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Most probably BJP ka baap nahi hata sakta rohingya J&K se. This is my guess. The PDP will start shouting.
Skirmishs at LOC, LAC & International Border
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Mikesingh
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Yep! That too! It's intrinsic to the game plan. By reinforcing their positions they would also be covering the existing large gaps between their FDLs/posts to prevent not only local cross LoC actions by the IA but also surgical strikes.
They are so rattled that they are laying mines in front of their posts and putting wire obstacles around them, so mortally scared are they of more surgical strikes by the SF and local cross border/LoC raids by infantry battalion Ghataks.
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12arya
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http://indiandefencenews.info/india...ival-chinas-naval-jewels-in-the-indian-ocean/
India crafts its own ‘string of pearls’ to rival China’s naval jewels in the Indian Ocean
When it comes to the Indian Ocean, New Delhi is hedging its bets against an assertive China. India and France recently signed a strategic pact opening up their naval bases to each other’s warships across the Indian Ocean. This comes two years after a similar deal with the United States and signifies a web of strategic trust to thwart Beijing’s expansion into India’s traditional area of influence.
In recent years, Beijing’s push to contain India has become more frenetic, including signing agreements with Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Pakistan. India’s deal with France is therefore an escalation of New Delhi’s capacity to project power.
It grants the Indian navy access to strategically important French ports – including one in Djibouti, home to China’s single overseas military base and a focal point of strategic competition for the Indian Ocean. The installation can host over 10,000 troops and serves as a springboard for Chinese navy operations across the Indian Ocean.
New Delhi has long feared being encircled in what is called China’s “string of pearls”, a network of installations in the Indian Ocean. The vision that global influence hinges on naval supremacy was most clearly articulated in China’s 2015 defence white paper, which demanded that the navy move from “offshore waters defence” to “open seas protection”.
India is trying to get a foothold in Djibouti as well. Offering easy access to the Gulf of Aden and to key oil supply and trade routes, the port nation is strategically valuable. China’s relationship with the country’s president Ismail Omar Guelleh has led some to believe that Beijing is looking to kick out France, Japan, Italy and the US, who pay top dollar for access to the port. Showered with preferential loans and visiting Beijing regularly, Guelleh dismissed US concerns over allowing the Chinese to set up shop. He also seized privately operated port facilities, raising fears among other allies that they are about to be gifted to Beijing.
The Chinese navy’s system of alliances are a tactical nightmare for India since they limit its navy’s ability to counteract China’s moves across the Indian Ocean. With Pakistan’s Gwadar port, Beijing has struck a particularly sensitive nerve: a combined Pakistan-China maritime border fuses two of India’s most pressing strategic challenges into one. There are also reports of a Chinese military base planned in nearby Jiwani, and another in Bangladesh. These projects will embed China’s military in India’s backyard, with strategic access to the Bay of Bengal.
In early March, India got a taste of what an advanced Chinese navy presence means for its ability to operate in its usual proving grounds. After the pro-Chinese president of the Maldives declared a state of emergency, India sent aircraft and ships to its southern bases but called off any strong action after China dispatched its own naval combat force there.
But India is not sitting idly by while China tries to make the Indian Ocean its own. Prime Minister Narendra Modi finalised an agreement for a new base in the Seychelles and negotiated military access to naval facilities at Oman’s port and airfields this year. A pact allowing deployments from each other’s naval facilities was signed with Singapore in 2017. With expanded bases on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands at the end of the Malacca Strait, India is raising the stakes in the fight over the waters of Southeast Asia.
Albeit belatedly, India has realised that it needs to match China’s assertiveness. India’s “Act East” policy and Washington’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept are starting points for pushing into China’s traditional waters in return. India might just be able to one-up Beijing and expand its reach into the Pacific. After all, the result of these joint military agreements is that Indian warships now have access to their own “string of pearls”, from Madagascar, via Djibouti, Oman and Seychelles, all the way to Singapore.
India crafts its own ‘string of pearls’ to rival China’s naval jewels in the Indian Ocean
When it comes to the Indian Ocean, New Delhi is hedging its bets against an assertive China. India and France recently signed a strategic pact opening up their naval bases to each other’s warships across the Indian Ocean. This comes two years after a similar deal with the United States and signifies a web of strategic trust to thwart Beijing’s expansion into India’s traditional area of influence.
In recent years, Beijing’s push to contain India has become more frenetic, including signing agreements with Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Pakistan. India’s deal with France is therefore an escalation of New Delhi’s capacity to project power.
It grants the Indian navy access to strategically important French ports – including one in Djibouti, home to China’s single overseas military base and a focal point of strategic competition for the Indian Ocean. The installation can host over 10,000 troops and serves as a springboard for Chinese navy operations across the Indian Ocean.
New Delhi has long feared being encircled in what is called China’s “string of pearls”, a network of installations in the Indian Ocean. The vision that global influence hinges on naval supremacy was most clearly articulated in China’s 2015 defence white paper, which demanded that the navy move from “offshore waters defence” to “open seas protection”.
India is trying to get a foothold in Djibouti as well. Offering easy access to the Gulf of Aden and to key oil supply and trade routes, the port nation is strategically valuable. China’s relationship with the country’s president Ismail Omar Guelleh has led some to believe that Beijing is looking to kick out France, Japan, Italy and the US, who pay top dollar for access to the port. Showered with preferential loans and visiting Beijing regularly, Guelleh dismissed US concerns over allowing the Chinese to set up shop. He also seized privately operated port facilities, raising fears among other allies that they are about to be gifted to Beijing.
The Chinese navy’s system of alliances are a tactical nightmare for India since they limit its navy’s ability to counteract China’s moves across the Indian Ocean. With Pakistan’s Gwadar port, Beijing has struck a particularly sensitive nerve: a combined Pakistan-China maritime border fuses two of India’s most pressing strategic challenges into one. There are also reports of a Chinese military base planned in nearby Jiwani, and another in Bangladesh. These projects will embed China’s military in India’s backyard, with strategic access to the Bay of Bengal.
In early March, India got a taste of what an advanced Chinese navy presence means for its ability to operate in its usual proving grounds. After the pro-Chinese president of the Maldives declared a state of emergency, India sent aircraft and ships to its southern bases but called off any strong action after China dispatched its own naval combat force there.
But India is not sitting idly by while China tries to make the Indian Ocean its own. Prime Minister Narendra Modi finalised an agreement for a new base in the Seychelles and negotiated military access to naval facilities at Oman’s port and airfields this year. A pact allowing deployments from each other’s naval facilities was signed with Singapore in 2017. With expanded bases on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands at the end of the Malacca Strait, India is raising the stakes in the fight over the waters of Southeast Asia.
Albeit belatedly, India has realised that it needs to match China’s assertiveness. India’s “Act East” policy and Washington’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept are starting points for pushing into China’s traditional waters in return. India might just be able to one-up Beijing and expand its reach into the Pacific. After all, the result of these joint military agreements is that Indian warships now have access to their own “string of pearls”, from Madagascar, via Djibouti, Oman and Seychelles, all the way to Singapore.
Mikesingh
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Here's a map showing India's string of diamonds and China's string of pearls:http://indiandefencenews.info/india...ival-chinas-naval-jewels-in-the-indian-ocean/
India crafts its own ‘string of pearls’ to rival China’s naval jewels in the Indian Ocean
When it comes to the Indian Ocean, New Delhi is hedging its bets against an assertive China. India and France recently signed a strategic pact opening up their naval bases to each other’s warships across the Indian Ocean. This comes two years after a similar deal with the United States and signifies a web of strategic trust to thwart Beijing’s expansion into India’s traditional area of influence.
In recent years, Beijing’s push to contain India has become more frenetic, including signing agreements with Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Pakistan. India’s deal with France is therefore an escalation of New Delhi’s capacity to project power.
It grants the Indian navy access to strategically important French ports – including one in Djibouti, home to China’s single overseas military base and a focal point of strategic competition for the Indian Ocean. The installation can host over 10,000 troops and serves as a springboard for Chinese navy operations across the Indian Ocean.
New Delhi has long feared being encircled in what is called China’s “string of pearls”, a network of installations in the Indian Ocean. The vision that global influence hinges on naval supremacy was most clearly articulated in China’s 2015 defence white paper, which demanded that the navy move from “offshore waters defence” to “open seas protection”.
India is trying to get a foothold in Djibouti as well. Offering easy access to the Gulf of Aden and to key oil supply and trade routes, the port nation is strategically valuable. China’s relationship with the country’s president Ismail Omar Guelleh has led some to believe that Beijing is looking to kick out France, Japan, Italy and the US, who pay top dollar for access to the port. Showered with preferential loans and visiting Beijing regularly, Guelleh dismissed US concerns over allowing the Chinese to set up shop. He also seized privately operated port facilities, raising fears among other allies that they are about to be gifted to Beijing.
The Chinese navy’s system of alliances are a tactical nightmare for India since they limit its navy’s ability to counteract China’s moves across the Indian Ocean. With Pakistan’s Gwadar port, Beijing has struck a particularly sensitive nerve: a combined Pakistan-China maritime border fuses two of India’s most pressing strategic challenges into one. There are also reports of a Chinese military base planned in nearby Jiwani, and another in Bangladesh. These projects will embed China’s military in India’s backyard, with strategic access to the Bay of Bengal.
In early March, India got a taste of what an advanced Chinese navy presence means for its ability to operate in its usual proving grounds. After the pro-Chinese president of the Maldives declared a state of emergency, India sent aircraft and ships to its southern bases but called off any strong action after China dispatched its own naval combat force there.
But India is not sitting idly by while China tries to make the Indian Ocean its own. Prime Minister Narendra Modi finalised an agreement for a new base in the Seychelles and negotiated military access to naval facilities at Oman’s port and airfields this year. A pact allowing deployments from each other’s naval facilities was signed with Singapore in 2017. With expanded bases on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands at the end of the Malacca Strait, India is raising the stakes in the fight over the waters of Southeast Asia.
Albeit belatedly, India has realised that it needs to match China’s assertiveness. India’s “Act East” policy and Washington’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept are starting points for pushing into China’s traditional waters in return. India might just be able to one-up Beijing and expand its reach into the Pacific. After all, the result of these joint military agreements is that Indian warships now have access to their own “string of pearls”, from Madagascar, via Djibouti, Oman and Seychelles, all the way to Singapore.
It looks like a game of chess with both regional powers India and China jockeying for position to dominate the IOR and the strategically important Strait of Hormuz through which most of the world's oil supplies are shipped.
Note the US and French bases too where we are co-located. Behind the scenes talks are on with the US for an Indian naval base in Diego Garcia too.
Our bases coming up at the choke point of the Strait of Hormuz - Chabahar in Iran and Duqm in Oman will have a major strategic advantage as India will have control over both shoulders of the Strait.
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mayfair
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^^ The Seychelles deal is far from done. In fact it maybe halted, if not scrapped.
With the Chinese comfortably plonked in Hambantotta, also must be mindful of a potential Chinese presence in if not outright takeover of Colombo port. A huge chunk of Indian cargo transshipment happens via Colombo.
Transshipment is when cargo from India is carried on cargo vessels to another port such as Colombo, Singapore or Jebel Ali (Dubai), where it is transferred onto larger cargo vessels, to be transported around the world. One reason is that most Indian harbours do not have the harbour depth for very large vessels, nor do the ports have the infrastructure for handling such huge cargo. Consequently both our import and export costs rise by upto as much as 10-20% as a consequence of transshipment.
So if Chinese do entwine Colombo, we'll have them "overseeing" a major chunk of our sea trade. The solution is to develop our own deep sea ports as close to the major trading routes as possible. Enayam in Kanyakumari district was identified as one such place, but "protests" by the "local fishermen" has stalled the process.
The Sagarmala project is actually our initiative to reduce the transshipment dependency on foreign ports.
With the Chinese comfortably plonked in Hambantotta, also must be mindful of a potential Chinese presence in if not outright takeover of Colombo port. A huge chunk of Indian cargo transshipment happens via Colombo.
Transshipment is when cargo from India is carried on cargo vessels to another port such as Colombo, Singapore or Jebel Ali (Dubai), where it is transferred onto larger cargo vessels, to be transported around the world. One reason is that most Indian harbours do not have the harbour depth for very large vessels, nor do the ports have the infrastructure for handling such huge cargo. Consequently both our import and export costs rise by upto as much as 10-20% as a consequence of transshipment.
So if Chinese do entwine Colombo, we'll have them "overseeing" a major chunk of our sea trade. The solution is to develop our own deep sea ports as close to the major trading routes as possible. Enayam in Kanyakumari district was identified as one such place, but "protests" by the "local fishermen" has stalled the process.
The Sagarmala project is actually our initiative to reduce the transshipment dependency on foreign ports.
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Chinese choppers violated Indian airspace four times in a month along LAC: Report
n a massive strength build-up, the Chinese Army violated the Indian airspace four times in a month, with People's Liberation Army (PLA) choppers crossing over the LAC (Line of Actual Control) in various parts of Northern India.
According to an intelligence report, the Chinese helicopters entered the Indian airspace along the LAC near Uttarakhand's Barahoti, Trig Heights and Depsang valley in Ladakh and Burtse in northern Ladakh.
The first transgression this month took place on March 8 when two PLA helicopters were found violating the Indian airspace in Ladakh's Trig Heights region early morning around 8:55 am.
Surprisingly, the Chinese airmen managed to fly as far as 18km over the Trig Heights that has long been a disputed territory between both the countries.
The report states that this was not the PLA's maiden attempt to violate the international airspace as they flew nearly 19km over Trig Heights and Depsang valley in Ladakh on February 27 this year as well.
The two PLA aircrafts were believed to have hovered near the Indian Army post for five minutes, reportedly to take stock of Indian troops' positioning along the border.
The third airspace violation was then reported on March 10, with three Chinese choppers hovering over Barahoti in Uttarakhand's Chamoli district, penetrating as far as 4km into the Indian airspace.
Read: China builds road, constructs 3 helipads in Doklam: Another standoff in the offing?
Some reports suggested that the Chinese aircrafts flew over Barahoti for nearly five minutes before flying back.
Ladakh's Trig Heights and Depsang valley are of immense strategic importance to India, thereby eliciting aggressive patrolling by the Chinese troops along the border.
But the Chinese fancy the world's highest active airstrip, the Daulat Beg Oldi airfield, that falls in Ladakh and has long been successful in thwarting unwarranted incursions along the border.
The intelligence report further on states that the PLA has been eyeing the airstrip in order to keep a check on Indian troops' preparedness in the region.
https://www.indiatoday.in/india/sto...n-a-month-along-lac-report-1197845-2018-03-26
n a massive strength build-up, the Chinese Army violated the Indian airspace four times in a month, with People's Liberation Army (PLA) choppers crossing over the LAC (Line of Actual Control) in various parts of Northern India.
According to an intelligence report, the Chinese helicopters entered the Indian airspace along the LAC near Uttarakhand's Barahoti, Trig Heights and Depsang valley in Ladakh and Burtse in northern Ladakh.
The first transgression this month took place on March 8 when two PLA helicopters were found violating the Indian airspace in Ladakh's Trig Heights region early morning around 8:55 am.
Surprisingly, the Chinese airmen managed to fly as far as 18km over the Trig Heights that has long been a disputed territory between both the countries.
The report states that this was not the PLA's maiden attempt to violate the international airspace as they flew nearly 19km over Trig Heights and Depsang valley in Ladakh on February 27 this year as well.
The two PLA aircrafts were believed to have hovered near the Indian Army post for five minutes, reportedly to take stock of Indian troops' positioning along the border.
The third airspace violation was then reported on March 10, with three Chinese choppers hovering over Barahoti in Uttarakhand's Chamoli district, penetrating as far as 4km into the Indian airspace.
Read: China builds road, constructs 3 helipads in Doklam: Another standoff in the offing?
Some reports suggested that the Chinese aircrafts flew over Barahoti for nearly five minutes before flying back.
Ladakh's Trig Heights and Depsang valley are of immense strategic importance to India, thereby eliciting aggressive patrolling by the Chinese troops along the border.
But the Chinese fancy the world's highest active airstrip, the Daulat Beg Oldi airfield, that falls in Ladakh and has long been successful in thwarting unwarranted incursions along the border.
The intelligence report further on states that the PLA has been eyeing the airstrip in order to keep a check on Indian troops' preparedness in the region.
https://www.indiatoday.in/india/sto...n-a-month-along-lac-report-1197845-2018-03-26
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Sometimes i feel all our neighbouring countries want us dead (except Bhutan). Plus we have so much corruption and anti nationals in India. We hindus willn't last long :'(
Mikesingh
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'Massive build-up'? Wow! What fancy words! Sensationalism at its best! An air intrusion doesn't translate to a 'massive build-up' which gives the impression that the Chinese are deploying divisions after divisions for an invasion!! Lol!
These journos need to tone down the screaming headlines and rhetoric.
mayfair
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Well if not that then screaming fonts will do!!
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sorcerer
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Them journos make a life on lies..
need this to be done in India too
Malaysia threatens ten years in jail for spreading fake news
The Malaysian government is seeking to prevent the spread of fake news by introducing draconian penalties for anyone caught publishing or passing on false information.
Under a proposed new law, anyone convicted of knowingly creating or spreading “news, information, data and reports which is or are wholly or partly false” could be jailed for up to ten years and fined up to £90,000.
http://www.theweek.co.uk/92539/malaysia-threatens-ten-years-in-jail-for-spreading-fake-news
This is where the FUCK stops if implemented in India
12arya
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http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-bhutan-key-to-india-s-security-2598042
Bhutan key to India’s security
Wangchuck royal family and Narendra Modi India’s relations with the Wangchuck royal family are vitally important, especially against the backdrop of the Doklam issue
Recently in Kathmandu, Nepali journalists were saying that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would shortly visit Bhutan. Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman then stated in Parliament in a written reply to a question that the PLA has built infrastructure near a face-off site at Doklam. This was the first time helipads, military fortifications and PLA were deployed in North Doklam on Bhutanese land.
China has consistently maintained that Doklam is Chinese territory even as it offered Bhutan a package deal exchanging 269 sq km of territory for 89 sq km of Doklam, so critical is this piece of real estate. In this regard, China and Bhutan have had 24 rounds of border talks but have no diplomatic relations. Meanwhile, India and China made unusually conciliatory statements to reset relations.
India and Bhutan’s case at Doklam would have been optically much stronger had some soldiers of the 8000-strong Royal Bhutan Army, few located at nearby Jampheri post also joined Indian troops in jostling with PLA and stayed there. The mutual defence arrangement would have stood out starkly: so would have the linkage in the resolution of their respective border disputes with China.
On November 30, last year shortly after the Doklam disengagement, this newspaper covered the visit of the royals of Bhutan pictorially. The four pictures of K 5 (King 5) Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck and Princess Jetsum Pema Wangchuck meeting separately with President RN Kovind, Prime Minister Modi, Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman are conspicuous by the spotlight on the accompanying one and half year-old heir apparent, the Crown Prince. India’s relations with the Wangchuck Royal family are vitally important especially after the fait accompli China attempted to present at Doklam aimed at de-coupling India and Bhutan. President Kovind conveyed ‘deep appreciation for the King of Bhutan’s personal involvement and guidance and support provided by Bhutan in addressing the recent situation in Doklam’.
Although Bhutan is a constitutional monarchy the King is the symbol of national unity and of its people. He is still the real power though the optics might belie this impression. Elections to Parliament are to be held later this year.
Bhutan and India have signed a Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship in 1949 which was unilaterally changed by India in 2007 to give greater strategic autonomy to Bhutan in managing its external relations. Article 2 of the Treaty is the key and says both countries will cooperate closely on issues relating to national interest. Neither country will allow use of its territories harmful to the national security and interest of the other. What the Treaty does not say but is part of an understanding is that India will be responsible for the defence of Bhutan. The face-off at Doklam is inextricably linked to Article 2 of the Treaty. This understanding allows the deployment of an Indian military team in Ha in West Bhutan as well as deployment of Indian Army units earmarked to assist the RBA in the defence of Bhutan. The presence of Indian Army units in Bhutan has been both an irritant and an embarrassment for the government and gentry of Bhutan because the Defence Cooperation Agreement is under wraps.
The Indian Dantak border road building force in Bhutan since 1961 has provided connectivity and lost 100 men in the process. K4 (King 4) Jigme Singhye Wangchuck would openly say that he has put all his eggs in India’s basket and Bhutan is part of the Indian security system.
While India pushed for democracy and a constitutional monarchy in Nepal, in Bhutan K4 saw the writing on the wall, compressed the democratic process in five years and abdicated. Incidentally there is no defence minister in Bhutan as the King is responsible for the defence and security of the Kingdom. The closed Kingdom gradually opened up with Internet, TV, media and an increase of tourists. While Bhutan joined the UN in 1970 it established diplomatic relations with some 53 countries – none of the P5 including China. There was a minor political upheaval in 2012 on account of Prime Minister Jigme Thinley bypassing the King in attempting to establish diplomatic relations with China. For the first time there was mild public criticism of India and the question raised ‘why do we have to be guided by India’? More questions were asked during the Doklam crisis but it can be said with certainty that Bhutanese will never go against India and its national interest.
In his book, China’s India War: Collision Course on the Roof of the World, Bertil Lintner says Bhutan cannot antagonise China, its powerful northern neighbour. He writes that on 1 August 2017 during the Doklam crisis, Bhutan’s Ambassador to India Gen Vetsup Namgyel attended the 90th anniversary function of the PLA at the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi. It should be seen as a subtle signal of Bhutanese goodwill towards China.
Last month, Prime Minister Tshering Tobsay was the chief guest at a maiden global investor summit Advantage Assam which Modi inaugurated. Bhutan has opened its second consulate in India after Kolkata at Guwahati in sync with India’s Act East policy which focuses on India’s North East. Bhutan, like Nepal where monarchy has been dismantled is stuck between two powerful neighbours who have bitter rivalries and unsettled borders.
Bhutan will not go the Nepal way as long as the Wangchuck dynasty is around. The Chinese need to understand this before trying to rekindle Doklam by devious means. Sitharaman’s optimism about China’s good behaviour is misplaced as it is difficult to trust Xi Jinping’s New China. In fact, a visit by Prime Minister Modi to Bhutan shortly, as is being speculated in Kathmandu, would be very welcome post-Doklam.
Bhutan key to India’s security
Wangchuck royal family and Narendra Modi India’s relations with the Wangchuck royal family are vitally important, especially against the backdrop of the Doklam issue
Recently in Kathmandu, Nepali journalists were saying that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would shortly visit Bhutan. Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman then stated in Parliament in a written reply to a question that the PLA has built infrastructure near a face-off site at Doklam. This was the first time helipads, military fortifications and PLA were deployed in North Doklam on Bhutanese land.
China has consistently maintained that Doklam is Chinese territory even as it offered Bhutan a package deal exchanging 269 sq km of territory for 89 sq km of Doklam, so critical is this piece of real estate. In this regard, China and Bhutan have had 24 rounds of border talks but have no diplomatic relations. Meanwhile, India and China made unusually conciliatory statements to reset relations.
India and Bhutan’s case at Doklam would have been optically much stronger had some soldiers of the 8000-strong Royal Bhutan Army, few located at nearby Jampheri post also joined Indian troops in jostling with PLA and stayed there. The mutual defence arrangement would have stood out starkly: so would have the linkage in the resolution of their respective border disputes with China.
On November 30, last year shortly after the Doklam disengagement, this newspaper covered the visit of the royals of Bhutan pictorially. The four pictures of K 5 (King 5) Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck and Princess Jetsum Pema Wangchuck meeting separately with President RN Kovind, Prime Minister Modi, Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman are conspicuous by the spotlight on the accompanying one and half year-old heir apparent, the Crown Prince. India’s relations with the Wangchuck Royal family are vitally important especially after the fait accompli China attempted to present at Doklam aimed at de-coupling India and Bhutan. President Kovind conveyed ‘deep appreciation for the King of Bhutan’s personal involvement and guidance and support provided by Bhutan in addressing the recent situation in Doklam’.
Although Bhutan is a constitutional monarchy the King is the symbol of national unity and of its people. He is still the real power though the optics might belie this impression. Elections to Parliament are to be held later this year.
Bhutan and India have signed a Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship in 1949 which was unilaterally changed by India in 2007 to give greater strategic autonomy to Bhutan in managing its external relations. Article 2 of the Treaty is the key and says both countries will cooperate closely on issues relating to national interest. Neither country will allow use of its territories harmful to the national security and interest of the other. What the Treaty does not say but is part of an understanding is that India will be responsible for the defence of Bhutan. The face-off at Doklam is inextricably linked to Article 2 of the Treaty. This understanding allows the deployment of an Indian military team in Ha in West Bhutan as well as deployment of Indian Army units earmarked to assist the RBA in the defence of Bhutan. The presence of Indian Army units in Bhutan has been both an irritant and an embarrassment for the government and gentry of Bhutan because the Defence Cooperation Agreement is under wraps.
The Indian Dantak border road building force in Bhutan since 1961 has provided connectivity and lost 100 men in the process. K4 (King 4) Jigme Singhye Wangchuck would openly say that he has put all his eggs in India’s basket and Bhutan is part of the Indian security system.
While India pushed for democracy and a constitutional monarchy in Nepal, in Bhutan K4 saw the writing on the wall, compressed the democratic process in five years and abdicated. Incidentally there is no defence minister in Bhutan as the King is responsible for the defence and security of the Kingdom. The closed Kingdom gradually opened up with Internet, TV, media and an increase of tourists. While Bhutan joined the UN in 1970 it established diplomatic relations with some 53 countries – none of the P5 including China. There was a minor political upheaval in 2012 on account of Prime Minister Jigme Thinley bypassing the King in attempting to establish diplomatic relations with China. For the first time there was mild public criticism of India and the question raised ‘why do we have to be guided by India’? More questions were asked during the Doklam crisis but it can be said with certainty that Bhutanese will never go against India and its national interest.
In his book, China’s India War: Collision Course on the Roof of the World, Bertil Lintner says Bhutan cannot antagonise China, its powerful northern neighbour. He writes that on 1 August 2017 during the Doklam crisis, Bhutan’s Ambassador to India Gen Vetsup Namgyel attended the 90th anniversary function of the PLA at the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi. It should be seen as a subtle signal of Bhutanese goodwill towards China.
Last month, Prime Minister Tshering Tobsay was the chief guest at a maiden global investor summit Advantage Assam which Modi inaugurated. Bhutan has opened its second consulate in India after Kolkata at Guwahati in sync with India’s Act East policy which focuses on India’s North East. Bhutan, like Nepal where monarchy has been dismantled is stuck between two powerful neighbours who have bitter rivalries and unsettled borders.
Bhutan will not go the Nepal way as long as the Wangchuck dynasty is around. The Chinese need to understand this before trying to rekindle Doklam by devious means. Sitharaman’s optimism about China’s good behaviour is misplaced as it is difficult to trust Xi Jinping’s New China. In fact, a visit by Prime Minister Modi to Bhutan shortly, as is being speculated in Kathmandu, would be very welcome post-Doklam.
12arya
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http://bharatshakti.in/dont-panic-the-army-is-not-as-badly-off-as-it-is-projected/
Don’t Panic, The Army Is Not As Badly Off As It Is Projected
Nitin A Gokhale
For the first time since the Kargil conflict in 1999, the Indian Army’s ammunition stock, inventory of spares and maintenance of its existing crucial equipment is up to date, thanks to a combination of emergency procurement and revamped management system.
Although there are concerns about lower allotment for new acquisitions, the reality is far more reassuring, those who manage and maintain the readiness of the armed forces say. The MoD has already flagged the need for more funds in the coming years (and is hopeful of getting them as and when required) but it has also simultaneously began to ensure bang for every buck it spends.
South Block (Image Courtesy: Wikimedia)
For nearly 12-13 years after Kargil, the management of ammunition and spares in the three forces was tardy and below par, resulting in accumulated shortages. The reality began to bite in the immediate aftermath of the Uri attack and the surgical strikes in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) in September 2016.
That’s why in late 2016, the Army signed 19 major contracts worth Rs 11,000 crore to replenish about 10 different types of ammunition. Deliveries in three of the bigger contracts have been completed and 13 others would complete the supply progressively by end of the current calendar year, defence sources have revealed. Similarly, the Indian Air Force and Indian Navy too bought ammunition and spares worth over Rs 10,000 crores to make up for years of neglect and indecision.
Additionally, over 75 contracts to buy and stock crucial spares for different equipment worth over Rs 15,000 crore (to be spent over the next four years) have been signed by the Army in 2017-18. These two measures alone have ensured that ammunition stock is up to date and almost 95 per cent of crucial equipment and platforms like Type A vehicles (armoured personnel carriers, army air defence platforms), all guns, UAVs and LORROS–Long-Range Reconnaissance and Observation System–and even general vehicles are on road that is they are serviced and ready for use whenever required. Earlier, at least 40 per cent of these platforms used to be ‘off-road.’
Similarly, a decision to establish two MRO (maintenance, repair and overhaul) hubs for the Army’s fleet of Advance Light Helicopters (ALH) at Mamun and Missamari has ensured that at least 65 to 70 per cent of the fleet is now available to fly any time against just about 30 to 35 per cent before 2015 because the helicopters had to be sent to Bangalore or the maintenance staff had to travel the long distance to the bases spread across Northern and Eastern Commands.
Lt Gen Nimbhorkar, MGO
This has been made possible, according to Lt Gen RR Nimborkar, the Army’s Master General Ordinance (MGO), because of improved coordination and synergy between the MoD and the Army’s decision-makers. The MGO – the man in-charge of ensuring all the in-service equipment held by the entire Indian Army is in top shape – speaking to BharatShakti.in pointed out that for the first time in years, the entire annual budget of over Rs 15,000 crores that his branch handles has been spent even before the financial year has ended. “Thanks to clear directions of the Army Chief Gen Bipin Rawat and quick decision-making by the current defence secretary Mr Sanjay Mitra and his team, we have managed to retrieve the dire situation that we faced for over a decade. This has been made possible because of optimum use of resources and simplification of procedures”, Lt Gen Nimborkar said.
He pointed out to decentralization of financial powers and emphasis on sourcing more equipment and stores from indigenous sources, thanks to the decision made by former defence minister Manohar Parrikar and continued to be supported by the incumbent minister Nirmala Sitharaman, has resulted in improved efficiency.
Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman (Image Courtesy: PTI)
For example, earlier even a simple decision to buy light utility vehicles for the Army had to go to the MoD which meant the entire process used to take a minimum of two years. Now thanks to decentralization, service HQs are able to procure them in six months!
Similarly, the decision to source ‘non-core’ items from the local suppliers rather them buying them through the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) as was done earlier, is resulting in massive saving. Over 80 items like berets, caps, socks, belts, sweaters, sports shoes etc. are now being directly bought from the market. Earlier, OFB used to source these items from the market and used to sell it to the forces at a higher price. For instance, the common combat uniform worn by all the troops was costing the organization four times the market cost! Today thanks to direct sourcing, best quality light rucksacks, knives, sports shoes, track suits and uniform, is being made available to the troops at a much lesser cost. The likely saving: Nearly 1200 crores a year!
Image Courtesy: Storypedia.com
Digitization of records and inventory has now allowed the top leadership, including the Army Chief, Vice Chief and the MGO, to have a 360 degree view of equipment availability, the MGO said. “This allows us to reduce dead inventory. There have been instances in the past when we had bought spares worth tens of thousands of crores of rupees and didn’t use them. In some cases, these spares were not even opened and have now become dead stock since the equipment they were meant for have been retired from service,” Lt Gen Nimborkar revealed. Keeping these examples in view the current Army Chief has issued a directive to reduce unnecessary and excessive procurement. “We now follow a ‘just in time’ model of keeping spares which means only absolute minimum number of spares will be kept in stock,” the MGO revealed.
BM-30 Smerch Multiple Launch Rocket System (Image Courtesy: Military-Today.com)
As mentioned earlier, the beginning of the turnaround dates back to end-September 2016. A thorough stock taking then revealed that some of the critical ammunition was down to less than a day’s stock and some others were dangerously low. For instance, Anti-tank ammunition called armour-piercing, fin-stabilised, discarding sabot (APFSDS) was completely out of stock, while ammunition for Smerch system and Konkurs missiles was down to two days of supply.
So teams were dispatched to friendly countries with authorization to sign contracts on the spot. Simultaneously, all the three vice chiefs were authorized to ensure that all ammunition and spares needed to fight ten days of intense war is always kept in stock. Called the 10i (ten days of intense war fighting) scheme, the three vice chiefs have made sure between September 2016 and now, all the procurement have been done to meet that requirement. From here on, all measures to build on the long term plan to equip the military for a 30-day war, will continue apace.
While the utilization of revenue budget has been exemplary over the past three-four years, the military is still faced with huge shortfall in its funds for capital or new acquisitions, as highlighted by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence in its latest report. The government will have to find ways to augment the necessary budget if it wants to ensure that the military remains in top shape and ready for the twin challenges it faces from Pakistan and China.
Nitin Gokhale has been a multimedia reporter since 1983. He has recently made a transition from being a full-time journalist to becoming an author, media trainer and researcher.
Don’t Panic, The Army Is Not As Badly Off As It Is Projected
Nitin A Gokhale
For the first time since the Kargil conflict in 1999, the Indian Army’s ammunition stock, inventory of spares and maintenance of its existing crucial equipment is up to date, thanks to a combination of emergency procurement and revamped management system.
Although there are concerns about lower allotment for new acquisitions, the reality is far more reassuring, those who manage and maintain the readiness of the armed forces say. The MoD has already flagged the need for more funds in the coming years (and is hopeful of getting them as and when required) but it has also simultaneously began to ensure bang for every buck it spends.
South Block (Image Courtesy: Wikimedia)
For nearly 12-13 years after Kargil, the management of ammunition and spares in the three forces was tardy and below par, resulting in accumulated shortages. The reality began to bite in the immediate aftermath of the Uri attack and the surgical strikes in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) in September 2016.
That’s why in late 2016, the Army signed 19 major contracts worth Rs 11,000 crore to replenish about 10 different types of ammunition. Deliveries in three of the bigger contracts have been completed and 13 others would complete the supply progressively by end of the current calendar year, defence sources have revealed. Similarly, the Indian Air Force and Indian Navy too bought ammunition and spares worth over Rs 10,000 crores to make up for years of neglect and indecision.
Additionally, over 75 contracts to buy and stock crucial spares for different equipment worth over Rs 15,000 crore (to be spent over the next four years) have been signed by the Army in 2017-18. These two measures alone have ensured that ammunition stock is up to date and almost 95 per cent of crucial equipment and platforms like Type A vehicles (armoured personnel carriers, army air defence platforms), all guns, UAVs and LORROS–Long-Range Reconnaissance and Observation System–and even general vehicles are on road that is they are serviced and ready for use whenever required. Earlier, at least 40 per cent of these platforms used to be ‘off-road.’
Similarly, a decision to establish two MRO (maintenance, repair and overhaul) hubs for the Army’s fleet of Advance Light Helicopters (ALH) at Mamun and Missamari has ensured that at least 65 to 70 per cent of the fleet is now available to fly any time against just about 30 to 35 per cent before 2015 because the helicopters had to be sent to Bangalore or the maintenance staff had to travel the long distance to the bases spread across Northern and Eastern Commands.
Lt Gen Nimbhorkar, MGO
This has been made possible, according to Lt Gen RR Nimborkar, the Army’s Master General Ordinance (MGO), because of improved coordination and synergy between the MoD and the Army’s decision-makers. The MGO – the man in-charge of ensuring all the in-service equipment held by the entire Indian Army is in top shape – speaking to BharatShakti.in pointed out that for the first time in years, the entire annual budget of over Rs 15,000 crores that his branch handles has been spent even before the financial year has ended. “Thanks to clear directions of the Army Chief Gen Bipin Rawat and quick decision-making by the current defence secretary Mr Sanjay Mitra and his team, we have managed to retrieve the dire situation that we faced for over a decade. This has been made possible because of optimum use of resources and simplification of procedures”, Lt Gen Nimborkar said.
He pointed out to decentralization of financial powers and emphasis on sourcing more equipment and stores from indigenous sources, thanks to the decision made by former defence minister Manohar Parrikar and continued to be supported by the incumbent minister Nirmala Sitharaman, has resulted in improved efficiency.
Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman (Image Courtesy: PTI)
For example, earlier even a simple decision to buy light utility vehicles for the Army had to go to the MoD which meant the entire process used to take a minimum of two years. Now thanks to decentralization, service HQs are able to procure them in six months!
Similarly, the decision to source ‘non-core’ items from the local suppliers rather them buying them through the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) as was done earlier, is resulting in massive saving. Over 80 items like berets, caps, socks, belts, sweaters, sports shoes etc. are now being directly bought from the market. Earlier, OFB used to source these items from the market and used to sell it to the forces at a higher price. For instance, the common combat uniform worn by all the troops was costing the organization four times the market cost! Today thanks to direct sourcing, best quality light rucksacks, knives, sports shoes, track suits and uniform, is being made available to the troops at a much lesser cost. The likely saving: Nearly 1200 crores a year!
Image Courtesy: Storypedia.com
Digitization of records and inventory has now allowed the top leadership, including the Army Chief, Vice Chief and the MGO, to have a 360 degree view of equipment availability, the MGO said. “This allows us to reduce dead inventory. There have been instances in the past when we had bought spares worth tens of thousands of crores of rupees and didn’t use them. In some cases, these spares were not even opened and have now become dead stock since the equipment they were meant for have been retired from service,” Lt Gen Nimborkar revealed. Keeping these examples in view the current Army Chief has issued a directive to reduce unnecessary and excessive procurement. “We now follow a ‘just in time’ model of keeping spares which means only absolute minimum number of spares will be kept in stock,” the MGO revealed.
BM-30 Smerch Multiple Launch Rocket System (Image Courtesy: Military-Today.com)
As mentioned earlier, the beginning of the turnaround dates back to end-September 2016. A thorough stock taking then revealed that some of the critical ammunition was down to less than a day’s stock and some others were dangerously low. For instance, Anti-tank ammunition called armour-piercing, fin-stabilised, discarding sabot (APFSDS) was completely out of stock, while ammunition for Smerch system and Konkurs missiles was down to two days of supply.
So teams were dispatched to friendly countries with authorization to sign contracts on the spot. Simultaneously, all the three vice chiefs were authorized to ensure that all ammunition and spares needed to fight ten days of intense war is always kept in stock. Called the 10i (ten days of intense war fighting) scheme, the three vice chiefs have made sure between September 2016 and now, all the procurement have been done to meet that requirement. From here on, all measures to build on the long term plan to equip the military for a 30-day war, will continue apace.
While the utilization of revenue budget has been exemplary over the past three-four years, the military is still faced with huge shortfall in its funds for capital or new acquisitions, as highlighted by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence in its latest report. The government will have to find ways to augment the necessary budget if it wants to ensure that the military remains in top shape and ready for the twin challenges it faces from Pakistan and China.
Nitin Gokhale has been a multimedia reporter since 1983. He has recently made a transition from being a full-time journalist to becoming an author, media trainer and researcher.
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http://www.firstpost.com/india/colo...icate-compromising-indian-forces-4405571.html
Col Hunny Bakshi case reveals how UPA-II misled nation; govt must step in to shatter syndicate compromising Indian forces
Media is agog with reports of proceedings against Colonel Hunny Bakshi being dropped, but not about commendations for covert operations undertaken. The Latter is rightly so because covert operations should never be publicised. Even as RAW has declassified some missions for whatever reasons, India has not declassified official records of the 1962 India-China War, whereas the official records of the 1971 India-Pakistan War are not so official and sans inputs from HQ Eastern Command. For inexplicable reasons, author of the book, India's External Intelligence — Secrets of Research and Intelligence Wing (RAW) is reportedly being subjected to pressures.
Representational image. Reuters
One prominent national newspaper headline reads ‘Army drops all charges against Col Hunny’. The report says that the Army has called off the general court martial (GCM) against Baksi, a former CO of Technical Support Division (TSD), a secretive military intelligence unit, which was set up in 2010 under former army chief General VK Singh, and disbanded after he retired in 2012.
TSD faced allegations ranging from misuse of secret funds, using off-the-air interceptors to tap phones of Ministry of Defence (MoD) officials, attempt to topple Jammu and Kashmir government, and change the line of succession in the Indian Army.
The cases against TSD began after a Havildar from the outfit was “allegedly” intercepted with classified information by the Department of Revenue Intelligence in Kerala during May 2012.
But the manner in which the UPA II government orchestrated the sordid affair of shutting down TSD — which was giving ISI sleepless nights — and moulded perceptions through disinformation would put even the capabilities of Cambridge Analytica to shame. The TSD was sanctioned by the Ministry of Defence when General VK Kapoor (VK Singh’s predecessor) was the army chief.
The 'mobile interceptors', around which the whole story was cooked, were neither procured nor held by the TSD. These were imported by the director general of Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) which functioned directly under Defence Minister AK Anthony and had nothing to do with the Indian Army or the army chief. If mobile interceptors were deployed in Delhi in 2012, it would be on orders of Anthony, then prime minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi. The story of bugging Anthony’s office was cooked up to give credence to the ‘mobile interceptors’ narrative.
The same director general of DIA offered bribes of Rs 14 cr to General VK Singh in the latter’s office to push a defence deal, and when jailed later, a prominent lawyer from the ruling party went rushing to get him bail.
The UPA II wanted to place this director general of DIA as director general of National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) but called it off after the mobile interceptors scandal emerged in the media. The worst part was leaking classified military intelligence to the media by the Ministry of Defence, which again could not have been without Anthony’s indulgence. Whether the higher-ups were under ISI blackmail due to the hawala transactions or feared exposure to the narcotics mafia, the entire episode amounted to high treason involving the highest level political dispensation of that time. Significantly, several Indian politicians are known to be in the net of Dawood Ibrahim.
There is jubilation about charges being dropped against Colonel Bakshi, some even attributing the movie Aiyaari replicating the affair in an outstanding manner to the public at large. But the real reason is that GCM was impossible without letting Colonel Bakshi cross-examine the witnesses, which would have brought scores of skeletons tumbling out. For the same reason, he was also not provided with copies of documents used against him, not even a copy of the board of officers implicating him — which he is authorised by law. His wife, Aparna has alleged in an interview recently that it was not just her husband but that she too faced problems because of two former army chiefs.
It is obvious that the UPA II used the army hierarchy to shut down the TSD but posts on social media question why some senior officers became a party to political maneuvering despite adverse impact on army capability and national security.
The 1993 Vohra Committee Report pointed to mafia virtually running a parallel government: money power used to develop a network of muscle-power, also used by the politicians during elections; rapid spread and growth of criminal gangs, armed senas, drug mafias, smuggling gangs, drug peddlers and economic lobbies, having developed extensive network of contacts with bureaucrats/government functionaries at local levels, politicians, media persons and strategically located individuals in non-State sector, some having international linkages and foreign intelligence; various mafias operating with impunity due links with governmental functionaries, political leaders, and others; any leakage of linkages of this crime syndicate with senior government functionaries or political leaders in the states or at the Centre could have a destabilising effect on the functioning of government.
The above mafia is what some refer to as ‘Hamam’. Having infiltrated all institutions in the country, the ‘Hamam’ found a simple solution to make the military to fall in line. The Intelligence Bureau (IB) was ordered to initiate annual confidential reports (ACRs) on senior officers that went directly to the party high command. Those with whatever misdemeanors were tagged for future placements (and blackmail if needed), not that only they were promoted. But these ACRs certainly helped crucial placement at crucial times in all three Services.
The army cannot proceed against Bakshi though justice has come by default on legal grounds, with his career ruined. He will probably be posted to an obscure appointment from where he would probably resign. There are many write-ups that Prime Minister Narendra Modi hasn’t done enough against corruption. But here is a case of high treason that requires the Hamam to be shattered. The least requirement is speedy trial by a special court for all the traitors.
Col Hunny Bakshi case reveals how UPA-II misled nation; govt must step in to shatter syndicate compromising Indian forces
Media is agog with reports of proceedings against Colonel Hunny Bakshi being dropped, but not about commendations for covert operations undertaken. The Latter is rightly so because covert operations should never be publicised. Even as RAW has declassified some missions for whatever reasons, India has not declassified official records of the 1962 India-China War, whereas the official records of the 1971 India-Pakistan War are not so official and sans inputs from HQ Eastern Command. For inexplicable reasons, author of the book, India's External Intelligence — Secrets of Research and Intelligence Wing (RAW) is reportedly being subjected to pressures.
Representational image. Reuters
One prominent national newspaper headline reads ‘Army drops all charges against Col Hunny’. The report says that the Army has called off the general court martial (GCM) against Baksi, a former CO of Technical Support Division (TSD), a secretive military intelligence unit, which was set up in 2010 under former army chief General VK Singh, and disbanded after he retired in 2012.
TSD faced allegations ranging from misuse of secret funds, using off-the-air interceptors to tap phones of Ministry of Defence (MoD) officials, attempt to topple Jammu and Kashmir government, and change the line of succession in the Indian Army.
The cases against TSD began after a Havildar from the outfit was “allegedly” intercepted with classified information by the Department of Revenue Intelligence in Kerala during May 2012.
But the manner in which the UPA II government orchestrated the sordid affair of shutting down TSD — which was giving ISI sleepless nights — and moulded perceptions through disinformation would put even the capabilities of Cambridge Analytica to shame. The TSD was sanctioned by the Ministry of Defence when General VK Kapoor (VK Singh’s predecessor) was the army chief.
The 'mobile interceptors', around which the whole story was cooked, were neither procured nor held by the TSD. These were imported by the director general of Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) which functioned directly under Defence Minister AK Anthony and had nothing to do with the Indian Army or the army chief. If mobile interceptors were deployed in Delhi in 2012, it would be on orders of Anthony, then prime minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi. The story of bugging Anthony’s office was cooked up to give credence to the ‘mobile interceptors’ narrative.
The same director general of DIA offered bribes of Rs 14 cr to General VK Singh in the latter’s office to push a defence deal, and when jailed later, a prominent lawyer from the ruling party went rushing to get him bail.
The UPA II wanted to place this director general of DIA as director general of National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) but called it off after the mobile interceptors scandal emerged in the media. The worst part was leaking classified military intelligence to the media by the Ministry of Defence, which again could not have been without Anthony’s indulgence. Whether the higher-ups were under ISI blackmail due to the hawala transactions or feared exposure to the narcotics mafia, the entire episode amounted to high treason involving the highest level political dispensation of that time. Significantly, several Indian politicians are known to be in the net of Dawood Ibrahim.
There is jubilation about charges being dropped against Colonel Bakshi, some even attributing the movie Aiyaari replicating the affair in an outstanding manner to the public at large. But the real reason is that GCM was impossible without letting Colonel Bakshi cross-examine the witnesses, which would have brought scores of skeletons tumbling out. For the same reason, he was also not provided with copies of documents used against him, not even a copy of the board of officers implicating him — which he is authorised by law. His wife, Aparna has alleged in an interview recently that it was not just her husband but that she too faced problems because of two former army chiefs.
It is obvious that the UPA II used the army hierarchy to shut down the TSD but posts on social media question why some senior officers became a party to political maneuvering despite adverse impact on army capability and national security.
The 1993 Vohra Committee Report pointed to mafia virtually running a parallel government: money power used to develop a network of muscle-power, also used by the politicians during elections; rapid spread and growth of criminal gangs, armed senas, drug mafias, smuggling gangs, drug peddlers and economic lobbies, having developed extensive network of contacts with bureaucrats/government functionaries at local levels, politicians, media persons and strategically located individuals in non-State sector, some having international linkages and foreign intelligence; various mafias operating with impunity due links with governmental functionaries, political leaders, and others; any leakage of linkages of this crime syndicate with senior government functionaries or political leaders in the states or at the Centre could have a destabilising effect on the functioning of government.
The above mafia is what some refer to as ‘Hamam’. Having infiltrated all institutions in the country, the ‘Hamam’ found a simple solution to make the military to fall in line. The Intelligence Bureau (IB) was ordered to initiate annual confidential reports (ACRs) on senior officers that went directly to the party high command. Those with whatever misdemeanors were tagged for future placements (and blackmail if needed), not that only they were promoted. But these ACRs certainly helped crucial placement at crucial times in all three Services.
The army cannot proceed against Bakshi though justice has come by default on legal grounds, with his career ruined. He will probably be posted to an obscure appointment from where he would probably resign. There are many write-ups that Prime Minister Narendra Modi hasn’t done enough against corruption. But here is a case of high treason that requires the Hamam to be shattered. The least requirement is speedy trial by a special court for all the traitors.
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This thread isn't about Nehru history, assorted abuses and all that..
A few members hellbent on OT have been temporarily removed from thread to preserve sanity .
Some posts moves to chit chat, rest deleted.
As far as OT is concerned just report it, don't take the bait.
A few members hellbent on OT have been temporarily removed from thread to preserve sanity .
Some posts moves to chit chat, rest deleted.
As far as OT is concerned just report it, don't take the bait.
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It was reply to some peace-nik discussion about how someone doesn't want war (aka OT) and all that.. which you quoted.
It's in chit chat if you want to continue there.
Guest
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These features are mistaken as tunnels by most imagery experts, some may do It unknowingly some knowingly, that is simply a dug up site from where sand or gravel is taken out to construct roads, or elevated roads in remote areas. Similar rumors of tunnels housing ICBM, MRBMs was spread on internet about Qizil Jilga in Aksai Chin but it was simply dug up sand.
Here is an image from South China sea, we can see lots of PLAN ships in perfect straight line, and the Chinese Aircraft carrier in middle of the line. This is not some tactical alignment in the sea. It simply trying to show off the military strength, however weak that may be against the adversary.
Recently not only Americans sent their Aircraft carrier to Vietnam, but also the British sent their new carrier to South China sea, which has greatly disturbed Chinese dominance in the area, not only in terms of numbers but real capability.
I see this as an tactics of avoiding a war, when you are weak you show off strength (Sun Tzu), It seems Dokhlam was also a place where they are weak and they tried to show off.
And If they have to, then they might be planning an aggression against India in places where they are in good position, like the Siang valley or Depsang plains near Trig heights etc.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Here is an image from South China sea, we can see lots of PLAN ships in perfect straight line, and the Chinese Aircraft carrier in middle of the line. This is not some tactical alignment in the sea. It simply trying to show off the military strength, however weak that may be against the adversary.
Recently not only Americans sent their Aircraft carrier to Vietnam, but also the British sent their new carrier to South China sea, which has greatly disturbed Chinese dominance in the area, not only in terms of numbers but real capability.
I see this as an tactics of avoiding a war, when you are weak you show off strength (Sun Tzu), It seems Dokhlam was also a place where they are weak and they tried to show off.
And If they have to, then they might be planning an aggression against India in places where they are in good position, like the Siang valley or Depsang plains near Trig heights etc.
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Because of our own habits. We can't see our own relatives getting success. This is in our DNA.
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Our situation is not as bad as Israels, if they can survive so can we.
- Status
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