Apropos of the Rajkot affair, I want to say a few words. You thought a lot of the terms of settlement that terminated Mahatmaji’s fast. There is no Indian who did not feel happy and relieved that Mahatmaji’s life was saved. But when one analysed the terms of settlement with the cold eye of logic, what did one find? In the first place, Sir Maurice Gwyer, who is a part and parcel of the Federal Scheme, was recognized as the umpire or arbitrator. Did that not amount to a tacit recognition of that scheme (Federal) itself? Secondly, Sir Maurice is neither our man nor an independent agent. He is a Government man-pure and simple. In any conflict with the British Government, if we accept a High Court Judge or a Sessions Judge as umpire or arbitrator, the British Government will very gladly agree to it. For instance, in the matter of State prisoners detained without trial, the Government always boasts that the relevant papers are placed before the High Court or Sessions Judges. But we never accept that as a satisfactory settlement. Why then has there been a departure in the case of Rajkot?
There is another point in this connection, which I cannot understand and on which you will be able to enlighten me. Mahatma Gandhi went to see the Viceroy and the interview took place duly. Why is he still waiting there? It is Sardar Patel who has to wait, in case Sir Maurice Gwyer wants him. Does it not indirectly enhance the prestige of the British Government, if Mahatmaji lingers on in Delhi after his interview with the Viceroy? You said in your letter of 24th March that Mahatmaji was completely fixed in Delhi for several days and could not leave at all. I should have thought that there are more important things for Gandhiji to do now than wait in Delhi. The drift, stalemate etc. of which you complain so much could be brought to an end in no time, if Mahatmaji exerted himself a bit. But on that point you are silent and all the blame is reserved for me.
In your letter of the 23rd March you said, ‘I found later some vague talk among other people that a meeting of the A.I.C.C. should be held. I do not know exactly who were thinking on these lines and what their objective was in holding the meeting, except insofar as it might be a further clarification of the situation.” News travels fast and far and I got the information that some M.L.A.s (Central) were trying to get a requisition signed by members of the A.I.C.C. for an early meeting of that body – as if I was avoiding calling a meeting of the A.I.C.C. and was deliberately causing a deadlock in the affairs of the Congress. Did you not hear any thing of this sort – either at Delhi or elsewhere? If so, do you think that such a move was fair and honorable?
In the same letter (of the 23rd March) you refer to the National Demand resolution and Sarat’s opposing it. As for Sarat’s attitude, he will probably be writing to you about it. But it is not correct to say that apart from his opposition, the resolution was passed unanimously. I have heard from several people that they opposed the resolution- not because there was any thing inherently wrong in it – but because it contained nothing of practical significance. It was like one of those innocuous resolutions which towards the end of every Congress are moved and seconded and passed either unanimously or nem .con.
Really, I fail to understand how you can enthuse so much over this resolution. What practical lead does it give?
In this connection I cannot help remarking that in recent years Congress resolutions are often to verbose and long worded. One should call them ‘Theses’ or ‘essays’ rather than ‘resolutions’. Formally our resolutions used to be brief, pertinent and practical. I am afraid that you have had a hand in giving this new shape and form to our resolutions into lengthy theses.
More than once you have referred in your letters to the ‘adventurist tendencies’ in the Congress of today. What exactly do you mean? It strikes me that you have in view certain individuals. Are you against new men and women coming into the Congress and getting prominence? Do you desire that the top leadership in Congress should be the close preserve of a few individuals? If my memory does not betray me, the Council of the U.P. Provincial Congress Committee once adopted a rule to the effect that in certain Congress organisations, the same individual should not continue as an office-bearer for more than three years. Eventually if this rule was to apply to subordinate organisations and in the higher bodies, the same individuals could continue in the same post for decades. Whatever you might say, we are, in a sense, all adventurers, for life is one long adventure. I should have thought that those who regard themselves as progressive would welcome fresh blood in all ranks of the Congress organisation.
There is no reason for you to think (here I am referring to your letter of the 24th March) that Sarat’s letter was written on my behalf. He has a personality of his own. He got Gandhiji’s telegram asking him to write, after he returned to Calcutta from here. If Gandhiji had not telegraphed in that way, I doubt that if he would have written at all. I must say, however, that there are certain things in his letter to Mahatmaji, which echo my feelings.
Regarding your letter to Sarat, I have a few observations to make. I must infer from your letter that what he wrote about the atmosphere etc. at Tripuri came as a surprise to you. This surprises me. Though I could not move about freely, I had sufficient reports from independent-sources about the morally sickening atmosphere of the place. How you could have moved about the place without sensing it and hearing about it, beats me.
Secondly, you have remarked that at Tripuri personal issues coloured the consideration of other issues. You are right. Only you did not add that though did not speak on the subject either in the Subjects Committee or in the open session of the Congress-you did more than any other individual to accentuate these personal issues and make them prominent in the public eye.
You have said in your letter to Sarat, “It was absurd for any one to say that Subhas’s illness was a fake and none of my colleagues hinted at this to my knowledge.” You must be completely jaundiced to be able to make such a remark when before and at Tripuri, a systematic campaign to that effect was carried on everywhere by my political opponents. This is an additional proof that for some time past you have become completely biased against me (see the beginning of this letter). I do not think that what Sarat has said about the atmosphere etc. at Tripuri is any exaggeration at all.
You have referred to some unsavory reports, which you heard at Tripuri. It is somewhat strange and unbecoming on your part that only such reports impress you to go against us. Let me give you a few examples. Do you know that Bengal is not the only province against which complaints were made regarding the issue of delegates’ tickets? Do you know that a similar complaint was made against Andhra Province? But you mention only Bengal. Again, do you know that when duplicate receipts were issued by Bengal Provincial Congress Committee (B.P.C.C.) office on the ground that the originals were lost, the B.P.C.C. office warned the A.I.C.C. office about the matter and asked the later to be careful while issuing delegates’ tickets? Do you care to enquire as to who was responsible for the error- the B.P.C.C. office or the A.I.C.C. office?
Further, you have referred to large sums being spent in bringing delegates. Don’t you know in which side are to be found the capitalists and moneyed people? Have you heard of lorry-loads of Punjab delegates being brought from Lahore? At whose instance were they brought? Perhaps Dr. Kitchlew could through light on this. A reputed lady Congress worker from Punjab who saw me here five days ago, said that they had been brought under Sardar Patel’s instructions. I do not know. But surely, you should have some sense of impartiality.
Regarding the role of the Congress Ministers at Tripuri, I have two remarks to make. I had requests from a large number of A.I.C.C. members to the effect that voting should be by ballot. On my asking why, they said that if they openly voted against the Congress Ministers they would get into trouble. What is the meaning of this? Secondly, I have the idea of ministers canvassing in this partisan way. No doubt they have constitutional right to do so-but the effect of it will be that in every province there will be splits in the Congress Parliamentary Party. How can the Ministers carry out their work if they do not have the undivided support of all Congress M.L.A’s and M.L.C.s in their respective provinces?
Don’t you agree that at the Tripuri Congress (including the Subjects Committee), the Old Guard played a passive role in the eyes of the public and that the Ministers dominated the scene? Was Sarat wrong when he made this remark?
It is adding insult to injury – as they say –for you to remark in your letter to Sarat that “ The Tripuri resolution envisaged cooperation between the Congress President and Gandhiji.”
You claim in the above letter that you labored to bring about cooperation among Congressmen at Tripuri and before. May I tell you the unpleasant fact that other people hold a different view? In their view, you cannot be absolved of the responsibility for the gulf that the Tripuri Congress created between Congressmen and Congress-men.
I should now invite you to clarify your policy and programme-not in vague generalities but in realistic details. I should also like to know what you are – Socialist or Leftist or Centralist or Rightist or Ganshiist or something else?
There are two admirable sentences in your letter to Sarat, “What pains me most is the overshadowing of all political issues by the personal equation. If there is to be conflict among Congressmen, I earnestly hope that it will be kept on a higher level and will be confined to matters of policy and Principle.” If only you had adhered to your dictum, what a difference it would have made to our Congress politics!
When you say that you do not understand what obstruction there was at Tripuri, I cannot help admiring your ‘naiveté’. The Tripuri Congress, in reality, passed only one resolution, viz. Pant’s resolution, and that resolution was charged with the spirit of pettiness and vindictiveness. The protagonists of truth and non-violence had told the world after the Presidential election that they would not obstruct the majority party and out of a spirit of non-obstruction they resigned their membership of the Working Committee. At Tripuri they did nothing but obstruct. They had right to do so-but why did they make professions which they belied in practice.
I shall refer to a few other things before I finish this unusually long letter.
You referred to the trouble of issue of tickets to Bengal delegates at Tripuri. The other day I read in the papers that at a public meeting in Calcutta, it was stated by a member of the A.I.C.C. that he had heard from some U.P. delegates that similar trouble had taken place with regard to U.P. also.
Don’t you think that the fundamental motive behind Pant’s resolution was to pit Mahatmaji against me? Do you consider such a move to be an honest one, when no breach had taken place between Mahatmaji and myself, at least from my side? If the Old Guard wanted to fight me, why did they not do so in a straightforward manner? Why did they bring Mahatma Gandhi in between us? It was a clever artifice no doubt, but the point is if such a move accords with Truth and Non-violence.
I have already asked you if you consider it fair on the part of Sardar Patel to declare that my re-election would be harmful to the country’s cause. You never said a word that he should withdraw such a remark-thereby indirectly supporting his allegation. Now I would like to ask you what you think of Mahatmaji’s remark to the effect that after all, I am not an enemy of the country. Do you think that such a remark was justified? If not, then did you put in a word on my behalf to Mahatmaji?
What do you think of the trick indulged in by some people by publishing in the daily press, while we were at Tripuri, that Pant’s resolution had the full support of Mahatmaji?
And now, what do you think of Pant’s resolution? There was a rumor at Tripuri that you were one of the authors of it. Is that a fact? Do you approve of this resolution, though you remained neutral at the time of voting? What is your interpretation of it? Was it, in your view, a motion of confidence?
I am sorry that my letter has become so long. It will no doubt tire your patience. But I would not avoid it-there were so many things to say.
Possibly, I shall have to write to you again or issue a press statement. There is an unconfirmed report that in some articles you have been adversely criticizing my Presidentship. When I see your articles I shall be in a position to say some thing on the subject and to compare our work – particularly how far you have advanced the cause of Leftism in two years and I in one year.
If I have used harsh language or hurt your feelings at any place, kindly pardon me. You yourself say that there is nothing like frankness and I have tried to be frank – perhaps brutally frank.
I am progressing steadily, though slowly. Hope you are all right.
Yours affectionately,
Subhas
The concluding part of the letter i had posted (i should have done this earlier )