WAR 1971

utubekhiladi

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On the western front, much of the military effort was concentrated in the plains sector in Punjab, gains that had to be given up. On the other hand, an excellent opportunity to consolidate Kashmir or liberate Pak-occupied area was wasted.
If India had plans to retain the captured territory in Jammu and Kashmir a major thrust towards Skardu or Gilgit could have threatened the land access between Pakistan and China.

Unlike in 1965 when the Chinese served an ultimatum, in 1971 the Soviet build-up on the Sino-Soviet border on the Amur river border (of almost 44 divisions from the normal 3 or 4) kept China out of this conflict. An opportunity that is unlikely to present itself in the future.

As India faces a Sino-Pak joint military threat in the north, one can only wonder the effect this blunder has had. It is difficult to blame the military leadership for this as in retrospect it appears that the decision to retain gains in Kashmir was a 'spur of the moment after thought.'

It is amazing to note the cavalier manner in which issues of war and peace continue to be dealt in independent India.

The second blunder was the explicit recognition that India gave to the 'Kashmir dispute' in the Simla Agreement.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came to Simla as the head of a defeated nation with nothing to bargain. 93,000 Pakistani prisoners were in India and the tehsil of Shakargarh as well as large tracts of desert were under Indian occupation.

The Pakistani State itself was tottering and the only card Bhutto had was to play on the Indian need to have a viable Pakistan survive. Using his weakness dexterously, Bhutto made sure that India could never drive a hard bargain.

All that Pakistan conceded at Simla was that it would not use force to solve the Kashmir problem and it would deal with the issue bilaterally. It is indeed astonishing that a militarily weak and defeated nation promising 'non use of force' against another country ten times its size, being seen as a concession.

This naivete was to cause immense difficulties in the future. The acceptance of the disputed status of Kashmir was a major diplomatic blunder and India continues to pay a heavy price for it. In the words of a sports commentator, India snatched diplomatic defeat from the jaws of victory.
 

utubekhiladi

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Pandit Nehru was the original Ashoka of modern times. Out of all the historical period great rulers of India, that include Chandragupta, Samudragupa or Vikramaditya, Ashoka seems to fascinate all.

From Nehru to Vajpayee and now Manmohan Singh, all want to emulate the great emperor and usher in peace. Even a supreme realist and tough leader like Indira Gandhi succumbed to this temptation at Simla in 1972.

Indians have forgotten that Ashoka embarked upon his 'peace offensive' only after the Kalinga victory. 1971 was a decisive victory only in the East, and the Pakistan army remained largely undefeated in the West.

Indians do not still realise that international agreements are honoured for either of the two reasons -- The agreement gives some tangible benefit to the countries involved or breaking of the agreement can mean loss for the violator.

The Simla Agreement was honoured by Pakistan till such time as the Indian troops did not vacate captured territory and the Pakistani prisoners did not return. Once these two short-term objectives were achieved, Pakistan found no reason to go on to implement the next step -- normalisation of relations.

Improvement in relations and people-to-people contacts were never permitted by Pakistan and the hoped for atmosphere to tackle the Kashmir issue never built up.

Today after violating all the other clauses of the Simla Agreement, Pakistan now harps on Article 6 that had provided for Indo-Pak talks at head of the government level to solve the Kashmir issue.

This is sheer sophistry, but effective diplomacy and the Indian diplomats have been stumped.

But the greatest blunder was to let the Pakistani army get away with its 'genocide' in Bangladesh.

There is massive evidence of Pakistani army brutality in Bangladesh. The evidence is from Pakistani sources itself, the Justice Hamidur Rehman Commission Report. Some of the testimony in that report makes very chilling reading, even 40 years after the event.

There is a mountain of evidence about Pakistani army atrocities. What did the Government of India do? We banned the short film made by S Sukhdeo, Nine Months to Freedom at Bhutto's request. The Pakistani army selectively targeted Hindus, members of the Awami League and Bangladesh intellectuals. It was a well known secret that the bulk of the refugees (close to 70 per cent) were Hindus.

Rumour has it that even the much maligned right wing organisation in India kept quiet on this issue so that communal peace in India should not be disturbed. The playing down of Pakistani genocide let a Rogue Army escape the consequences of its misbehaviour.

India only stored trouble for the future. The Nazis were tried for massacring the Jews, the Khmer Rouge, Saddam Hussein, Serbian militants, all faced international courts -- only the Pakistani army got away with murder, rape and loot.

While Bangladesh attempts to get justice for the victims, India is silent.

Colonel Dr Anil Athale (retd) is a former head of the War Studies Division, ministry of defence. He is currently the coordinator of Inpad, a Pune-based think-tank.
 

Yusuf

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I was actually going to start a thread on 71 war from the perspective of Indian strategic blunder in seeing the future.

India should have actually forced/negotiated the wrongs of partition in its favor. The northern part of Bangladesh close to be chickens neck and also sea route to our north east i.e Chittagong. We should have got those. Instead we were just too "Indian" :( . Having Chittagong would have given us access to OIL and GAS as well.
 

lemontree

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The blunders pointed out are being unfair to the establishment of the time:-
1. The territory gains in Kashmir were kept and not returned. Gain were made in Poonch and Kargil. These were very important gains. We exchanged Chamb for these mountain features. The decision was taken after a study by a team consisting of Lt. Gen PS Bhagat (VC), who recommended that we keep the mountain features and give Chamb if any bartering of captured land is done.

A campaign towards Gilgit-Skardu axis in the winter, is asking for trouble. The approaches are blocked with snow and would prevent our movement just as the snow prevented and PLA intervention during that winter. Secondly, the logistical requirements and fire support for the campaign would have have taken months to accumulate (the PLA took 5 months to gather supplies and equipment for the war).

2. We had to address the Kashmir issue with Pakistan. What does the author mean by saying we should not have recognised it?

3. Not bringing the PA war criminals to justice was a major blunder.
 

SADAKHUSH

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Thank you sesha_maruthi27 for your tribute to our beloved sons and daughters who have devoted their life to serve and protect our Janam Bhumi. Let us all take a pledge to keep them in our prayer on a daily basis.

Best Regards

Sadakhush
 

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The Flying Hero of the 1971 War.
December 13, 2011 12:31 IST

Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon is the only Indian Air Force warrior to be decorated with the Param Vir Chakra.


'My admiration for his gallant action remains undiminished,' says M P Anil Kumar. 'It was not his day, yet he made it his own.'

The North American F-86 Sabre, designed by Edgar Schmued, is a legendary jet fighter. The Sabre was the mainstay of the Pakistan Air Force in the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971.

After daybreak on December 14, 1971, a strike force comprising four F-86F Sabres of PAF 26 Squadron (Black Spiders), each heaving two 500-lbs bombs and nose-bay crammed to capacity with 12.7-mm belted ammunition, led by squadron commander Wing Commander Sharbat Ali Changazi, with Flight Lieutenants H K Dotani, Amjad Andrabi and Maroof Mir as wingmen, took off from Peshawar.

They cruised on an easterly course towards the Srinagar [ Images ] airfield -- 320 kilometres afar -- to pockmark its runway with craters. To ensure the mission went through undisturbed, Flight Lieutenants Salim Baig and Rahim Yusufzai flew in two F-86Fs as escorts, both with all six M3 Browning machineguns fully loaded. All Sabres carried external 760-litre fuel tanks to stretch their endurance.

During hostilities, to shoot down enemy warplanes, every airbase mounts a pair of interceptors inside concrete shelters called blast pens at either runway end, pilots strapped up and hair-trigger-ready if need be, on what is called the Operational Readiness Platform, ORP in air force lingo.

At the first sniff of a raid, the base would 'scramble' these fighters to set up a Combat Air Patrol, CAP, either overhead or offset.

Since the Kashmir [ Images ] valley had no radar then, the Indian Air Force had to depend on the observation posts pitched atop the Pir Panjal ridges, and elsewhere, to detect bandits and convey warning of incoming raids.

The Sabres descended to low level over the Pir Panjal Pass, and veered toward north of Kasba village.

Northwest to southeast, technically in 13/31 direction, that's the orientation of the Srinagar runway.

Changazi navigated to roughly 5 kms southeast of the 31 end of the runway, pulled up to 3,200 metres altitude, coaxed the Sabre into a dive, aligned with the runway and pointed the gunsight's pipper 300 metres up from the 31 threshold.

Dotani, Andrabi and Mir would follow suit, but would aim the pipper farther up the runway to space out the craters.

After the attack, Changazi had planned to regroup the formation, swerve left, hit the deck and accelerate towards Baramulla to egress at full pelt.

The tiny dynamo Folland Gnat, designed by William 'Teddy' Petter, though not as acclaimed worldwide as the Sabre, could outmanoeuvre any flying machine.

Blooded by the IAF in the 1965 Indo-Pak War, she earned the sobriquet 'Sabre Slayer' and lived up to its billing in the subsequent 1971 War.

A detachment of 18 Sqn (Flying Bullets), equipped with Gnats, was charged with the air defence of Srinagar. As the frigid air was thick with fog, Flight Lieutenant Baldhir Singh Ghuman (G Man) and Flying Officer Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon, the pilots on ORP, were taken off stand-by duty, but told to hang about.

As the hand ticked past 8 o'clock, the tannoy blared; they were ordered to scramble by Group Captain R S Sanadi, the station commander.

A spell of ORP-pause can induce the folk to switch to their heels. The Gnats still emerged from the pens (31 end) in about two minutes, but were held up as the ATC had not cleared them to take off.

When an air raid is imminent, the CAP aircraft are fielded out of the range of the air defence batteries (ack-ack and surface-to-air missiles) to not endanger own assets, and to give the AD weapons the freedom to blast the raiders.

Here, the L-60 ack-ack guns boomed to life, with its barrage directed towards the bandits about to bomb, but the ORP aircraft were still aground.

Thinking on his feet, sensing the peril of scrambling when the runway was being blitzed, Flying Officer Yogindra Singh (Yogi), the CAP controller, bounded out of the dugout, scrambled to recall the scramble to let the gunners have a go at the bandits, but he could not contact the pilots as they were operating on different radio frequencies.

Raring to take off, G Man desperately strove to raise the ATC. In vain. Unwilling to dally any more, he released the brakes. Young Sekhon trailed him 20 seconds later.

By the time Sekhon retracted the landing-gear, two pairs of bombs, one by one, had exploded on the runway behind him.

Meanwhile, Changazi and Dotani, the bombers, had flown over and overshot him, fortuitously into his crosshairs.

The Pakistanis were haring to touch the getaway speed. Sekhon first accelerated to catch up, and then nimbly twirled the Gnat to get astern of Dotani.

In the meantime, G Man turned left tightly, built up kinetic energy maintaining low level and then eased up when south of the airfield to position behind the bandits, but he couldn't spot the glint of neither the Sabres nor the Gnat through the foggy haze. He continued the climb to segue into the overhead CAP lap.

"I am behind two Sabres. I won't let the bastards get away," Sekhon roared on the radio.

Sigh. "Good show, Brother, where are you?" G Man reached out, wanting to check whether Sekhon's tail was clear of bogies.

Hush. Sekhon and G Man were separate and operating in two different Srinagars.

Realising a Gnat was doggedly snapping at their tails, Changazi ordered his formation to jettison drop tanks, and bid Dotani to turn left hard to throw off Sekhon.

Andrabi, who was hoping to catch his breath after pulling out of the dive, was compelled to hold his breath by the scintilla of a burst of bullets from the Gnat's two cannons arcing towards Dotani.

Unlike modern fighters, both the Gnat and the Sabre were not armed with air-to-air missiles, and front guns were the only weapon available to down the enemy aircraft in combat.

Since fighter jets are fast dynamic objects, constantly varying positions apace in all three dimensions, shooting down another fighter with guns demands sublime skill.

Simply put, if the angle and distance are not right, you score a washout. And you have to close in till you see your quarry king-sized -- 250 metres to 300 metres, to stamp your marksmanship.

Sekhon had fired just out of range. Dotani escaped by the skin of his teeth.

"Break," Andrabi hollered with as much breath he could summon up. With his life on the line, Dotani broke berserk.

The last ditch left his Sabre gasping for energy; he wisely dropped out and limped off westward into the mountains

Post-bombing, Mir could not sight the site of the dogfight, and therefore he straggled behind Dotani.

At full tilt, Andrabi aggressively manoeuvred himself to tailgate the Gnat, leaving Sekhon sandwiched between Changazi and Andrabi.

The raging, ripsnorting action was ripening 5 km to 6 km northwest of the airfield. At ground zero, the plume of dust and debris kicked up by the explosions was diffusing.

With visibility dimming further from his vantage, distinguishing the flecks of Sabres and Gnat battling it out at 100 metres above the terrain was impossible; Yogi's yeomanly effort at vectoring G Man over yonder floundered.

Sekhon had to fight it out all alone to wiggle out of the nutcracker. The Pakistanis couldn't have asked for anything more.

The Gnat chased a Sabre, the second Sabre pursed that Gnat, in tight turns, every combatant exerting not to yield edge while endeavouring to wrest some.

"I'm in a circle of joy but with two Sabres. I am getting behind one, but the other is getting an edge on me," Sekhon's voice crackled.

He let off a burst of 30-mm ammo from the ADEN cannons on Changazi. The shots whizzed by the Sabre.

Meanwhile, Andrabi, firing on all cylinders, had steadfastly gnawed away the distance and gained advantage over Sekhon. His serial short bursts rent the air with the rat-a-tat of 12.7-mm rounds, but drew a blank despite being within striking distance.

"Three is Winchester," disclosed Andrabi bashfully. He had run out of ammo.

Andrabi would have squirmed, laden with self-inflicted mortification, for first presumptuously proclaiming on radio that he was going to annihilate the Gnat's daffy jockey and then spraying 1,800 rounds prodigally.

Those who count their chickens before they hatch generally end up eating crow!

Changazi asked pratfallen Andrabi to play safe.

Close shave. Sensing the moment, Sekhon, the feisty fighter, made a damn good fist of the opening. In half a jiff, he straightened the wings, punched the fuel tanks, accelerated with the lighter Gnat, replenished kinetic energy, and waded in for another crack at the lead Sabre.

Manoeuvring with slick agility, the Gnat rapidly devoured angles and metres, and Sekhon, with the aplomb of a raptor, converged on to Changazi for the kill.

Unbeknown to the Indians, the Pakistanis had an ace up there -- the two escorts.

Several moments before Changazi inaugurated the Black Spiders' bombing run, the escort pair of Baig and Yusufzai had soared to set up CAP overhead -- to hunt for likely interceptors. They were circling, eagle-eyed, one kilometre above the battle area.

Baig, the escort leader, observing the fierce dogfight from his perch, had expected Andrabi to clobber the Gnat, and was therefore stunned by the relay of spent ammo.

The sight of the Gnat about to slay the Sabre made his hair stand on end. He gathered his wingman, and swooped down to the aerial arena. Concurrently, Changazi's SOS knelled in his earpiece.

With the escorts lunging into the ring, Sekhon was up against four Sabres. With G Man and the CAP controllers nowhere to mind his tail, he was unaware of the escorts joining the fray. To thwart the inevitable was beyond even Super Sekhon.

Unchallenged, the Sabres sped towards the Gnat.

Baig watched the Gnat growing king-sized through the sight graticules, and zeroed the pipper on the Gnat. Three hundred metres. Six machineguns volleyed, discharging the whole nine yards.

"I think I have been hit, G Man come and get them."

Flash. With black smoke belching out of her belly, the Gnat levelled her wings and headed towards the base. Baig knew it was all over bar the bragging.

The hail of bullets peppered the Gnat's tail. (Wing Commander G M David, now retired, who had assisted Yogi that morning, says they found 37 bullet holes about the Gnat's rear fuselage, tailplane and fin.) That knocked out her flight control system, meaning the laws of flight abandoned the Gnat.

She flipped inverted, nosedived and corkscrewed into a gorge near Badgam.

Before that, Sekhon had pulled the ejection seat handle to save himself. The canopy flew off, but the parachute deployed only partially as the Gnat was too close to the ground.

Half an hour later, G Man, who was constrained to orbit overhead, landed back on the badly damaged runway. His exclusion that morning would remain a lifelong regret for him.

For his extraordinary gallantry, the Republic decorated Flying Officer Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon, posthumously, with the Param Vir Chakra, hitherto the only air warrior to be elevated to the highest wartime pedestal.

When I first heard of his heroism, Sekhon was credited with a kill and probably another. The 'reconstruction' of that red-hot air battle over Srinagar with the inputs of PAF pilots, deprives him of that attribution. However, my admiration for his gallant action (taking off while the airfield was under attack, taking on four Sabres for about five minutes without slackening his moxie) remains undiminished.

It was not his day, yet he made it his own.

His colleagues fondly called him Brother, for Sekhon was always affable, jovial and helpful.

On this fortieth anniversary of his martyrdom, I salute him proudly, not just for his valour but also for being the gem that he was.

Postscript: A coincidence can bemuse no end. On November 3, 1947, Major Som Nath Sharma, India's [ Images ] first PVC, fell fighting the marauding Pakistani raiders in the Battle of Badgam. The first Air Force PVC too breathed his last in Badgam. Heavenly coincidence!

Photograph: Mrs Sekhon receives the Param Vir Chakra from President V V Giri; Photograph courtesy: 18 Squadron IAF.

M P Anil Kumar is a former IAF fighter pilot: Please read his incredible story here

The Flying Hero of the 1971 War - Rediff.com India News
 

Blackwater

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what a great man.

My Q is.

What govt did for his family?

Did Punjab govt named anything after him in Punjab?
 

Poseidon

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what a great man.

My Q is.

What govt did for his family?

Did Punjab govt named anything after him in Punjab?
Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon is remembered for his gallantry and statues of him have also been erected in many cities in Punjab.
 

Blackwater

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Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon is remembered for his gallantry and statues of him have also been erected in many cities in Punjab.
Last i remembered his statue in Ludhiana's roundabout was removed....:scared1::scared1::scared1::scared1:
 

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Scars of Bangladesh independence war 40 years on


Indian army soldiers attacking Naya Chor in Sindh in support of Bengali rebels of the liberation army during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971

I was born in the middle of a cold winter night in December 1971 in Sindh, Pakistan. There was a blackout and bombs were falling.

Pakistan was losing a war and it was also losing its eastern half, separated from the rest of the country by more than 1,600km (990 miles) of India.

After nine months of internal strife and a military crackdown against Bangladeshi separatists, the full-scale war with India was swift and decisive. It lasted just 13 days.

The defeat of the Pakistani army on 16 December 1971 was a triumph for India and the Bengali insurgents it had assisted.

For Pakistan, it was perhaps the darkest moment in its history and the ultimate humiliation. The army stood accused of mass murder, torture and rape. Tens of thousands of Pakistani soldiers were taken prisoners of war.

Forty years on, I decided to examine the legacy of this brief but bitter war.



Growing up in Pakistan, we did not talk much about the war at home. In school, we seemed to rush through that period of our history.

On a recent visit to my old school in Karachi, I picked up an officially approved history book.

The book recognises that East Pakistanis felt culturally subjugated and economically exploited by their dominant Western half.

But it suggests the causes for separation include India, Hindu propaganda and international conspiracies.

At my old school I asked a group of teenage students if they had heard of the Bangladeshi accusations of genocide or widespread rape by the Pakistani army.

"That's wrong, that's propaganda!" several said.

"The Pakistani army is a professional army. They are Muslims. They couldn't have done that to their brothers and sisters over there."

'Foolish operation'

But if Pakistan has tried to treat the events of 1971 as a closed chapter, in Bangladesh, the wounds of the war are very fresh.

On my first ever visit to Dhaka, it was immediately clear that the Bangladeshi narrative of 1971 remains firmly focused on the violence unleashed by the Pakistani army.

Many Bangladeshis still feel very bitter about their treatment by West Pakistan, with discriminatory policies over economics and language.

In 1971, the West Pakistan leadership appeared to have made up its mind to answer this resentment with military force.


Professor Serajul Islam Choudhury remembers colleagues at the Dhaka University memorial

"It makes me think how foolish the entire operation was, how mad it was and how tragic it was," said Serajul Islam Choudhury, a professor at Dhaka University.

"There's no possibility of bringing down an entire people by the military coming from abroad. The loss we suffered was enormous."

As he stared at the list of names on a memorial honouring the teachers, students and staff of Dhaka University who died in 1971, his emotion is palpable.

"To this day, I feel very sad thinking of my colleagues who were killed during the military operations."


Lasting 13 days, the Indo-Pakistan war is considered one of the shortest wars in history. Pakistani forces surrendered on 16 December 1971.

The Bangladeshi government says that three million people were killed during the nine months of conflict. Some say that figure is too high and unverifiable.

And the mainstream Bangladeshi narrative is also accused of omitting alleged atrocities perpetrated by Bengali separatists against communities who were deemed loyal to Pakistan.

Entire villages are reported to have been attacked, homes burnt and families killed.

Aly Zaker was among thousands of Bengalis who took up arms to fight for independence.

"Our target was the Pakistan occupation force and their cohorts, who were created within the confines of Bangladesh with quislings," he says.

He believes that minorities only faced retribution after they had acted as proxies of the Pakistani army and killed Bengalis.

Existential fear

As I learned more about 1971, it seemed to me that many of the geopolitical patterns of Pakistan and the region were formed during that conflict.

If you look at the Indian armed forces deployment along the Pakistani border - their forward bases, their armoured divisions, their strike divisions - they can mobilise and go to war with us in 72 hours"

Back then, the Pakistani army was accused of forming militia groups to do its bidding in East Pakistan. Since then, it has been seen to use similar tactics in Afghanistan and Kashmir.

Many warn that the dangerous nexus between the military and jihadi militant groups is now threatening Pakistan from within.

Ikram Seghal, a defence analyst who lectures in Pakistani military colleges, believes the biggest internal challenge to Pakistan today is terrorism.

But like many in the military, he sees India as the principal external threat.

"If you look at the Indian armed forces deployment along the Pakistani border - their forward bases, their armoured divisions, their strike divisions - they can mobilise and go to war with us in 72 hours. - Ikram Seghal, Pakistani defence analyst

"While for us, short of a nuclear strike, we cannot hold them."

This existential fear of a bigger, hostile India is central to Pakistan's security paradigm. In 1971 this fear was reinforced by the crucial role India played in the break up of Pakistan.

For India, the situation became serious when nearly 10 million Bengali refugees crossed the border into its territory. There was a humanitarian crisis, but also an opportunity to cut Pakistan down to size.


An elderly refugee walks alongside Indian troops advancing into East Pakistan (Bangladesh) during the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971

Pakistan's army today

AK Khandker is a senior minister in the Bangladeshi government and served as a separatist commander in 1971.

He says India started providing weapons and training to the rebels in May of that year, and stepped up the programme after signing a pact with the Soviet Union in August.

According to Mr Khandker, the attacks by Indian-trained separatist fighters were so effective, that by November "the Pakistani army was physically and morally exhausted."

Today he says that without India, the independence of Bangladesh "would have been extremely, extremely difficult".

"The help that India gave to us, we are so grateful to them," he says.

I'm a soldier and proud of being a soldier. But all the ills of Pakistan are because of the armed forces intervention in the civilian affairs"

One might expect that the Pakistani army's failure in 1971 would have diminished its power in the country. But in my lifetime, its influence in shaping and running the country has grown exponentially.

It seems the conclusion the Pakistani army drew from its defeat in 1971 was to grow stronger; to exercise more control over civilian affairs.

Many in Pakistan still regard the army as a saviour, the glue that holds the country together, saving it from corrupt politicians and enemies like India - and increasingly America.

But others feel it was the army's tight grip on power that contributed to the break up of Pakistan in the first place.

I'm a soldier and proud of being a soldier. But all the ills of Pakistan are because of the armed forces intervention in the civilian affairs"lt Gen Abdul Qadir baloch, Retired Pakistan Army


They believe that the military has stifled the country's democratic development, undermining its very fabric.

"I'm a soldier and proud of being a soldier. But all the ills of Pakistan are because of the armed forces intervention in the civilian affairs," says Lt Gen Abdul Qadir Baloch.

He retired from the army just a few years ago and is now a member of parliament.

"If the army had not imposed as many martial laws in this country - four so far - we would have had 15 to 20 elections by now and a much better lot of politicians than the sort of pygmies we have got today."

BBC News - Scars of Bangladesh independence war 40 years on
 

Galaxy

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""¦"¦ we were told to kill the hindus and Kafirs (non-believer in God). One day in June, we cordoned a village and were ordered to kill the Kafirs in that area. We found all the village women reciting from the Holy Quran, and the men holding special congregational prayers seeking God's mercy. But they were unlucky. Our commanding officer ordered us not to waste any time."Confession of a Pakistani Soldier

The Guinness Book of Records lists the Bangladesh Genocide as one of the top 5 genocides in the 20th century.

The genocide and gendercidal atrocities were also perpetrated by lower-ranking officers and ordinary soldiers. These "willing executioners" were fuelled by an abiding anti-Bengali racism, especially against the Hindu minority. "Bengalis were often compared with monkeys and chickens. Said Pakistan General Niazi, 'It was a low lying land of low lying people.' The Hindus among the Bengalis were as Jews to the Nazis: scum and vermin that [should] best be exterminated. As to the Moslem Bengalis, they were to live only on the sufferance of the soldiers: any infraction, any suspicion cast on them, any need for reprisal, could mean their death. And the soldiers were free to kill at will. The journalist Dan Coggin quoted one Punjabi captain as telling him, 'We can kill anyone for anything. We are accountable to no one.' This is the arrogance of Power." (Rummel, Death By Government, p. 335.)


"In what became province-wide acts of genocide, Hindus were sought out and killed on the spot. As a matter of course, soldiers would check males for the obligated circumcision among Moslems. If circumcised, they might live; if not, sure death."

"..It is Mujib's home district. Kill as many bastards as you can and make sure there is no Hindu left alive," I was ordered. – Colonel Nadir Ali, retired Pakistan Army Officer , Punjabi poet and short story writer

Bangladesh Genocide Archive
 
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Galaxy

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Pak army killed 3 million people, raped 200,000 women and "‹Collaborators still roam around.

1971 genocide by Pakistani Army was a crime against humanity. That crime shall forever haunt Pakistan. Karma has a way of catching up. Death of Pakistan will be the final verdict of God !!


 

The Messiah

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There is only 1 solution to this.

Pakistan as a country needs to be erased from world map.
 

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