of the assertions that were made in this thread. To refresh your memory, these were the claims that you made here (bold emphasis is mine):

No, they are not. Those books are written by learned Marxists. As expected, they are marked with obfuscations + half-truths, & present a lop-sided view of history.
Academics with long-standing ties to JNU are most likely to produce such literature. There is no dearth of the same.
Is it wrong to ask for evidence for these statements? One would expect that any person making such claims would be able to back them up with some solid evidence. Yet when I press for supporting evidence, all I get are meaningless rants, the prime of which can be seen above. If there is "no dearth" of such literature, then why can't you reference some of this literature and show us how it manipulates the public education system's history curriculum? Why is this so hard to do?

I am glad you mentioned technical defence threads and my lack of involvement in them. The reason why I do not involve myself in such threads, is simply because I lack sufficient knowledge on such topics to contribute intelligently to the conversation. I am not ashamed to admit that, and I readily defer to more knowledgeable members on such topics. You would do well to learn the same, since there are clearly topics on which you are ignorant, yet still post claims which you cannot support. This is clearly evident from this thread.
 

civfanatic

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Some people of the radical right-wing persuasion label anyone who disagrees with their mantras as "Marxist historians", as if the definition of a "Marxist historian" is anyone who supports AIT or thinks India was not the creator of all things under the sun. Needless to say, these people have no idea what a "Marxist historian" actually is, and they instead use it as a "bogeyman" kind of term to describe anyone who they don't like.

For those of you interested in knowing what the Marxist historiography of India is actually about, I recommend reading D.D. Kosambi's classic work An Introduction to the Study of Indian History. Kosambi is an actual Marxist who uses Marxist historiography in his study of Indian history. Although his work is quite dated (he wrote this particular book in 1956), and contains some errors, it is still IMO one of the best resources to use if you want to learn about the Marxist perspective of Indian history.
 
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Alexander's Elephants


Alexander's Elephants

In this article I will describe how Alexander came to acquire his war elephants, and what became of them under his Successors. It is frequently stated that Alexander the Great did not use elephants, and that this arm was only introduced into the west by his Successors. Such a view can be found for instance in Gaebel's recent (2002) book "Greek Cavalry Operations". The main argument in favour of this view is the speech in Curtius' Alexandrian history, where he puts the following words into Alexander's mouth: "In fact, I had such a low opinion of these animals that I did not employ them against the enemy even when I had some myself, for I well knew that they pose a greater risk to their masters than to the enemy" (Curtius 9.2.21, Yardley's Penguin translation; the scene is an altercation with his troops immediately after the battle of Hydaspes). This is backed up with the complete absence of any mention of elephants in battle accounts fighting in Alexander's service.
However, there are many problems with this position. Before going on to the positive evidence in favour of Alexander using elephants, I will address the two above arguments. To take the last one first, the Alexandrian sources for the latter part of his reign are much more incomplete than those for the first part and so the absence of reports about elephants is not conclusive. In particular, we have many detailed battle descriptions before Alexander reaches India - and its elephants - but a striking absence of details about subsequent military activities; the battle of Hydaspes is the only relatively well described battle from the second half of his reign. If we were to take the argument of silence about elephants as authoritive, we could similarly conclude Alexander no longer employed Greek mercenaries in his forces, or Thracians, or many other such troops that receive scant mention in the sources. One of the reasons for this is that the sources concentrate on Alexander and his deeds, as opposed to those of his generals. Troops that he delegated others to lead are accordingly under reported. As I will describe below, Alexander's elephants fall perfectly into this gap in the sources.

To turn to the speech, one must first question how reliable it is (Arrian for instance, places the mutiny, and an equivalent speech, much later in the Indian campaign). Ancient speeches as related by historians are notoriously difficult to evaluate, but in this case, it is not even necessary to deny the historical existence of the speech to undermine the argument drawn from it. For Alexander essentially says in this speech that even though he possesses elephants, he did not use them. It is therefore improper to conclude from this speech that he never used elephants - this speech cannot be used as evidence for the future, the rest of his reign, as it relates specifically and strictly to the battle just fought. Indeed, the fact that Alexander admits to possessing elephants, but refrained from using them at that time might rather indicate that he had already made use of them at some point in that past. In this case it should come as no surprise that he might use them some time again in the future.

Furthermore, the context of the supposed speech must be considered. During the battle, the Macedonians suffered heavy casualties - precisely because of Poros' elephants. The soldiers were discontented that their leader was seeking ever more distant conquests while they wanted to go home and enjoy their loot. The prospect of facing yet more elephants, rumoured to be so much more numerous in the as-yet-unvisited neighbouring kingdoms, was the straw that broke the camel's back. The soldiers mutinied, refusing to go any further. Alexander had to convince them their fears were unfounded. He first of all deals with the question of the elephants, by denigrating them, saying they are not really as bad as they seem.

The parallel with Xenophon in the same situation facing Persian cavalry is striking - and Xenophon's account of the 10000 was something Alexander was quite familiar with if we are to believe our sources. Xenophon, a cavalryman let it be recalled, found himself in the position of having to convince a body of infantry that the great numbers of enemy cavalry facing them were no cause for concern. Accordingly, he exaggeratedly pointed out all the weaknesses of cavalry, while carefully not mentioning any of their strengths that he was all too familiar with. Indeed, as soon as the men were convinced by his words, he then went and raised his own small body of cavalry - proof that he knew what he had told his men was at best a half-truth.

Alexander was in an almost identical situation, and accordingly used the same tactic. The only difference was he had no need to raise a force of elephants immediately afterwards, as he already had his own force. But as I shall describe below, this didn't stop him immediately considerably expanding it in size. Alexander knew better than elephants were useless, and that was exactly why he was so keen on collecting as many as possible.

Why didn't he use them at Hydaspes then? Two reasons immediately spring to mind. The first is that he only had a small number of them, and they would have been overwhelmed by the greater numbers of his opponent. We may compare the situation with the battle of Magnesia, where we are told the Roman commander decided to keep his elephants in reserve because not only were they physically smaller than their opposite numbers, but because they were inferior in numbers than those fielded by Antiochos. Alexander did exactly the same thing - his elephants were kept in the reserve force under Krateros (Arrian, 5.15.4), which only joined in the battle in the closing phase, relieving Alexander's tired troops so as to more effectively carry out the pursuit (Arrian 5.18.1). The elephants probably didn't even do that, since pursuing a defeated foe was not a normal role for elephants.

A second reason he may not have used them at Hydaspes is due to a lack of practice time in which to get them into a state fit enough to fight within the well coordinated Macedonian army. The elephants that Alexander had with him at Hydaspes had all seemingly been obtained within the last year. Alexander had been promised 25 elephants in tribute by "Taxilas" in 327 BC, but they were seemingly not delivered at that time (Arrian, 4.22.6). Aside from the few mentioned in just one source as being present at Gaugamela (and which even in that one source, Arrian, take no discernable part in the battle), the first elephants Alexander encountered were amongst the Assakenian Indians in mountainous north Pakistan. They were said (Arrian 4.25.5) to possess 30 beasts in their army that Alexander was "expressly anxious to find out about" (Arrian 4.30.6); so much so that of the Indians who were elephant hunters, "Alexander took pains to have them among his attendants" (4.30.8). Two of the elephants were lost during the subsequent expedition to snatch them from their grazing grounds, but the rest were successfully captured.

When Alexander descended into the Indus basin, he received the elephants Taxilas had promised (Arrian 5.3.5, but apparently 30 in number rather than 25 originally promised); if we add these to those captured previously, presumably 28 animals, we get 58 beasts. This number has some credence, because Curtius has Taxilas present Alexander with 56 elephants at this point (8.12.11, Taxilas is called Omphis in Curtius' account; Taxilas seems to have been a title rather than a name). Nearly 60 elephants can only be described as a "few" in comparison to lowland Indian enemies fielding hundreds of animals. Pyrros managed to terrorize Rome with fewer elephants than this, and Hannibal, so famous in the popular imagination for his Alpine journey to Italy with elephants in tow, likewise had considerably fewer.

Although Alexander may not have had time to incorporate elephants into his own army by the time of the battle of Hydaspes, he already had plenty of experience with them. Arrian (5.11.4, Brunt's Loeb translation) has Alexander order Krateros to stay in reserve at the battle with the following words: "If however, Poros takes all his elephants with him against me, but leaves some part of his army behind at camp, cross with all dispatch; for it is only elephants which make it impracticable to disembark horses; the rest of the force will not trouble them", and Curtius records the Macedonian soldiers hamstringing the elephants during the battle thusly: "the Macedonians began to use axes - they had equipped themselves with such implements in advance - to hack off the elephants' feet" (8.14.28). The tactical strengths and weaknesses of the arm were already well understood, as is only to be expected with so many Indian allies serving in his army.

After Hydaspes, Alexander's elephant numbers were augmented considerably - for he captured all those of Poros that survived the battle (Arrian 5.18.2) and Abisares, Poros' ally who had arrived too late to take part in the battle, is said to have surrendered 40 more elephants to Alexander (Arrian 5.20.5). If these were not enough, once Alexander had moved on, Poros was then instructed to send any remaining elephants he had to Alexander when he crossed the Indus (Arrian 5.21.2), and later, Abisares' brother brought in yet more - about 30 animals (Arrian 5.29.4, although this may well be a duplicate of 5.20.5, because the elephants mentioned there were also conveyed by his brother).

No wonder then, that by the time Alexander was ready to proceed down the Indus towards the sea, his army was said to contain some 200 elephants (Arrian 6.2.2) under Hephaistion's command, marching by a different route to that which Alexander took. Later, the elephants were part of Krateros' detached corps (Arrian 6.5.5, Alexander's army was by now so huge that it would have been impossible to supply if it was kept all together on the march) and thus absent from the accounts of Alexander's actions against the Mallians and other Indians. Alexander then received more elephants in tribute from Musikanos (Arrian 6.15.6, numbers unstated), and yet more from Oxikanos by way of spoils of war, where he "handed over all the plunder to the army but took away the elephants for himself" (Arrian 6.16.2); another instance of his personal interest in procuring them wherever and whenever possible. Soon after, (Arrian 6.16.4) he appears to have received even more animals, since to buy Alexander off, "the relatives of Sambos counted out his treasure and went to meet Alexander with the elephants". Thus by the time Alexander had left India, he might well have had nearly 300 animals in his army.

Before leaving India, Alexander split his army in two, giving half to Krateros, including the elephants (Arrian 6.17.3) and the veterans he had decided to send home, and sent them off to march to Karmania. Thus the elephants do not figure in the accounts of Alexander's actions around Patala, nor in Gedrosia with its famous desert crossing, and are only mentioned again when Alexander and Krateros are reunited in Karmania (Arrian 6.27.3). Here however they were immediately transferred to Hephaistion's command (Arrian 6.29.7) for the direct return march to Persia, and were thus not with Alexander when he marched to Pasagardae. The army was reunited at Susa, but it was now late 324 BC, and Alexander had only time to undertake one more military expedition before his death the next year: against the Kossaian mountain dwellers, in a winter campaign. Thus it is hardly surprising then that there are no accounts of him using elephants in battle. During his march down the Indus, and the subsequent journey westwards, his elephants were elsewhere, in separate armies commanded by Krateros or Hephaistion; and his only campaign once he had reached Susa was in mountainous terrain in which elephants would have been useless. But that does not mean his army did not make use of elephants. As we have seen, Alexander went to great pains to collect over 200 of them, and who can doubt that military purposes were behind almost everything he did? Why collect these animals if not to use them in his armed forces?

When Alexander died, his body was conveyed westwards in a funeral vehicle whose appearance is recorded by Diodoros (18.27.1). Four sides of part of the vehicle showed Alexander's military forces. One side showed the king on a chariot, surrounded by his guards, both Persian "apple-bearers" and Macedonians, and in front of them, normal soldiers. One side showed warships. One side showed cavalry squadrons in battle formation. The other side "showed the elephants arrayed for war" which "carried Indian mahouts in front with Macedonians fully armed in their normal equipment behind". Whether this means just one Macedonian per elephant or more is unclear; and similarly if their "normal" equipment included the pike, the javelin, or a mixture of the two.

What is surely not in doubt is that this is clear evidence that Alexander had fully incorporated elephants into his army in his lifetime, since they are described as having a Macedonian fighting crew and are clearly depicted as one of four parts of his military arsenal - cavalry, infantry, elephants and warships. Furthermore, in the days immediately following his death, we have an account of these very elephants being used in action. The Macedonian infantry and cavalry fell out with each other regarding the royal succession, and civil war was in the offing. Curtius (10.19.3) records how the two sides squared off against each over, and how the newly proclaimed King Philip "had positioned himself, along with his cavalry and elephants, opposite the infantry commanded by Meleagros". A battle was only avoided by Pedikkas riding up to the infantry with a single squadron and arresting 300 men, whom "before the eyes of the entire army he threw to the elephants. All were trampled to death beneath the feet of the beasts and Philip neither stopped it nor sanctioned it" (Curtius 10.19.18).

Elephants are neither easily nor swiftly trained, and it is impossible that Alexander's could have been trained by his officers in the mere days following his death and this engagement. Clearly they had already been trained in his lifetime, precisely because Alexander saw in them the same potentially useful qualities his officers made use of following his death (or is some cases, failed to make use of!).

As regent in Babylon, Perdikkas had control of most of the royal armed forces, including all the elephants. He presumably used them in Kappadokia in his campaign against Ariarthes there, but our scant sources give no details. He certainly used them in his subsequent invasion of Egypt (321 BC). Diodoros (18.33.6) records they formed the van in the action against Ptolemy at 'Fort Camel', and where used to tear down the palisades (18.34.2); Ptolemy personally blinded one in both eyes by deft handling of his sarissa. Perdikkas then used his elephants to assist his army in fording part of the river Nile, breaking the current's flow upstream, but they stirred up so much sand that when the current swept it away, the river was substantially deepened, stranding his soldiers (Diodoros 18.35.1-4). Over 2000 men lost their lives, and in the ensuing recriminations, Perdikkas was done to death by his officers.

The royal army, sans regent, was then led north, and at the power division of Triparadeisos, it was split by the new regent Antipatros. The surviving elephants were apportioned between himself, to immediately return to Macedonia, and Antigonos, who would continue the fight in Asia against Perdikkas' remaining supporters, most notably Eumenes. The elderly Antipatros died soon after returning to Europe, handing over his power, and therefore his elephants, to the veteran Polyperchon. Their first use in Europe was against Kassandros, Antipatros' son, who thought his father should have given him the authority that Polyperchon now wielded. With a force including 65 elephants (Diodoros, 18.28.3) Polyperchon attacked Kassadros' allies, the Megalepolitans. Having used siege towers and sappers to bring down the city's walls, Polyperchon massed his elephants together to rush the breach. The result was a fiasco. A certain Damis, who had served in Asia under Alexander, and who "by experience knew the nature and use of these animals", had the Megalepolitans bury frames studded with spikes in the breach. The elephants' soft feet were tormented by the spikes, and this, when combined with the missiles the defenders shot from bolt-shooters or bows or hurled by hand, produced a stampede that trampled many of their own side to the rear (Diodoros 18.71.1-6).

Most of the animals seem to have survived this indignity, but did not stay in Polyperchon's service for long, as 'most' were soon captured by Kassandros in unexplained circumstances (Diodoros 19.35.7). Those he did not capture, Polyperchon had lent to Queen Olympias, and they all died of starvation in the siege of Pydna (Diodoros 19.49.3). Thus it seems that less than 50 of Antipatros' elephants made it into his eldest son's army. In the hilly areas of Greece they must have been somewhat of a logistical nightmare, and Kassandros is recorded having to construct special barges to transport them across the numerous straights (eg. Diodoros 19.54.3)

In his initial confrontations with Eumenes, Antigonos' elephants are not mentioned by Diodoros, but they are recorded in his actions against Alketas (18.45.1). Once his forces had been expanded after incorprating the remnants of Eumenes' initial force along with those of Alketas, Diodoros (18.50.3) records Antigonos having 30 elephants but there has clearly been an error recorded here, for when Antigonos resumed the war with Eumenes, he is stated to have had 65 elephants (Diodoros 19.27.2, 19.40.1). Indeed, Photios' Byzantine epitome of Arrian's lost work concerning the Successors records Antigonos receiving 70 elephants from Antipatros, not 30, saying that these were half the total, which implies that Antipatros also took 70 elephants from Triparadeisos, a figure that accords well with the 65 Polyperchon used at Megalepolis.

Antigonos' elephants figure prominently in the war against Eumenes, who also fielded elephants. Indeed, Eumenes had even more of them, fielding 114 animals (Diodoros 19.28.4, 19.40.4). These were not however derived from Alexander's herd. They were provided by Eudamos, who had been appointed a governor in India by Alexander, and who had slain Poros to get hold of them after Alexander's death (Diodoros, 19.14.8). After Eumenes' defeat, Antigonos appears to have enrolled Eumenes' surviving elephants in his own army along with the rest of his troops, further expanding his herd. This explains how he could later afford to give his famous son Demetrios a relatively small army to defend Hollow Syria (ie. Palestine) that still contained as many as 43 elephants (Diodoros 19.69.1).

It was standard Hellenistic practice to give elephants infantry escorts on the battlefield; Eumenes used Persian light infantry for the purpose when opposing Antigonos, and when Demetrios' elephants at were used at Gaza against Ptolemy, they were similarly provided with escorts (Diodoros 19.82.3), a practice stated as usual (19.82.4) and no doubt derived from the Indians that Alexander encountered. Poros for instance mixed infantry with his elephants (Curtius 8.13.14, Diodoros 17.87.4) although Arrian (5.15.7) says that although the infantry were in the intervals between the elephants, they were however also behind them in a second line. It seems that both may be correct, given elephants with their escorts were often deployed in front of the infantry phalanx by the Successors, as at Gaza, Paraitakeni and Gabene. Diodoros' wording (17.88.2) can be taken to distinguish between the main infantry force and those "stationed beside the elephants" against whom the Macedonians used their sarissai (pikes) to good effect, and Arrian describes the Indian infantry behind the elephants as being a phalanx.

The weakness of elephants, even those protected by infantry escorts such as Demetrios' were, was brilliantly exploited at Gaza by Ptolemy, who had none of his own. Ptolemy gave his light infantry spiked chains to be strewn in front of the charging elephants' path. As at Megalepolis, the elephants were brought to a standstill by the spikes, and then stampeded with missiles, routing Demetrios' cavalry in the process. The elephants were all captured (Diodoros, 19.84.4), and were presumably enrolled in the Ptolemaic army since later that year we are told that Antigonos had a larger number than Ptolemy, not that Ptolemy had none (Diodoros 19.93.6).

The loss of these elephants put a dent in Antigonos' herd, but in 306 BC, when he and Demetrios were back in the area, trying to finish off Ptolemy once and for all, his over-large army still contained some 83 elephants (Diodoros, 20.73.2). The campaign was a failure, but losses were not great, and five years later, there were still 75 elephants available for service in the great battle of Ipsos. Elephants have a long lifespan, comparable with a human, and losses each year from non-military causes would have been few. Even military-related casualties were usually slight, because while elephants are relatively easily panicked, this is only in relation to the great difficulty in actually killing them.

Demetrios escaped the wrack of Ipsos leaving his dead father, and his elephants, behind. No doubt many of the surviving beasts were incorporated into Lysimachos' army: his ally Seleukos had more than enough of his own and might have settled for purely territorial rewards. Another of his allies, Kassandros, was not present at the battle; but unlike the similarly absent Ptolemy, a large portion of his army was present, fighting under Lysimachos, and he could therefore expect some sort of reward (Diodoros 21.1.5). Included in this force was seemingly Kassandros' own herd, since a fragment of Diodoros (21.1.2, Loeb translation) records how "Lysimachos'" elephants fought against Antigonos' at the battle "as if nature had matched them equally in courage and strength"; hardly surprising given their origins!

When Kassandros died, his sons fell out with each other regarding the succession, allowing Demetrios to reenter and seize the kingdom. However, before long he was evicted after being simultaneously attacked by Lysimachos and Pyrros of Epiros, with his territories and possessions being divided between his two attackers. Thus Pyrros obtained the elephants with which he used to such devastating effect against the Romans. Plutarch records him transporting 20 to Italy, a considerable undertaking, although Justin records (17.2.14) in a typically jumbled manner that he had 50, and that they were leased from Ptolemy for a two-year period (seemingly confusing them with the force that Ptolemy had given him many years before when he was a young man intent on regaining Epiros). They saw service in Sicily as well as Italy, but they did not make it back to Greece when Pyrros evacuated Italy, taking with him just 500 horse and 8000 foot: this portion of Alexander's herd ended its days in the hands of the Romans.

As Pyrros had in 281 BC at the very least 20 of Demetrios' herd that had been split in 288 BC, the implication is that Lysimachos would also have obtained at least 20 beasts at the same time, implying Demetrios' herd was at the very least 40 animals strong then; since Kassandros had less than 50 animals in 316 BC, even given an elephant's long life-span, there is no way 28 years later it could have been the same size without a source of reinforcements. As elephants breed infrequently in captivity, it appears that Kassandros too had received a part of Antigonos' herd as a consequence of Ipsos.

Lysimachos had split Demetrios' possessions with Pyrros of Epiros, but soon forced him out of Macedon after which the Epirot embarked on his Italian venture. Lysimachos was thus free to try his hand against the other last remaining Successor, Seleukos (Ptolemy having died in the meantime). He lost his life as a result, but Seleukos too was killed before the year was out, murdered by one of Ptolemy's sons, Ptolemy "Keraunos" (the Thunderbolt). Seleukos had captured Lysimachos' army along with the Macedonian throne, and Keraunos was able to convince these men to elect him King of Macedon. Along with Lysimachos' Macedonian veterans he seems to have gotten hold of his elephants; they were soon involved in the desperate efforts to turn back the Gauls (termed Galatians in Greek sources) that were on the move southwards. Keraunos was defeated and killed, and a fragment of the historian Memnon of Heraklea records he fell off his elephant during the battle: seemingly a unique instance of a Hellenistic general being mounted on an elephant in combat as opposed to a parade. Demetrios' son Antigonos Gonatos managed to gather together remnants of the army, including the elephants (Justin 25.1.6) and destroyed the last remaining Galatian host in the area, upon which he was acclaimed king.

His position was far from secure however; when Pyrros returned to Macedon, most of Antigonos' army deserted to him, including, as Plutarch reports, his elephant contingent. Thus Pyrros was able to muster 24 elephants for his Peleponnesian expedition. By this date Hellenistic elephants were equipped with towers, and it was such an elephant that indirectly led to Pyrros' death. Embroiled in an attempt to secure Argos at the same time as Antigonos was, one of Pyrros' elephants got stuck in a gateway. In the confusion, a roof tile thrown by an Argive woman stunned Pyrros who was immediately beheaded by one of Antigonos' mercenaries. Thus Antigonos regained the few remaining elephants in Greece, after which old age seems to have carried them off: elephants were generally thought to be battleworthy only when mature, and 50 years had passed since Alexander first brought them westwards; true veterans by any measure.

Thanks to Duncan Head for digging up the Memnon of Heraklea fragment for me.
 

Bilal

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Yeah Alexander attacked all the way from Greece,so he came a long way to attack,wow.
 
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Historians estimate anywhere from 40-75% men may have been lost in Alexander's
battles in India. before turning back. The fact that he turned back is a major clue,
victorious armies seldom turn back in history.
 
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http://indrus.in/blogs/2013/05/27/marshal_zhukov_on_alexanders_failed_india_invasion_25383.n

Alexander failed invasion of india





326 BCE a formidable European army invaded India. Led by Alexander of Macedon it comprised battle hardened Macedonian soldiers, Greek cavalry, Balkan fighters and Persians allies. The total number of fighting men numbered more than 41,000.
Their most memorable clash was at the Battle of Hydaspes (Jhelum) against the army of Porus, the ruler of the Paurava kingdom of western Punjab. For more than 25 centuries it was believed that Alexander's forces defeated the Indians. Greek and Roman accounts say the Indians were bested by the superior courage and stature of the Macedonians.
Two millennia later, British historians latched on to the Alexander legend and described the campaign as the triumph of the organised West against the chaotic East. Although Alexander defeated only a few minor kingdoms in India's northwest, in the view of many gleeful colonial writers the conquest of India was complete.
In reality much of the country was not even known to the Greeks. So handing victory to Alexander is like describing Hitler as the conqueror of Russia because the Germans advanced up to Stalingrad.
Zhukov's view of Alexander

Statue of Alexander in Istanbul Archaeology Museum. Source: wikipedia.org
In 1957, while addressing the cadets of the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun, Zhukov said Alexander's actions after the Battle of Hydaspes suggest he had suffered an outright defeat. In Zhukov's view, Alexander had suffered a greater setback in India than Napoleon in Russia. Napoleon had invaded Russia with 600,000 troops; of these only 30,000 survived, and of that number fewer than 1,000 were ever able to return to duty.
So if Zhukov was comparing Alexander's campaign in India to Napoleon's disaster, the Macedonians and Greeks must have retreated in an equally ignominious fashion. Zhukov would know a fleeing force if he saw one; he had chased the German Army over 2000 km from Stalingrad to Berlin.
No easy victories
Alexander's troubles began as soon as he crossed the Indian border. He first faced resistance in the Kunar, Swat, Buner and Peshawar valleys where the Aspasioi and Assakenoi, known in Hindu texts as Ashvayana and Ashvakayana, stopped his advance. Although small by Indian standards they did not submit before Alexander's killing machine.
The Assakenoi offered stubborn resistance from their mountain strongholds of Massaga, Bazira and Ora. The bloody fighting at Massaga was a prelude to what awaited Alexander in India. On the first day after bitter fighting the Macedonians and Greeks were forced to retreat with heavy losses. Alexander himself was seriously wounded in the ankle. On the fourth day the king of Massaga was killed but the city refused to surrender. The command of the army went to his old mother, which brought the entire women of the area into the fighting.
Realising that his plans to storm India were going down at its very gates, Alexander called for a truce. The Assakenoi agreed; the old queen was too trusting. That night when the citizens of Massaga had gone off to sleep after their celebrations, Alexander's troops entered the city and massacred the entire citizenry. A similar slaughter then followed at Ora.
However, the fierce resistance put up by the Indian defenders had reduced the strength – and perhaps the confidence – of the until then all-conquering Macedonian army.
Faceoff at the river
In his entire conquering career Alexander's hardest encounter was the Battle of Hydaspes, in which he faced king Porus of Paurava, a small but prosperous Indian kingdom on the river Jhelum. Porus is described in Greek accounts as standing seven feet tall.
In May 326 BCE, the European and Paurava armies faced each other across the banks of the Jhelum. By all accounts it was an awe-inspiring spectacle. The 34,000 Macedonian infantry and 7000 Greek cavalry were bolstered by the Indian king Ambhi, who was Porus's rival. Ambhi was the ruler of the neighbouring kingdom of Taxila and had offered to help Alexander on condition he would be given Porus's kingdom.

Alexander meets Porus. Source: wikipedia.org
Facing this tumultuous force led by the genius of Alexander was the Paurava army of 20,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry and 200 war elephants. Being a comparatively small kingdom by Indian standards, Paurava couldn't have maintained such a large standing army, so it's likely many of its defenders were hastily armed civilians. Also, the Greeks habitually exaggerated enemy strength.
According to Greek sources, for several days the armies eyeballed each other across the river. The Greek-Macedonian force after having lost several thousand soldiers fighting the Indian mountain cities, were terrified at the prospect of fighting the fierce Paurava army. They had heard about the havoc Indian war elephants created among enemy ranks. The modern equivalent of battle tanks, the elephants also scared the wits out of the horses in the Greek cavalry.
Another terrible weapon in the Indians' armoury was the two-meter bow. As tall as a man it could launch massive arrows able to transfix more than one enemy soldier.
Indians strike
The battle was savagely fought. As the volleys of heavy arrows from the long Indian bows scythed into the enemy's formations, the first wave of war elephants waded into the Macedonian phalanx that was bristling with 17-feet long sarissas. Some of the animals got impaled in the process. Then a second wave of these mighty beasts rushed into the gap created by the first, either trampling the Macedonian soldiers or grabbing them by their trunks and presenting them up for the mounted Indian soldiers to cut or spear them. It was a nightmarish scenario for the invaders. As the terrified Macedonians pushed back, the Indian infantry charged into the gap.
In the first charge, by the Indians, Porus's brother Amar killed Alexander's favourite horse Bucephalus, forcing Alexander to dismount. This was a big deal. In battles outside India the elite Macedonian bodyguards had not allowed a single enemy soldier to deliver so much as a scratch on their king's body, let alone slay his mount. Yet in this battle Indian troops not only broke into Alexander's inner cordon, they also killed Nicaea, one of his leading commanders.
According to the Roman historian Marcus Justinus, Porus challenged Alexander, who charged him on horseback. In the ensuing duel, Alexander fell off his horse and was at the mercy of the Indian king's spear. But Porus dithered for a second and Alexander's bodyguards rushed in to save their king.
Plutarch, the Greek historian and biographer, says there seems to have been nothing wrong with Indian morale. Despite initial setbacks, when their vaunted chariots got stuck in the mud, Porus's army "rallied and kept resisting the Macedonians with unsurpassable bravery".
Macedonians: Shaken, not stirred
Although the Greeks claim victory, the fanatical resistance put up by the Indian soldiers and ordinary people everywhere had shaken the nerves of Alexander's army to the core. They refused to move further east. Nothing Alexander could say or do would spur his men to continue eastward. The army was close to mutiny.
Read section: History
Says Plutarch: "The combat with Porus took the edge off the Macedonians' courage, and stayed their further progress into India. For having found it hard enough to defeat an enemy who brought but 20,000 foot and 2000 horse into the field, they thought they had reason to oppose Alexander's design of leading them on to pass the Ganges, on the further side of which was covered with multitudes of enemies."
The Greek historian says after the battle with the Pauravas, the badly bruised and rattled Macedonians panicked when they received information further from Punjab lay places "where the inhabitants were skilled in agriculture, where there were elephants in yet greater abundance and men were superior in stature and courage".
Indeed, on the other side of the Ganges was the mighty kingdom of Magadh, ruled by the wily Nandas, who commanded one of the most powerful and largest standing armies in the world. According to Plutarch, the courage of the Macedonians evaporated when they came to know the Nandas "were awaiting them with 200,000 infantry, 80,000 cavalry, 8000 war chariots and 6000 fighting elephants". Undoubtedly, Alexander's army would have walked into a slaughterhouse.
Hundreds of kilometres from the Indian heartland, Alexander ordered a retreat to great jubilation among his soldiers.
Partisans counterattack
The celebrations were premature. On its way south towards the sea, Alexander's army was constantly harried by Indian partisans, republics and kingdoms.
In a campaign at Sangala in Punjab, the Indian attack was so ferocious it completely destroyed the Greek cavalry, forcing Alexander to attack on foot. In the next battle, against the Malavs of Multan, he was felled by an Indian warrior whose arrow pierced the Macedonian's breastplate and ribs.
Says Military History magazine: "Although there was more fighting, Alexander's wound put an end to any more personal exploits. Lung tissue never fully recovers, and the thick scarring in its place made every breath cut like a knife."
Alexander never recovered and died in Babylon (modern Iraq) at the age of 33.
 

pkroyal

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http://indrus.in/blogs/2013/05/27/marshal_zhukov_on_alexanders_failed_india_invasion_25383.n

Alexander failed invasion of india





326 BCE a formidable European army invaded India. Led by Alexander of Macedon it comprised battle hardened Macedonian soldiers, Greek cavalry, Balkan fighters and Persians allies. The total number of fighting men numbered more than 41,000.
Their most memorable clash was at the Battle of Hydaspes (Jhelum) against the army of Porus, the ruler of the Paurava kingdom of western Punjab. For more than 25 centuries it was believed that Alexander's forces defeated the Indians. Greek and Roman accounts say the Indians were bested by the superior courage and stature of the Macedonians.
Two millennia later, British historians latched on to the Alexander legend and described the campaign as the triumph of the organised West against the chaotic East. Although Alexander defeated only a few minor kingdoms in India's northwest, in the view of many gleeful colonial writers the conquest of India was complete.
In reality much of the country was not even known to the Greeks. So handing victory to Alexander is like describing Hitler as the conqueror of Russia because the Germans advanced up to Stalingrad.
Zhukov's view of Alexander

Statue of Alexander in Istanbul Archaeology Museum. Source: wikipedia.org
In 1957, while addressing the cadets of the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun, Zhukov said Alexander's actions after the Battle of Hydaspes suggest he had suffered an outright defeat. In Zhukov's view, Alexander had suffered a greater setback in India than Napoleon in Russia. Napoleon had invaded Russia with 600,000 troops; of these only 30,000 survived, and of that number fewer than 1,000 were ever able to return to duty.
So if Zhukov was comparing Alexander's campaign in India to Napoleon's disaster, the Macedonians and Greeks must have retreated in an equally ignominious fashion. Zhukov would know a fleeing force if he saw one; he had chased the German Army over 2000 km from Stalingrad to Berlin.
No easy victories
Alexander's troubles began as soon as he crossed the Indian border. He first faced resistance in the Kunar, Swat, Buner and Peshawar valleys where the Aspasioi and Assakenoi, known in Hindu texts as Ashvayana and Ashvakayana, stopped his advance. Although small by Indian standards they did not submit before Alexander's killing machine.
The Assakenoi offered stubborn resistance from their mountain strongholds of Massaga, Bazira and Ora. The bloody fighting at Massaga was a prelude to what awaited Alexander in India. On the first day after bitter fighting the Macedonians and Greeks were forced to retreat with heavy losses. Alexander himself was seriously wounded in the ankle. On the fourth day the king of Massaga was killed but the city refused to surrender. The command of the army went to his old mother, which brought the entire women of the area into the fighting.
Realising that his plans to storm India were going down at its very gates, Alexander called for a truce. The Assakenoi agreed; the old queen was too trusting. That night when the citizens of Massaga had gone off to sleep after their celebrations, Alexander's troops entered the city and massacred the entire citizenry. A similar slaughter then followed at Ora.
However, the fierce resistance put up by the Indian defenders had reduced the strength – and perhaps the confidence – of the until then all-conquering Macedonian army.
Faceoff at the river
In his entire conquering career Alexander's hardest encounter was the Battle of Hydaspes, in which he faced king Porus of Paurava, a small but prosperous Indian kingdom on the river Jhelum. Porus is described in Greek accounts as standing seven feet tall.
In May 326 BCE, the European and Paurava armies faced each other across the banks of the Jhelum. By all accounts it was an awe-inspiring spectacle. The 34,000 Macedonian infantry and 7000 Greek cavalry were bolstered by the Indian king Ambhi, who was Porus's rival. Ambhi was the ruler of the neighbouring kingdom of Taxila and had offered to help Alexander on condition he would be given Porus's kingdom.

Alexander meets Porus. Source: wikipedia.org
Facing this tumultuous force led by the genius of Alexander was the Paurava army of 20,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry and 200 war elephants. Being a comparatively small kingdom by Indian standards, Paurava couldn't have maintained such a large standing army, so it's likely many of its defenders were hastily armed civilians. Also, the Greeks habitually exaggerated enemy strength.
According to Greek sources, for several days the armies eyeballed each other across the river. The Greek-Macedonian force after having lost several thousand soldiers fighting the Indian mountain cities, were terrified at the prospect of fighting the fierce Paurava army. They had heard about the havoc Indian war elephants created among enemy ranks. The modern equivalent of battle tanks, the elephants also scared the wits out of the horses in the Greek cavalry.
Another terrible weapon in the Indians' armoury was the two-meter bow. As tall as a man it could launch massive arrows able to transfix more than one enemy soldier.
Indians strike
The battle was savagely fought. As the volleys of heavy arrows from the long Indian bows scythed into the enemy's formations, the first wave of war elephants waded into the Macedonian phalanx that was bristling with 17-feet long sarissas. Some of the animals got impaled in the process. Then a second wave of these mighty beasts rushed into the gap created by the first, either trampling the Macedonian soldiers or grabbing them by their trunks and presenting them up for the mounted Indian soldiers to cut or spear them. It was a nightmarish scenario for the invaders. As the terrified Macedonians pushed back, the Indian infantry charged into the gap.
In the first charge, by the Indians, Porus's brother Amar killed Alexander's favourite horse Bucephalus, forcing Alexander to dismount. This was a big deal. In battles outside India the elite Macedonian bodyguards had not allowed a single enemy soldier to deliver so much as a scratch on their king's body, let alone slay his mount. Yet in this battle Indian troops not only broke into Alexander's inner cordon, they also killed Nicaea, one of his leading commanders.
According to the Roman historian Marcus Justinus, Porus challenged Alexander, who charged him on horseback. In the ensuing duel, Alexander fell off his horse and was at the mercy of the Indian king's spear. But Porus dithered for a second and Alexander's bodyguards rushed in to save their king.
Plutarch, the Greek historian and biographer, says there seems to have been nothing wrong with Indian morale. Despite initial setbacks, when their vaunted chariots got stuck in the mud, Porus's army "rallied and kept resisting the Macedonians with unsurpassable bravery".
Macedonians: Shaken, not stirred
Although the Greeks claim victory, the fanatical resistance put up by the Indian soldiers and ordinary people everywhere had shaken the nerves of Alexander's army to the core. They refused to move further east. Nothing Alexander could say or do would spur his men to continue eastward. The army was close to mutiny.
Read section: History
Says Plutarch: "The combat with Porus took the edge off the Macedonians' courage, and stayed their further progress into India. For having found it hard enough to defeat an enemy who brought but 20,000 foot and 2000 horse into the field, they thought they had reason to oppose Alexander's design of leading them on to pass the Ganges, on the further side of which was covered with multitudes of enemies."
The Greek historian says after the battle with the Pauravas, the badly bruised and rattled Macedonians panicked when they received information further from Punjab lay places "where the inhabitants were skilled in agriculture, where there were elephants in yet greater abundance and men were superior in stature and courage".
Indeed, on the other side of the Ganges was the mighty kingdom of Magadh, ruled by the wily Nandas, who commanded one of the most powerful and largest standing armies in the world. According to Plutarch, the courage of the Macedonians evaporated when they came to know the Nandas "were awaiting them with 200,000 infantry, 80,000 cavalry, 8000 war chariots and 6000 fighting elephants". Undoubtedly, Alexander's army would have walked into a slaughterhouse.
Hundreds of kilometres from the Indian heartland, Alexander ordered a retreat to great jubilation among his soldiers.
Partisans counterattack
The celebrations were premature. On its way south towards the sea, Alexander's army was constantly harried by Indian partisans, republics and kingdoms.
In a campaign at Sangala in Punjab, the Indian attack was so ferocious it completely destroyed the Greek cavalry, forcing Alexander to attack on foot. In the next battle, against the Malavs of Multan, he was felled by an Indian warrior whose arrow pierced the Macedonian's breastplate and ribs.
Says Military History magazine: "Although there was more fighting, Alexander's wound put an end to any more personal exploits. Lung tissue never fully recovers, and the thick scarring in its place made every breath cut like a knife."
Alexander never recovered and died in Babylon (modern Iraq) at the age of 33.
Exceptional research! impressed.
 
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Bucephalus - Alexander The Great - Alexander's Horse Bucephalus - Alexander - Bucephalus

Bucephalus


Plutarch tells us the story of wondrous horse, Bucephalus, the horse that Alexander the Great rode for thousands of miles and through many battles to create his mighty empire.

The legend begins with Philoneicus, a Thessalian bringing a wild horse to Philip II, the father of Alexander the Great. Philip was angry at Phinoneicus for bringing such an unstable horse to him but Alexander had watched Bucephalus and set his father, Philip, a challenge. Although Alexander was only 12 years old he had noticed that Bucephalus was shying away from his own shadow. Alexander gently led Bucephalus into the sun so that his shadow was behind him. Eventually Bucephalus allowed Alexander to ride him, much to the public humiliation of Philip. Philip gained face by commenting "Look thee out a kingdom equal to and worthy of thyself, for Macedonia is too little for thee". Alexander named the horse Bucephalus because the horse's head seemed "as broad as a bulls".

Bucephalus, the mighty stallion, died of battle wounds in 326B.C in Alexander's last battle. Alexander founded the city of Bucephala (thought to be the modern town of Jhelum, Pakistan) in memory of his wonderful horse.

Like his hero and ancestor Achillis, Alexander viewed his horses as "known to excel all others-for they are immortal. Poseiden gave them to my father Peleus, who in his turn gave them to myself"
 
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Story of Alexander the Great and Chandragupta Maurya | India First-Hand



Alexander the Great and Chandragupta Maurya



The story of Alexander the Great is very familiar to most Indians (at least we think we do). We are taught in history classes that Alexander invaded India in 326 BCE. He fought a fierce battle with King Porus (battle of the Hydaspes River) in modern day Pakistan. Porus was defeated but Alexander spared his life and allowed him to rule the area under his name. Alexander then reached the Beas River in Himachal Pradesh and decided to turn back after his army started revolting (many people in the ancient world including the Greeks also believed that India was the end of the world and it would not make sense to keep advancing).

As Alexander started his long journey back to Macedonia he awarded most of the lands captured by him to various Satraps (Persian name for governors). Over the course of time many of these Satraps became emperors controlling large tracks of land themselves. Unfortunately very little is taught in Indian schools about these satraps appointed by Alexander or the lasting legacy that they left on the long history of India.

Indian history teaches that the Mauryan Empire came into existence immediately after Alexander's arrival in northwestern India. Chandragupta Maurya (340 BCE to 298 BCE) is credited with founding the Maurya Empire and establishing the first "Indian" empire by defeating the Greek Satraps. How do we explain such a major Indian empire coming into existence just 15 years after Alexander's arrival at the Beas River?

In Greek and Latin Chandragupta Maurya is known as Sandrokottos or Androcottus. Very little is known about him or his lineage. Some Indian historians claim that he is the illegitimate child born to a Nanda prince and a maid. Others claim that he was raised by peacock tamers. But history is murky. The dates attributed to reign of Chandragupta Maurya are not set in stone and that is what makes his story very interesting.

Noted Indian historians like Dr. Ranjit Pal (Ph.D from IIT Kharagpur and life member of "Indian Society for Greek and Roman Studies") are now beginning to make a compelling case about revising the history of India during the time of Alexander (I recommend reading his book "Non-Jonesian Indology and Alexander). The main area of contention is the location of the city of Pataliputra (which is mentioned in the classic work by Greek writer Megasthenes called Indica).

Sir William Jones (1746 – 1794) was the founder of the Asiatic Society and one of the first individuals to suggest an existence of a group of languages now known as Indo-European languages (he wrote a book called "The Sanscrit Language" in 1786 in which he suggested that Sanskrit, Greek and Latin had a common root which we now know to be true). But he also made a claim that Pataliputra (Palibothra) is Patna (Bihar). This effectively placed Alexander, Chandragupta Maurya and Ashoka in Eastern India. This is called the "Jonesian Theory" and is widely accepted as a fact in India and elsewhere.

But many Indians would be surprised to learn that this theory is based on very thin evidence. Till date no relic of any Mauryan King including the great Ashoka or the Greeks has been found in Patna. This is true for the Nanda kings who the Mauryans supposedly captured. So where were the Mauryans actually ruling and who is Chandragupta Maurya?

Dr. Ranjit Pal argues that Palibothra of Megasthenes is not Patna of Bihar but Patali (near the city of Kerman in Iran). The names of many Indian cities can also be found in other countries and names like Patali, Konarak, and Salem are good examples (it would be a mistake to assume that these Indian cities are older. It is more likely that Patali (Iran) is much older than Patna (India). The name Patel which is popular among people in Gujarat is likely related to Patali. Gujarat is part of Western India and close to Iran where Patali is).

So if Megasthenes was talking about Patali in Iran and not in India then that would mean that Alexander never visited India that we know today. Instead of Chandragupta Maurya setting up the Mauryan Empire following Alexander's retreat there is evidence to show that Chandragupta was a contemporary of Alexander and fought and lost a major battle with Alexander in Patali. This will mean that the Mauryan Empire was mostly an empire that existed in Northwestern India (including Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran) and probably did not exist in modern day Central and Eastern India (which could be the reason why the archeological evidence is missing).

After capturing Taksila (city in Pakistan), Alexander left the city under the control of one of his Satraps known as Orontobates (some accounts indicate that Orontobates was a Persian. Alexander's army just like most armies in the world today had soldiers and generals from lands that they captured). Orontobates was also known as Tridates. He later on assumed the name of Sasigupta (known in Greek as Sasicottos).

Sashi and Chandra means moon in Sanskrit. Many historians now believe that Orontobates a.k.a. Sasigupta is none other than Chandragupta Maurya (this explains why there is very little information in the Indian context as to who Chandragupta was before he became emperor of "India"). This Persian was an important member of Alexander's conquests. Diodorus (ancient Greek historian) indicates that it was Tridates who handed the Persian treasury over to the Greeks after Alexander defeated the Persian Empire led by King Darius III.

Why did Chandragupta revolt against his longtime friend Alexander? Did he secretly continue to resent the defeat of the Persians by the Greeks under Alexander after all these years? Did he participate with other Persians in Alexander's army to poison and kill their leader? If you believe in the ancient Sanskrit drama Mudrarakshasa the answer is a resounding yes.
 

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