Oppression in Balochistan and its struggle for freedom

Rage

DFI TEAM
Senior Member
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
5,419
Likes
1,001
Balochistan reaches boiling point

I request that this thread remain independent for 4 days before being allowed to merge with this thread: http://www.defenceforum.in/forum/pakistan-defence-forum/541-balochistan-dossier.html


Balochistan reaches boiling point

By Aleem Maqbool
BBC News, Gwadar


There has been an insurgency in
Balochistan for greater autonomy


The threats to Pakistan's future do not just come from the recent wave of militant attacks, but also from discontent in communities around the country.

Gwadar is almost as remote a town in Pakistan as you can get. On the coast of the country's largest province, Balochistan, close to the Iranian border, it is nearly 2,000km (1,250 miles) from the capital, Islamabad.

Down on the shabby beaches, people earn a living the way they have done for generations, fishing and boat-building.

It might, at first, feel like it is a world away from the violence elsewhere.

But trouble's simmering here too.


'Fight for rights'

In a small, dark, compound, we met members of various separatist groups - the Baloch National Front, Balochistan Republican Party and Balochistan Liberation Army.

We hear their grievances, and their threats.


"What else do we have left," says Rehman Arif, of the BRP, "except our guns, and to fight for our rights?

"This region of Balochistan, which has seen civilisation for thousands of years, is being oppressed by Pakistan. We're ready to accept assistance from anyone in our fight. We appeal to India for help."

This public plea for help from the country's sworn enemy will alarm Pakistanis.

So too might the fact that almost everyone we came across in the town supported moves for their province to break away from Pakistan.


"The Pakistani government doesn't do anything for us," says Shaukat, a fisherman. "They only work for themselves. We just labour hard, but nobody cares," he says, before wading into the water and clambering onto his boat for another long day at sea.

Poverty here, and right across the province of Balochistan, is on the rise. It is, once again, stirring decades-old feelings of resentment towards the country's establishment.

Many Baloch feel they have been cheated, and that while Pakistan plunders their local resources, like natural gas, coal and copper, local people remain poor.

"We've got nothing," says Tariq Ashraf, a businessman in Gwadar's old quarter. "You can see all the children, look at them, look at the dirt, look at the houses. The politicians just give us promises."


Resentment

The Prime Minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, has a new promise, and he has come to Gwadar to make it. He tells us his government will develop the port, and bring business and jobs here, for the people of Balochistan.

"They were not given their rights for the last 62 years [since the creation of Pakistan], therefore we have launched a package with the title 'Aghaze Huqooq-i-Balochistan' [The beginning of the rights of the people of Balochistan]. That is why I am here."


Haji Saleh Muhammed says jobs
don't go to locals


And it is not just the prime minister. The entire cabinet flies in for, among other things, a meeting on a ship in Gwadar Port.

It was meant to provide a boost to the area, and help attract investment. However, the sight of huge government convoys and reports of the millions of rupees of expenditure on the cabinet meeting did not impress some. Many in Gwadar supported the separatist's call for a strike.

Even with new development projects there is resentment. Many here feel that any benefits that development brings will leave the area.

By chance, not far from the port, clutching a folder, we find Haji Saleh Muhammed.

"I am from Gwadar, I am a port crane operator," he says. He opens the file, that he says he always keeps with him, to show us his qualifications and certificates, received during 12 years working in Dubai.

"I came back to work in my city, but they have brought people from outside. Karachi people are working here, I am just sitting around.

"Gilani says jobs will come here, but most will go to outsiders."

On the beach, we even found a policeman who said the poverty and injustice had got so bad, he would lay down his life for Baloch independence.


Last chance

Prime Minister Gilani reiterated to us his assertion that there was considerable evidence that India is already supporting the Baloch separatists, but accepted that the region had been neglected by Pakistan in the past.

However, he also insisted that the general picture is much better than it appears.

"Balochs are patriotic, 99.9% support Pakistan. There are maybe a handful of people who are towing the foreign agenda of somebody else - we are negotiating with them," he says.

"The time will come when the people themselves will realise that we are on the right path, and they will start supporting us."

Mr Gilani's going to have to work fast here, because it feels like the last chance people are going to give the politicians to reduce poverty and inequality.

If they fail, Balochistan could quite easily become a focal point in Pakistan's destabilisation.


BBC News - Balochistan reaches boiling point
 

Rage

DFI TEAM
Senior Member
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
5,419
Likes
1,001
Waddaya say fellas? Surely an outright cry for help like this demands some show of magnanimity on our part.
 

enlightened1

Member of The Month JANUARY 2010
Regular Member
Joined
Aug 14, 2009
Messages
880
Likes
60
Waddaya say fellas? Surely an outright cry for help like this demands some show of magnanimity on our part.
:eek: According to their government you are already being too magnanimous in their tribal areas :rofl::rofl:
 

Rage

DFI TEAM
Senior Member
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
5,419
Likes
1,001
:eek: According to their government you are already being too magnanimous in their tribal areas :rofl::rofl:
We're known to be a generous lot. :D

The small, but budding, Baloch International Conference in Washington D.C.


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WMXZuXuayXw


Baluch make a passionate plea for Independence at Washington DC...

By: Khalid Hashmani


The "American Friends of Baluchistan" organized an International Conference On November 21, 2009 in Washington DC. According to organizers, the main purposes of the conference were to highlight issues in Eastern and Western Baluchistan that organizers and to pay tribute to Baluch leader Balaach Marri, who was slain two years ago. This all-day conference was very well attended with many standing in the back of the meeting room. The venue of the conference was National Press Club in downtown Washington, DC.

The list of persons who addressed or presented papers was long and covered a variety of topics from history of Balochistan to happenings as recent as three days ago.

The presenters included Selig Harrison (Asia Director at the Center for International Policy), Aziz Baloch (British Columbia representative of Baloch Human Rights Council and former General Secretary of Baloch Student Organization), Andrew Eva (an expert on resistance warfare fighting for his homeland Lithuania to regain independence), Saghir Shaikh (a Sindhi Rights activist and former Chair of World Sindhi Congress), Wendy Johnson and Annie Nocenti (co-producers of well-known "The Baluch" documentary), Zafar Baloch (A Baloch Rights activist from Toronto, Canada), T. Kumar (Advisory Director for International Issues for Amnesty International), Gul Agha (A Computer Scientist and a well-known speaker on Sindhi Rights), Musa Arjemandi (brother of Norwegian Ehhan Arjemandi, who recently disappeared in Pakistan), Humaira Rahman (A Sindhi Rights activist and the General Secretary of World Sindhi Institute) and others. The session moderator was Ahmer Mustikhan. More details about the presenters can be viewed at http://mustikhan.newsvine.com/_news/2 ... baluch-international-moot.


What Baluch say about their Situation?

Baluch say they had never wanted to be part of Pakistan.

Baluch claim that they were duped by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who is considered father of Pakistan and engaged by Baluch to negotiate sovereignty and autonomy from British.

Baluch argue that instead of negotiations and redressing their complaints, successive Pakistani governments have engaged in brutal force and unleashed their tyranny through five military operations since 1948.

Baluch point out that in spite of the 1973 constitution that says that complete autonomy within ten years (that is by 1983), not only that provision remains forgotten but more and more centralization has been imposed by strengthening the central government at expense of provinces.

Baluch cite statistics that Balochistan is ruled as colony with 88% of Baluch living under the poverty line, 78% has no access to safe drinking water or electricity, and 79% has no access to gas and their gas is taken to provide to households and industries in other provinces.

Baluch cry that Balochistan has been discriminated and exploited so much that in spite of its immense natural resources they are at the bottom of indices compared to other provinces in literacy rate, school enrollment ratio, education attainment index, and health index.

Baluch articulate that there is a slow-motion genocide going on against them and want the world to help them free themselves.

What do Baluch want?

Baluch want immediate and complete cessation of military actions, withdrawal of all Pakistani armed forces, and no more military cantonments in Balochistan. They want the world to ask Pakistan to provide a firm timetable for the pullout of their troops and intelligence agencies from Balochistan. They called upon the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan to broaden its terms of reference and send peace keeping forces in Balochistan. They want Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons program and stop any nuclear tests in Balochistan.

Baluch demand immediate end to torture, murders and disappearances and unconditional release of Baloch activists.

Baluch want immediate enactment of the autonomy provisions of the 1973 constitution and passing immediate control over all areas except Defense, Communications, Currency, and Foreign Affairs.

Baluch ask that all lands secured in Baluchistan for so called the "Military strategic" reasons be released to the provincial government.

Baluch support the appeal by Beglar Begi Mir Suleman Daud (Khan of Kalat)'s appeal to the International Court of Justice against Pakistan that it has annexed Baluchistan by force.

Baluch appealed to multi-national companies to halt exploration work on disputed projects until the dispute between Pakistanb and Balochistan is resolved. They say they will welcome these companies to restart work in the building of a new Balochistan when they are free and a sovereign nation.

Baluch want the world recognize their right of self-determination in accordance with the provisions of the UN Charter on the International Covenant of Human Rights. Baluch say that by virtue of this right, they are free to determine their political status to pursue their cultural, social and economic development without any external interference.

Other important Take-aways from Conference?

Baluch expressed sympathy and solidarity with all victims of urban terrorism in Karachi (Sindh) and condemned killing of social activist Nisar Baloch and demanded immediate arrest of his killers, who are believed to be supported by a government allied party called MQM.

Baluch pledged allegiance to the Baloch sarmachars (freedom fighters) and called upon all Baloch people to rally behind them to regain Baloch national sovereignty and protect their language, culture, and national survival.

Baluch demanded from UN Human Rights Council to investigate the extra-judicial killing of innocent Baloch leaders, political activists and others.

Baluch expressed opinion that people of Baluchistan and their pro-independence leaders must be involved in any decision about the future of the region in the context of Afghanistan-Pakistan Crisis.

Baluch resolved that the people of Balochistan should be the first beneficiaries of their resources – oil, gas, copper, silver, and gold.

Baluch want a comprehensive infrastructure building program in Balochistan and want special attention to be given to the training and hiring of local Baluch to assume professional responsibilities in the rebuilding program.

A document circulated at the conference expressed solidarity with the struggle of Sindhis, Seraikis, and Pushtuns in Pakistan and expressed support for Kurds, Ahwazis, Turkmen in Iran.

The same document expressed trust in Hyrbyair Marri, Brahumdagh Bugti and Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch as their national heroes. The document further said that they have full trust, confidence and faith in the leadership of Hyrbyair Marri as the main spokesperson for the Baluchistan independence movement, internationally.

Other Events at Conference

Audio Address by Musa (Ali) Arjemandi (Ali) from Norway

Mr. Arjemandi made a heart-wrenching appeal to the Norwegian government and the world community to help in securing the release of his brother. In his appeal Musa says that his brother Ehsan Arjemandi, a Norwegian citizen, was taken away by Pakistani agencies in July this year. Like in the case of disappearance of Sindhi activist Dr. Safdar Sarki, the witnesses saw Mr. Arjemandi being led away by security personnel, but the Government of Pakistan is now denying any knowledge of his whereabouts. More information on this disappearance and other Baluch-related issues can be found at The Baluch / The Baloch: take case for autonomy to International Court of Justice (ICJ); Balochistan history, Baluchistan


Screening of well-known Documentary "The Baluch"

It is often said a picture is worth a thousand words and indeed "The Baluch" documentary, which is only 26-minute long narrated the deploring conditions in Balochistan, the simple lives of its simple people, and interviews with top-most leaders of Balochistan. The Baluch leaders explained history of their country and go into details of why they have been driven into fighting for their rights and independence. The documentary can be viewed at The Baluch.

The audience were fortunate to have opportunity to listen to both Wendy Johnson and Annie Nocenti (co-producers), who described their trip, their impressions and why they sympathize with Baluch. Ms. Nocenti advised that she appalled at the lack of knowledge about the plight of Baluch among Americans. She advised that Baluch should change their communication strategy by relating their plight with the conditions of native Americans. She said that Americans are aware and feel guilty of what happened to native Americans – pushed to live on reservations with worthless treaties.

They would see the similarities between the wrongs done in the past to the native people and the opportunity to stop the same tragedy happning to Baluch and Sindhis. Ms. Johnson said that making this documentary has been both joyful and sorrowful. She added that she has been impacted so much by the plight of the nomadic Baluch people that she wants to help more and is the webmaster of most comprehensive web site The Baluch / The Baloch: take case for autonomy to International Court of Justice (ICJ); Balochistan history, Baluchistan. She talked about her exchange of emails with Balaach Mari and Hyrbyair Marri and what convinced her to become supporters of Baluch people.

Homage to Mir Balaach Marri

The homage to Shaheed Balaach Marri was circulated at the conference with title "A Profile of Courage". Balaach was born on January 17, 1966 and was killed fighting Pakistani military on November 20, 2007. He was the fourth among six sons of Nawab Khair Bux Marri. After release from Pakistani prison in 1979, Khair Bux Marri and his family went into self-exile ito Afghanistan n 1979. Thus, Balaach completed his secondary education in Afghanistan. It is believed that Balaach was very close to his father and used to call his father as "Ada" (a Balochi and Sindhi word that means "Elder Brother"). Balaach studied "communications engineering" in Moscow. He left his homeland when he was only 14 years old, and returned back at the age of 27 years. Starting in 2003, he started organizational work for Balochistan resistance. One of his greatest achievements is that he played a pivotal role in resolving the long-term feud between Marri and Bugti tribes and worked closely with Nawab Akbar Bugti to lead the Balochistan national cause.

A passionate Plea fom Baluch

Some Baloch came from West coast and some joined from East coast. Others came from Canada, Europe, Baluchistan, Pakistan, India, and other countries. I heard them making presentations and chatted with them during breaks. I presented alternate scenarios and differing point of views. When it was all said and done, it was the first time in my 25 years of activism in the Sindhi Rights movement that I sensed an unshakable resolve of Baluch in fighting for their rights. They were passionate for their cause and angry that many of their brightest have lost their lives. They mourned, they cried, they shouted and asked that Pakistani military to leave their lands. The said again and again that they they want to rebuild their lives and their country without foreign domination. They want the world to help them get rid of the yoke of slavery so that they can build houses for hundreds of thousands who are now refugees, educate their children, and use their natural resources to bring gas, electricity, and economic welfare to their people.

About Author: Mr. Khalid Hashmani is a Washington DC-based veteran human rights activist. He is the founding President of Sindhi Association of North America (SANA) and Chief coordinator of Sindhi Excellence Team (SET) that participates in advocacy activities on behalf of rural Sindhi.


Baloch Sarmachar: Baluch International Conference – Washington DC (Nov 21-22, 2009) Baluch Sarmachar

BBC URDU News: ?BBC Urdu? - ????????? - ?’??????? ??? ????? ?????? ?? ???? ????‘?
Baluch make a passionate plea for Independence at Washington DC International Conference - News - News - BALOCHWARNA



Interestingly, the delusional, but ever effervescent Ahmed Quraishi is also proclaiming that the R.A.W. is "publicly" [?] organizing a conference under the aegis of a 'Focus on Global South' titled: "The Issue of Autonomy: Kashmir and Balochistan" with the aim of getting international (Indian & Pakistani) journalists to discuss the Baloch issue. Apparently, lots of Pakistanies have appreciated the invitation!
 
Joined
Feb 16, 2009
Messages
29,956
Likes
48,881
Country flag
Being given rights is one thing Waleed and separating and becoming Independent is another, I do not view this development favorably because it is a reminder of the partition or even a repeat where a foreign power comes in a divides the people and a threat not just for Pakistan but any nation where if made unstable enough the same can happen.
 

ppgj

Senior Member
Joined
Aug 13, 2009
Messages
2,029
Likes
168
The mess over the missing in Balochistan

Nirupama Subramanian, January 8, 2010


CONTINUING GRIEF: The issue of the missing persons is now seen as one of the biggest hurdles in the way of efforts by the PPP-led government for reconciliation with Balochistan.

The issue of enforced disappearances is now seen as one of the biggest hurdles to Islamabad's efforts to make peace with the Baloch people.

Since December 30 last, a group of two dozen boys and girls, accompanied by a few adult women, has been squatting outside the Quetta Press Club, braving the biting cold that sweeps through Pakistan’s Balochistan province at this time of the year. The group is on a daily hunger-strike, protesting the disappearance of a father or a brother, allegedly after he was taken away by state intelligence agencies.

Holding photographs of their missing family members, these children say they will sit there indefinitely — until they get some news of their family members.

In the group are the young sons and daughters of Ali Asghar Bungalzai, a 38-year-old Quetta tailor. For months after he was picked up in October 2001, military and intelligence officials reportedly kept assuring his family that he would be released soon. Between 2006 and 2007, the children — all of them then under 20 — stood outside the press club for a full 371 days, demanding that their father be restored to them. They were persuaded to leave only after the Governor assured them that he would take a personal interest in tracking down their father. But Bunglazai remains missing to this day.

A woman in the group told journalists that she was looking for her brother Zakir Majeed Baloch, a leader of the Baloch Students Organisation, who went missing on June 8, 2009, allegedly after having been whisked away by an intelligence agency. She said she was trying to get human rights organisations to exert pressure on the government for the recovery of her brother and other missing Baloch.

Majeed went missing while he was travelling by road between Mastung and Khuzdar. He was picked up twice before — in 2007 and 2008. After his release in 2008, he said he had been detained and tortured at the Qulli camp, a military detention centre in the Quetta Cantonment.

There are plenty of similar stories. Mushtaq Baloch, also a BSO activist, disappeared in March 2009. He was in the first year of his intermediate course at the Degree College in Khuzdar and was picked up along with his friends and fellow student activists Kabir Baloch and Ataullah Baloch.

Some months after he went missing, an unidentified caller phoned Mushtaq’s family with the information that a body was lying at a location in Mach in Bolan district. His brothers rushed to Mach but found nothing. Since then, there has been no news of any of the three boys.

While the issue of enforced disappearances in Balochistan is a continuing tragedy for the affected families, for the alienated province, it is yet another festering wound inflicted by Islamabad after the Musharraf regime began military operations there in 2005 to quell a low-intensity separatist insurgency, which is often blamed on India. By the government’s own estimate, there are 1,300 cases of enforced disappearances. But according to the Voice For the Missing Baloch Persons, the organisation that is behind the protest outside the Press Club, at least 8,000 Baloch are missing after being picked up by the army or the paramilitary Frontier Corps, or one or the other intelligence agency.

Earlier this week, the protesting children were joined by a sizeable number of women as they marched to the Provincial Assembly to draw attention to their cause. The rally was unusual in itself. In Balochistan, it is only the rare woman that is seen outdoors. “In a society where women hardly step out of their homes, if these women have taken to the streets in protest, there has to be a very good reason,” Nasrullah Baloch, convener of the organisation, told The Hindu.

The issue of the missing persons is now seen as one of the biggest hurdles in the way of efforts by the PPP-led government for reconciliation with Balochistan. In November 2009, Islamabad announced a package of political, administrative and financial measures for the restive province.

The package is called the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan (The Beginning of the Rights of Balochistan), the clunky title managing to convey two things: one, the Baloch people and the province had been deprived of their rights; and two, this package was the “beginning” of the reconciliation process.

But it was rejected even by moderate Baloch politicians. A major criticism was that it contained only a promise to consider in an undetermined future crucial concessions such as constitutional reforms for provincial autonomy. Baloch politicians were also angered by the announced “demilitarisation” replacing the military with the Frontier Corps. The paramilitary evokes more dread than the Army in the province.

Writing in the Dawn newspaper, Sanaullah Baloch, a young leader of the Baloch National Party, who resigned from the Senate last year to highlight what he called the government’s indifference to Balochistan, said no reconciliation would be possible unless the Constitution was changed for maximum, even “asymmetric,” devolution. He called for international mediation and facilitation, and for international guarantors to underwrite all promises made by Islamabad to the Baloch people.

The BNP at least still believes a solution is possible within the framework of the Pakistan federation. Not so many others do. According to Rashid Rehman, editor of the Daily Times newspaper, the government has failed to appreciate that the atmosphere in Balochistan has undergone a dramatic change.

“The demands that have now emerged are far more radical than anything before. Now the Baloch are talking about separation, secession, independence, and it’s being talked about openly, it is being discussed in the political space,” said Mr. Rehman, who fought in the 1970s Baloch insurgency on the side of the guerrillas.

A major narrative in the Baloch discourse is the “betrayal” of the province by successive governments in Islamabad, he said, and hence the new demands for international guarantors and third-party mediation. The minimum that “even a halfway house package” would have to contain, according to him, is provincial autonomy through changes in the Constitution, which would allow all decisions to be made in the province. Crucially, it would give the province control over the natural gas found in its territory and any possible oil find. “The relationship with the centre will have to be reversed completely, no less,” said Mr. Rehman.

The government, meanwhile, has taken some tentative confidence-building steps, in line with the measures announced in the package. In December, it withdrew 89 cases registered against political leaders and activists, including Brahmdagh Bugti, president of the Balochistan Republican Party, who is alleged to be leading the insurgency, Balochistan National Party president Sardar Akhtar Mengal and Jamil Akbar Bugti, son of the late Nawab Akbar Bugti.

But the missing hundreds — or thousands — remain missing, despite the promise in the package to release those against whom there are no charges and produce the remaining before a competent court. A total of five missing persons are reported to have returned home after the package was announced. Earlier this week, the Supreme Court also added its voice to the cause, saying reconciliation in Balochistan would be impossible unless the missing were traced.

“This is the biggest humanitarian crisis in Balochistan right now,” said Nasurllah Baloch of the VFMBP, “and the elected government should play its role in tracing them. Press charges against them if you want, but produce them before a court.”

But the question often asked is whether the elected government really has the power to bring back the missing and end the practice of enforced disappearances. It is well known that the security establishment plays a big role in shaping Pakistan’s Balochistan policy. Some would say the insurgency makes this necessary, but it is widely acknowledged that this has tied the government’s hands from doing everything it can to heal the wounds.

Revealingly, there have been several cases of enforced disappearances since February 2008, when the PPP came to power and Asif Ali Zardari offered an “unconditional apology” to the Baloch, pledging to “embark on a new highway of healing and mutual respect.” Mr. Nasrullah Baloch alleges that people have gone missing, including Sana Sangat, a leader of Brahmdagh Bugti, ever since the package was announced. Despite the difficulties, government circles remain optimistic that the Balochistan package will soon start working its magic.

At the end of December 2008, Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani visited Balochistan and held a mid-sea Cabinet meeting off Gwadar. It lifted the national mood somewhat. But more to the point, on the call of the Baloch National Front, Gwadar and two other districts observed a total strike on the day of his visit, while in Quetta, the families of the missing people marked the day with a protest march.

The Hindu : Opinion / Lead : The mess over the missing in Balochistan
 

ppgj

Senior Member
Joined
Aug 13, 2009
Messages
2,029
Likes
168
IDSA COMMENT

Balochistan is no Bangladesh

Sushant Sareen

January 19, 2010

The separatist sentiment sweeping through the province of Balochistan has led many in Pakistan to draw parallels with the situation that prevailed in East Pakistan and which ultimately culminated in the formation of an independent state, Bangladesh. But such parallels, while they sensationalize the issue of Balochistan and help to draw attention to it, tend to gloss over some very critical differences between the situation that existed in the erstwhile East Pakistan and what obtains in today’s Balochistan. More than the similarities, which are many, between East Pakistan of yore and Balochistan of today, it is the differences that stand in the way of Balochistan becoming another Bangladesh.

Like in East Pakistan, the alienation of the people in the Baloch populated areas of Balochistan with Pakistan appears to be near total. There is an accumulated sense of grievance that is increasingly being expressed in the desire for seceding from the federation. Political formulas for granting greater autonomy, fiscal resources, control over the natural resources of the province, the freedom to decide development priorities, a greater hold over the security forces operating in the state to quell the insurgency no longer seem to hold any attraction for the disaffected Baloch. If anything, efforts on the part of the federal government – the new National Finance Commission award, the holding of a cabinet meeting in Gwadar, the announcement of the Aaghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package (that includes stopping the construction of cantonments, pulling out of the Pakistan army from parts of the province, release of ‘missing persons’ etc) are all probably a case of too little too late.

As far as the Baloch are concerned, even after all the pious declarations by the federal government, nothing has changed on the ground: activists continue to go missing or are found dead, replacing the army by the Frontier Corps has only increased the indignities to which the Baloch are subjected. FC troops, mostly Pashtun or Punjabi often stop people on the road and force them to shout slogans like Pakistan Zindabad, play songs like ‘dil dil Pakistan...’ on street corners, and carry out ‘full pat–down searches’ of any Baloch who is found to be wearing Baloch-style baggy trousers. Incidentally, even as the Pakistani leaders fulminate at the US for ‘enhanced screening’ at American airports, there is not a peep out of them over the ‘racial profiling’ that leads to ‘enhanced screening’ of fellow citizens on the streets of Balochistan.

The brutal repression, extra-judicial killings, summary executions of Baloch activists, forced disappearances, harassment and mistreatment of ordinary people have only fuelled the disaffection with Pakistan. The sense of deprivation, exploitation, powerlessness and marginalisation that pervades the Baloch consciousness has a remarkable resemblance to how the Bengali’s perceived their state in Pakistan. If it were only public opinion that would settle matters, then perhaps Balochistan today would choose a path similar to that of East Pakistan and secede from the federation. But the problem in Balochistan is that apart from public sentiment there is little else that is common between Balochistan and Bangladesh.

Unlike Bangladesh, where the public sentiment was harnessed by a political leadership and transformed into a mass-movement, in Balochistan there is only a groundswell in favour of separatism but no political direction to translate this into reality. One glaring obstacle in the path of a national movement in Balochistan is the structure of society. Despite the fact that the insurgency is today more bottom-up rather than top-down like in the 1970’s, the tribal chiefs continue to be one of the biggest obstructions in the path of the aspirations of the people. While some of the tribal chiefs – most notably, Brahmdagh Bugti, Hairbyar Marri and his brother, Ghazain – are believed to be in the vanguard of the movement, or are at least poster boys of the separatists, the ballast for Baloch nationalism is coming from the middle-classes.

The trouble is that while many of the tribal Sardars, in their hearts might be supportive of the Baloch cause, or are being forced by public sentiment as well as the circumstances on the ground to pay lip-service to the aspirations of the Baloch people (for example, Akhtar Mengal insisting on a dialogue with the Pakistani authorities under the aegis of the UN!), they are not willing to put aside their personal egos in the service of Baloch nationalism. Their personal ambitions, feuds, rivalries, a desire to be one-up on their fellow sardars makes it impossible for all of them to come together for the larger cause of their people.

Take the case of Sanaullah Zehri. He became the home minister of Balochistan in Jam Yusuf’s government in 2002 but resigned a few months later by taking a stridently nationalist position and revealing that he was totally powerless on when it came to issuing directions to the law enforcement agencies. He merged his party with the National Party, which had a middle class leadership. But just few days back he joined PMLN, which is a Punjabi-dominated mainstream political party. The reason that some observers give for this volte-face by Zehri is that all his contemporary sardars have become chief ministers and his best chance was to join the PMLN which is widely perceived to have the best chance to form the next government in Islamabad, whenever that is. And as it so happens, the government in Quetta is almost always decided not so much by the votes of the people of Balochistan as by the powers that be in Islamabad. Even more difficult for the sardars is to let a middle-class person, who is probably more articulate, better educated, much more committed to the cause, to lead or represent the Baloch movement.

On their part, the middle-class leaders are not willing to either trust or follow the sardars beyond a point. Many of these leaders feel that the sardars (even those who have been declared Public Enemies by the Pakistani authorities and anchorocracy, i.e. TV anchors) could at the end of the day sabotage the movement by cutting deals with the Pakistani establishment and leave them in the lurch, as they have done in the past. Some time back, the Khan of Kalat, Mir Suleman Dawood, held a jirga in which all the sardars were present. A decision was taken in this jirga to raise the case of Balochistan in the International Court of Justice. But within weeks, some of the sardars who endorsed this decision were sitting in the lap of the Pakistani establishment – Zulfikar Magsi became governor of Balochistan, Aslam Raisani the chief minister. Clearly, for the sardars their class interests dominate everything else and this is something that the middle class activists are not willing to accept unquestioningly anymore. After all, if the middle class has to once again kowtow to the sardars, then they might as well become subsidiaries of the Pakistani establishment, as indeed many of them have.

The middle class leaders have another legitimate grouse against the sardars. They point out that when the sardars are targeted, the middle class agitates on their behalf, but when middle class activists are gunned down by the intelligence agencies, the sardars are quite mealy mouthed in their protests. The irony is that despite the role of spoiler that the sardars play, Pakistani commentators often toe the establishment line and disparage the Baloch movement by blaming the sardars for the backwardness and disaffection in the province, not realising that if the powers of the sardars was finished, it would actually be a shot in the arm of Baloch nationalism. If anything, the Baloch sardars play the role that the rulers of Indian states played during the British Raj in undermining the movement for independence. Unlike Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who because of his own middle class background had deep antipathy for the feudal Sardars and tried to undercut their power, the wily Asif Zardari understands the social structure of Baloch society well enough to overturn many of Musharraf’s steps and restore the power of the sardars.

The Sardars are only one part of the problem affecting the Baloch movement. A bigger problem is that the Baloch nationalism is an ‘insufficiently imagined’ movement. There is a lot of rhetoric that is mouthed ad nauseam by those who are in favour of an independent Balochistan. But once you cut through the rhetoric, you realise that they all these people are offering is slogans. There is no over-arching vision of what sort of a state they want, no road map on how they propose to achieve nationhood, no thinking of how the state will be run, what sort of government it will have, how they will utilise the natural resources of the province for the welfare of the people, what sort of developmental model the new state will adopt, will the new state be a tribal confederacy in which the tribal order and customs will rule supreme or will it be based on rule of law and progressive ideals, what will be the status is women in the new state (will honor killing be acceptable or will it be treated as murder, will women be allowed to study and work, or will they be cloistered behind the walls of their houses and bought and sold like chattel? There are innumerable such issues over which there is total obfuscation by the Baloch nationalists and separatists. So much so that there is not even any consensus on what are the areas that will constitute the Baloch state. Clearly then, it is one thing to whip up passions which have already been aroused by decades of marginalisation, and start an aimless insurgency, and quite another thing to put in place the political, ideological and military structures that will deliver nationhood.

To the internal problems that afflict the Baloch national movement and are preventing it from achieving its goals can be added an external environment that is still not sympathetic to the Baloch cause. Notwithstanding the self-serving accusations levelled against India for fuelling the insurgency in Balochistan, both the Pakistani authorities as well as the Baloch separatists know perfectly well that there is practically no interference from India in Balochistan. In any case, unlike Bangladesh which India liberated by sending in its army, such a possibility doesn’t exist as far as Balochistan is concerned. Iran remains implacably opposed to all manifestations of Baloch nationalism. And given that the government in Afghanistan is unable to extend its writ in Kabul, to expect it to fund and arm the Baloch separatists is nothing but a flight of fancy. As for the Americans, their involvement is probably more in their joint venture with ISI in funding the Jundullah rather than in any support to Baloch separatists in Pakistan. The assassination of Balach Marri by NATO is a stark example of what side the Americans are backing.

As things stand, unless the Baloch nationalists are able to get their act together and set aside their petty differences in pursuit of ‘achievable nationhood’ within Pakistan or without, it will be only a matter of time before this latest upsurge in Balochistan will be brutally crushed. Given the demographics of the area which are loaded against the ethnic Baloch, and the growing attraction as also inclination of sections of Baloch youth towards radical Islamic groups like Jundullah, Lashkar-e-Taiba and Deobandi Jihadi groups, not to mention the active encouragement to such groups by Pakistani military and intelligence establishment, there might never be another uprising for attainment of Baloch national rights. From wanting to become a nation, the Baloch will almost certainly end up being reduced to being a minority ethnic group in their own land – a South Asian version of the Red Indians.
Balochistan is no Bangladesh | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
Following is the blog of Malik Siraj Akbar,Journalist from balochistan,who recently attended india conclave in new delhi he speaks about his experiences with pakistani intelligence agencies of trauma blauchi faces regularly.posting in full.it may go off line soon coz of pakistani intelegence agencies

What Happened in New Delhi conference?

By Malik Siraj Akbar

“I really don’t understand your (Pakistani) people,” regretted this Indian journalist fellow who was also one of the organizers of the recently held India-Pakistan conference: A roadmap towards peace in New Delhi.
It was a tea break. Both of us walked slowly out of the conference hall of India International Center in New Delhi. She lamented once again, “I really don’t understand your people.” This fellow had very genuine reasons to complain. How would you feel if you were in her shoes? Imagine you invite some people to speak at a conference and assign them a particular topic three months in advance. They delightedly accept your invitation; travel to the venue and humiliate you on the stage in front of hundreds of guests by objecting to your conference agenda. I mean how could you raise objections on the agenda of a conference that was put before you several months ago and you willingly accepted it before coming to the event?
Thus, this journalist friend was surprised over the double standards of the so-called Pakistani liberals. It was no surprise for me. Our people love to travel, avail international tours and still do not mind embarrassing their hosts. For me, the best lesson to learn from the New Delhi conference was see the real faces of some of Pakistan’s so-called liberals and champions of human rights.
Some senior journalists from India Kuldip Nayar, Seema Mustafa and many others had sent an invitation letter to me three months ago to speak on Balochistan at an upcoming conference in New Delhi. The purpose of the conference was to compel the governments of India and Pakistan to resume dialogue that was halted in the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. Even both the countries indifferently disrupted all forms of people-to-people contact. I willingly agreed to speak on Balochistan in a conference which was supposed to address many other issues such as security in South Asia, Kashmir, climate change and trade.
The organizers asked me to recommend a Baloch nationalist leader as well for the conference. I nominated one Baloch leader who initially agreed to attend the conference but refused to come to the conference at the eleventh hour considering the ‘risks’ involved for a Baloch leader’s credibility if he spoke on Balochistan in India. Thus, he did not turn up for the conference but we managed to subsequently managed to have another Baloch Senator, Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo, for the conference. Hailing from the National Party, Bizenjo, who is the son of outstanding Baloch communist leader Mir Ghose Baksh Bizenjo, had already been to India ten days before our arrival in the New Delhi conference. One of his statements in New Delhi had already sparked widespread criticism by Baloch youth where he had appealed to the international community to dismantle the Baloch nationalist groups that champion the cause of an Independent Balochistan.
After the mentioning of Balochistan in a meeting between Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and his Pakistani counterpart Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani at Egyptian resort Sharm-ul-Sheik, Balochistan had become the focus of much discussion. A lot of people internationally, mainly in the South Asian region, developed an interest to know about the causes of unrest in Balochistan and the Baloch demands. In fact, I had spoken on Balochistan in a seminar held in Singapore during an India-Pakistan Track II activity. Then, we were told by General® Ashok Mehta, the organizer that it was the first time in the history that Balochistan was being discussed in an India-Pakistan track II meeting as a full agenda.
In Singapore, no one raised any objections over the inclusion of Balochistan as a separate agenda even though some ten people from Pakistan were a part of our delegation. The delegation included Mushahid Hussain Syed, secretary general of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Quaid-e-Azam), Moinuddin Haider, former governor Sindh and former federal interior minister, Aziz Ahmed Khan, former Pakistani high commissioner to India, Rustam Shah Mohammad, former ambassador, Dr. Aysha Siddiqa, senior defense analyst, Kamal Siddiqui, editor of Express Tribune, Rahimullah Yousafzai, executive editor of The News and Mariana Babar, diplomatic Editor of The News. Some parts of the conference were attended by Ms. Fauzia M. Sana, Pakistan’s High Commissioner to Singapore.
The Pakistani delegation in Singapore very attentively listened to the full session dedicated to Balochistan and patiently handled the Questions and Answer session. There was consensus between the Pakistani and India participants that Balochistan had been treated unfairly since the inception. Mushahid Hussain Syed, who chaired the session, went to the extent of elaborating the causes due to which a committee headed by him failed to resolve the problems of Balochistan. According to him, there is a chauvinist mindset the in country’s establishment that is unwilling to give equal rights to the people of Balochistan or concede their ownership on their natural resources. He said they had almost clinched a solution to the problems of Balochistan to which late Nawab Akbar Bugti had also agreed but the Establishment sabotaged the whole process in Balochistan which led to the disruption of contacts and alienation of the Balochs.
We had made some headway in Singapore and felt the need for addressing Balochistan as a case of negligence, exploitation and a classic example of how federating units turn hostile in a federation if they are denied autonomy and control over their own resources. However, the hawks in the Pakistani establishment were not very happy over whatever was discussed in Singapore on Balochistan. The anti-Baloch mindset which was discussed above does not only believe in excluding the Balochs from decision making process but it also believes that information from Balochistan must not reach to the rest of the world. Worst still, they are hostile to a Baloch perspective to be put before the regional and international community. Therefore, if issues like Balochistan are to be discussed, the establishment makes sure that non-Balochs speak for the Balochs at such platforms so that they further mislead the public opinion about Balochistan. It is this reason that one often hears many speakers in talk-shows on Pakistani talk-shows mentioning Balochs (the people) as Balochi (the language they speak). Yet, they, ironically, continue to be called as ‘experts on Balochistan.’
Much to their disappointment, we Balochs have started to talk on our behalf for the past few years. People like former Senator Sanaullah Baloch, who elegantly and assertively put the Baloch case before the national and international audience, have come as remarkable disappointment for these anti-Baloch elements. They have always agitated about the Balochs to speak for themselves.
I have become victim of similar personal attacks by the country’s establishment and some so-called journalists who can not digest seeing a Baloch speaking for his people and giving a candid and honest account of the ground realities in Balochistan. For the first time, I came under extraordinary criticism when an article of mine, ‘a homegrown conflict’, appeared on the op-ed page of Times of India on August 11, 2009. Interestingly, the first man to raise objections over my article was Ahmed Quraishi, a ‘Pakistani nationalist’. People in Pakistan know who is speaking when Qurashi speaks. I realized that the article had directly hit the establishment on its face. Demands were made that the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalist should condemn my article and declare me as an anti-national. I began to receive plenty of anonymous phone calls and threatening emails. It was surely a hard phase in my professional career when people from my own newspaper Daily Times spoke against me. For example, Nauman Tasleem, a staff reporter of Daily Times wrote on a Google mailing group, “You should not get angry with Mr Siraj Akbar for writing a pro-Indian article because he had been to India on SAFMA scholarship for one year in 2005. Mr Siraj Akbar during his scholarship must have observed (informed) many good things about India and came to know ‘countless’ evils of Pakistan.”
While there were many people in the Pakistani media who wrote against me in public, I was lucky enough to get some moral support of some reputed media professionals, mainly those from BBC Urdu Service and The News International.
My participation and presentation in Singapore about Balochistan irked several big guns in the establishment, mainly after the publication of a follow-up article in the Indian newspaper Business Standard by Aditi Phadnis. The article said: “The interesting thing about the (Singapore) conference was, there were differences between the Indians and Pakistanis on all other issues. But on Balochistan both sides – I repeat both sides – agreed that Balochistan had been treated very badly for several decades…This was most forcefully brought to the forefront by a young journalist, Malik Siraj Akbar who presented a strongly argued paper… “It (the paper) shows what a Pakistani Baloch feels about his own country. Reading it, one can understand and sympathise both the Baloch people and the Pakistani state. The Baloch people, because of the way they’ve been treated; the Pakistani state, because it must be so hard to govern a set of people as alienated from the country as those in Balochistan.
********************
As the date for the New Delhi conference approached, the organizers informed me that I could now apply for my visa at the Indian High Commission (IHC) in Islamabad. The Indian Interior Ministry had reportedly sent a list of people who had been cleared to be granted visas. Too naïve, I handed it over to a courier service. For a week, my passport went missing. It had not been delivered at the IHC. Every time, I checked the status of my passport, it was “pending” which meant that my passport had not been received at the IHC. One fine morning I got a call from a “private number”. As a journalist, I was quick enough to know that the call was either coming from the intelligence agencies or some spokesman of a Baloch armed group who often call the media and claim responsibility for certain violent operations.
The caller identified himself as a member of an infamous intelligence agency and said he had come to know that I was planning to visit India.
“Why are you going to India?” he asked.
“To speak at a conference,” I replied.
“What conference?” he asked.
“A peace conference,” I added.
“Peace?” he laughed.
“Yes peace.” I responded.
“Have you been to India before?” he wanted to know.
“Yes. Twice,” he answered.
“What for?”
Initially I wanted to say to get some funds for the Balochistan movement. Then it thought I polite chap would go hostile. So I decided to reply respectfully.
“Once to study and secondly to attend a conference,” he informed.
“Why have they only invited you?” the concerned official asked as if he was responsible to pay for my air ticket.
“I am not the only one. There are around ten to twelve people from Pakistan,” he clarified.
“Who are they?” the intelligence fellow made me believe that he was using a post-paid connection and he could afford to inquire for hours and hours. Unfortunately, we in Pakistan have unlimited resources to squander for these useless activities.
“ Aitzaz Ahsan, Asma Jhangir, Iqbal Haider…” he said.
“Aitzaz bi (too),”the intelligence official interrupted perhaps to assure me that he also knew the flamboyant Pakistani lawyer who used to recite a longer-than-a-speech poem during his judicial movement that was intended to restore the deposed (and now the reinstate) Chief Justice of Pakistan.
“Yes sir. Aitzaz is also supposed to speak at the conference.”
“So are you the only one from Balochistan?” Mr. Question continued.
“ No sir. Senator Hasil Khan Bizenjo is also coming,” he replied.
“Oh Hasil Bizenjo? We know him,” he laughed and said.
I laughed. He laughed. We laughed.
The official thanked me for providing him the information. The line disconnected.
*****************

“Private Number”
Again.
My phone rang again.
It was only three hours after the previous phone call.
“Hello,” I attended the phone.
This time it was a call from a “sister intelligence organization”.
“We are calling from the intelligence [of course, he mentioned the agency. I am going to give you ample time to speculate] we have heard you are going to India.”
“Yes, that is right,” he replied, “who told you?”
He laughed and said, “your passport is lying before us”
“My passport?” I was about to shriek with surprise.
“Yes your passport,” he interjected.
“But I sent my passport to the Indian High Commission via courier ( I am not mentioning the name of the courier. You could guess it yourselfs. It is the most popular one in Pakistan). How come it landed in your hands?” I said too many things in a single breath.
He laughed and said in a Punjabi accent English, “ O Sirrr Jeee.Everything comes to us. You don’t worry about it.”
For a minute, I went mad at the courier service’s professional dishonesty. How could they take my passport to someone else? Who would take responsibility for tomorrow my passport is put into another Ajmal Kasab’s pocket and I am declared as a terrorist? Thus, I would advise you all not to trust these courier services (at least in Pakistan) when applying for a visa. They will take your passport to different people and the status of your shipment will always state ‘pending’.
Once again I was asked the FAQ (frequently asked questions) about the objective of the conference, the organizers, the speakers, my role etc. I realized that our intelligence agencies were primarily tasked to do every possible thing that can prevent peace between India and Pakistan.
Honestly, I was impressed with the smooth transfer of my passport from one intelligence office to the other. Otherwise, cases at Pakistani courts take years to get settled. Postal mail takes months to get delivered from one district to the other. The only thing working fast in Pakistan at the moment was my passport!

*****************
“This is going to be momentous conference,” I told myself after ending my conversation with the second intelligence officer. “Some people are averse to Balochistan being discussed as a full agenda once, this time in India. They will try to prevent me from going there,” I concluded.
By virtue of Google Alerts, I receive the link to a story published in an online Pakistan mail called Daily Mail that said “Raw organizes seminar with aim to target Balochistan”. I smiled and opened the link. The report had been filed what appeared to be a fake name called Christina Palmer. I knew that is how coward men in Pakistan behave i.e use female names to say things that they can not say with their real names. A large section of the report targeted me. It said, “the Daily Mail’s findings indicate, no senior journalist or intellectual from Pakistan has been selected to speak but merely one nationalist journalist from Baluchistan who runs a separatism nationalists Online newspaper from Baluchistan and got his Journalism degrees from Asian College of Journalism, Chennai India and is known for toeing the RAW lines regarding Baluchistan has been invited from the Media side. The Baluchistani journalist, Siraj Malik has graduated from Asian College of Journalism at Chennai India while Chennai is known as the hub of RAW-run think tanks and it is an established fact that the RAW people keep nurturing the foreigners, linked to Indian education or research organizations.”
This was surely a planted story. I must confess that even the writer of this report had never imagined how deep impact this report would have on the entire conference and on some speakers from the Pakistani side. This report was reproduced by around two dozen online newspapers, blogs, mailing groups.

*****************
A week had passed since I sent my passport to the Indian High Commission. I kept on asking at the IHC about the status of my passport. They would say it had not been received there yet. I checked the status of the passport on the website. “Pending”, it showed. As the conference got closer, I became more desperate to get my visa issued. Because in the meanwhile I was also supposed to attend a media training on “digital journalism, ethics, covering religious and ethnic minorities and opinion writing” on January 6-8, 2010 in Kathmandu, Nepal. The training was being funded by the United Nations’ Alliance for Civilizations and led by International Center For Journalists (ICFJ) and Search for Common Ground. I wanted to go to Nepal as I have got a few excellent friends. Thus, I made my mind that I would travel to New Delhi a day before the commencement of the conference. It did not happen. I had to miss the Nepal training because of the ‘disappearance’ of my passport.
One day I got a call from the courier service saying that the Indian High Commission had refused to take my passport. I knew what the real story was. A similar excuse had been given to another delegate from Islamabad of the same conference. On the other hand, the IHC officials said they saw no reasons to refuse to collect someone’s passport who is applying for a visa. After all, the Indian Interior Ministry had had already sent the list of participants who should be issued visa to attend the conference.
“ What should we do with your passport now?” Asked the lady at the courier service.
“I want my passport back,” I demanded.
“Ok. You will get it after two days,” she said.
Two days later, when I called at the courier office, I was told that my passport was in Karachi.
Too furious, I asked why my passport had landed in Karachi. It is a very important document, I insisted. In the first place, the courier service took it to some intelligence officers and now it had been taken to Karachi even though Karachi was now a third and utterly irrelevant destination.
“I don’t understand why my passport was taken to Karachi. I want it immediately,” I said, planning that I would go to Islamabad myself to apply for a visa. Day by day, some invisible but omnipresent forces were trying to prevent me from attending the conference. This was all due to the so-called ‘investigative report’ published in Daily Mail which insisted that the conference was ‘targeting Balochistan” or the other newspapers subsequently argued “equating Balochistan with Kashmir” (the latter argument was put in the Nation and Pakistan Observer in a few articles).
“Ok sir,” said the courier officer, “But you will have to wait till Monday morning to get your passport.”
I was annoyed but preferred to wait. I knew ‘they’ were deliberately doing this so that I could not get my passport until the conference ended.
The first thing I did on Monday morning was to call the courier office to inquire about my passport. The lady at the courier office said my passport was still in Karachi and it had not arrived yet. I protested and said I would report the professional dishonesty on their part and how my passport had been taken to the agencies in the media. It seems that the lady also knew more than an outsider about the greed of newspaper owners towards private companies’ advertisements. She replied quickly, “Sir, no newspaper will publish a news story against us. They all get advertisements from us.” I was speechless. Thus, soon I changed my tone and tried to reconcile. She said I should call again in the afternoon about the status of my passport.
When I went there a few hours later, a young man sat in on the seat. I was cursing myself why I had to endure so much only to go to India. Later on, an Indian journalist friend, while commenting on the Daily Mail report, laughed and said I had become a declared Indian agent by now. He further ridiculed me by saying, “ Sala what would you get to become an Indian agent. If one is to become an agent then one should become an American agent.” I agreed with him and said I wished Ahmed Quarashi, a Pakistani nationalist writer who had also joined the media trail of mine by then, could also understand how funny he sounded when he dubbed people as Indian agents. I mean why would one want to become an Indian agent?

After checking the status of my passport on the computer, the official at the courier office once again said that my passport was still in Karachi. I went mad. I literally began to shout at him saying that it was too unethical and unprofessional behavior their part. How could they take my passport to the cops and then take it to Karachi.

“Calm down sir. Let me check again. There is no need to get angry about it,” he said. Having said that, the same guy who checked the status of my passport in a computer fixed in front of him a few minutes ago saying that it was laying in Karachi was now offering me a packet carrying my passport. I was shocked.

“Sorry sir about the inconvenience. It was not in Karachi but put somewhere here in our office. But we had been asked to keep it here,” he clarified. I knew who had asked them to keep the passport there. Without entering into another argument, I took my passport and flew to Islamabad the next day. I thought the trouble was over now. It was not: Thanks to the circulating Daily Mail investigative report. Thus, some well wishers in Islamabad asked me not to walk to the IHC myself as cops might harm me physically if they see me there. I agreed and some friends organizing the conference helped me to get the visa.

Some friends in Islamabad approached me saying that they were surprised over my calmness over the Daily Mail report. Even they also wanted me to clarify why Daily Mail had reported, “Siraj Malik has graduated from Asian College of Journalism at Chennai India while Chennai is known as the hub of RAW-run think tanks and it is an established fact that the RAW people keep nurturing the foreigners, linked to Indian education or research organizations.” I knew the seriousness of the matter.
“I am waiting for the right time to answer all these allegations,” I said.
“But when. This report is everywhere. This is going to tarnish your credibility. They are going to brand you as an Indian agent,” said this friend of mine at dinner.
“C’mon yar. Who takes Ahmed Quarisihi seriously? I will mention the truth about my scholarship to India after I return from there. Right now, my concern is only to go there and speak on Balochistan. If I react on my blog, facebook or on these mailing groups, the fellows at Daily Mail may think that they have scared me,” I said, “try to understand. I am going to be the youngest speaker in the entire conference. There are some people who do not want a Baloch journalist to go and speak for his people. They want to disturb me. I can’t afford to get into any kid of discussion as it will lead to no where.”
He agreed but asked me to promise that I will write a detailed report on my return from India. This write-up is dedicated to this friend of mine in the United Nations.

*****************

How did I go to Chennai?
Actually, South Asia Foundation (http://www.southasiafoundation.org), “ In an innovative move designed to promote regional cooperation, has instituted 16 full scholarships for young people from the seven SAARC countries to study at the Asian College of Journalism (ACJ), Chennai (http://www.asianmedia.org). Scholarships are awarded to a young woman and a young man with a passion for journalism, from each of the seven SAARC countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.
According to the SAF website, the SAF Madanjeet Singh scholars from each SAARC country are selected by the SAF Chairperson, assisted by the respective Advisory Board, of that country. The scholarships will cover the tuition, living and travel costs of the selected students for the duration of the ACJ’s ten-month post-graduate diploma course in journalism. The students can choose to study in one of the two media streams offered by the ACJ: the Print Media and Broadcast Media streams.
I would surely not go for such details about my Indian scholarship but I am mentioning everything here for the reason to make things clear in everybody’s minds that I did not go to India as part of the so-called “Indian involvement in Balochistan to support the Balochs”.
I applied for SAF scholarship in 2005 when I was already working as an editorial assistant with the Balochistan Express and contributed to the Herald, Pakistan’s most influential current affairs magazine published by Dawn Group of newspapers from Karachi. The committee that chose me for this scholarship comprised of prominent Pakistani journalists Najam Sethi, Imtiaz Alam and renowned artist Salima Hashmi.
In an email written to me on 16 April 2006, Najam Sethi said: “I personally selected you for two reasons: 1. You were the most promising young journalist in Balochistan. (2) You were from Balochistan which desperately needs good journalists.” The other journalist who traveled with me to Indian under the same scholarship was Huma Sadaf, a sub-editor with the website of South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA). Of course, we were the first batch of the Pakistanis to go to the excellent Asian College of Journalism (ACJ).
The SAF website even today displays an article and picture of mine receiving my certificate at the Asian College of Journalism convocation on May 3, 2006 (World Press Freedom Day) from Mark Young, CEO of BBC World.

http://www.southasiafoundation.org/pakistan/pakistan_group_scholarships.htm

I am sure the world is a sane place to know that RAW would not be stupid enough to train journalists so publicly, as Daily Mail and subsequent reports mentioned about me.
I often wonder what my fault is if I have had the maximum number of bylines out of all Pakistani graduates who got the SAF scholarship. Why should I be blamed if I have been quoted more often in the national and international media or invited to speak more frequently than anyone else from Pakistan who availed the SAF scholarship? Well, I don’t want to sound like Zardari by using the word “crime” but I presume my biggest ‘crime’ is that I have proven the fact that if a scholarship is given to a deserving rural young man, it can turn out to be an agent of remarkable personal and professional revolution. I do not hesitate in admitting that SAF scholarship and the ACJ experience totally reshaped my life and showed me new directions of standing on my feet.
It was my Chennai experience that made me such a staunch supporter of regional peace, integration and cooperation. India and Pakistan can really learn a lot from each other’s expertise and experiences. We can change this region by offering scholarships to our students and younger generation not by exploding atomic bombs. I love India because I made some of my best friends there without realizing that they were Hindus, Christens, Zoroastrians and Jewish.

*****************

On January 8th, 2010, I was to fly from Islamabad to Lahore so that I could travel from there to New Delhi the next day. I learned on the same morning that my booking with the Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) to Islamabad, which was made several days ago, had been ‘cancelled’. Who did it? “They” did it. Yet, I realized that this trip was going to be an extraordinary adventure for me now. A bumpy ride awaited me. I was wiling to face the bumpy ride. I managed to get another ticket at the eleventh hour to fly to Lahore. The flight was delayed for several hours due to dust in Lahore. Finally, I got to Lahore where the organizers of the conference had arranged my accommodation at Sun Fort Hotel in Liberty Hotel.

An official of the Intelligence Bureau caught me at my hotel. He already knew everything about the conference. I must admit the guy knew A to Y (of course not Z) about me. He tried to make the last effort to dissuade me from going to India to speak in the conference. He said I would have to face the “consequences” if I did not give up my plans to go to India. I said it was too late for him to give me the ‘brotherly’ advice not to go to the conference because I was not the only one to go to the conference. I said it was very weird why I was only being harassed while there were around 10 other participants from Punjab. The “brother” from the IB walked away.

Soon after the encounter with the intelligence official, I came back to my room and wrote emails to all my contacts, mainly the organizers of the seminar and fellows delegates from Pakistan who were going to attend the conference with me. As expected, my progressive and liberal friends stood with me in unity and assured me of complete support. I will be trying to avoid using the names of my friends. A senior journalist friend, incensed over the continous harrasement of mine, immediately wrote back to me that she would speak to the Pakistani High Commission the next day about the agencies’ treatment with me.
“We must immediately prepare a statement and send it to the two PMs [Prime Ministers] and Foreign Ministers. I can draft it and we can send it soonest. Also. Copies to the media on both sides. Publicity is usually the best deterrent,” she recommended… The challenges seem enormous and we really admire and appreciate the effort you all are putting into this. Just hope that they do not try to stop Siraj [at the airport the next day].”

In response to my mail, another fellow delegate, a professor at the Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad and a renowned peace activist, said: ” Someone called me this afternoon identifying himself as Khalid from intelligence. He would not tell which agency, though. He knew that I had applied for Indian visa for this conference and wanted to know if I had recommended someone from Balochistan to the Indian High Commission for visa. This fits in with what Siraj is saying.

Likewise, a prominent Pakistani anti-establishment writer, whose book shook the very foundations of the Pakistani military establishment by exposing its corporate interests, wrote: “This is most unfortunate. This same Khalid guy called my house as well making inquiries from my servant as I wasn’t there. There is a possibility that Siraj may be stopped from boarding the flight tomorrow. The intelligence walas i.e ahmed Qureshi has already started his campaign against the conference. This is sad but not bad as we will also understand the challenges that face the region and those that desire peace.”
I began to feel that I was not alone. I had a lot of brave comrades continuously supporting me. One such friend said: “Friends, it’s a serious matter. We must sit and plan how to take care of our comrades & peace loving people.”
The next day, January 9th, we all thought that I would be stopped at the airport. I was not. But the heat of the conference was still there. Dozens of abusive and threatening emails flooded my mail box. I was being warned not to go and speak at the so-called “RAW sponsored-conference intended to target Balochistan.” I had a professional commitment to which I was determined not to back out despite the heavy risks involved.
…………………………..

The conference began on Sunday 10 January. We learnt that Sherry Rehman, former federal information minister, had decided not to come to the conference mainly due to the negative media campaign unleashed against the conference by the “Pakistani nationalists.” I thought there was a need for all of us to surpass these enemies of regional peace and cooperation. Of course the challenges were too high. Yet, surrendering before these enemies of regional peace could have long-term negative implications on our coming generations. We had to fight them.

Speaking in the first session of the conference, a Punjabi lawyer-cum-senior leader of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party Aitzaz Ahsan stunned me when he protested on the stage about the inclusion of Balochistan as a agenda in the conference. He insisted that there were allegations that the India intelligence agency RAW was penetrating in Balochistan and discussing the issue of Balochistan in a conference would further disturb the relations between the two countries. For a moment, I could not believe my eyes that he was the same man who led a long march in Pakistan for the restoration of the deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan. Why was he so averse to discussing Balochistan when the people of Balochistan desperately needed international attention due to a military operation imposed on them for so long?

“We must avoid controversial issues or expanding the canvass to controversial matters,” said Ahsan in the presence of the Pakistani High Commission at the conference, ” Matters on which there can be no agreement. We do not discuss the movements in Mizoram and Asam. We do not want to discuss from Pakistan what the Naxalite are doing in India or what is happening in several other regions like Tamil Nadu etc. I would have avoided Balochistan. You (organizers of the conference) put it (Balochistan) in the program. The issue of autonomy in Balochistan. The issue of autonomy in Kashmir. They are not the same. You are rolling the significance of Kashmir unnecessarily with the boggy of Balochistan. Already, there are suspicions that in Balochistan there is RAW peneteration. Already there is a lot of debate going on in Pakistan on that issue…let us not discuss Mizoram, Asam and let us not discuss Balochistan. You can’t equate it with Kashmir. Kashmir has a history. Kashmir has a background. The Kashmir dispute has legal UN resolutions. I want it to be resolved between India and Pakistan.”

…………………………..

“I really don’t understand your people,” repeated this journalist-cum-organizer during the tea break. Aitzaz’s speech had turned the table. The organizers were never expecting such objections to be raised at the eleventh hour.
” Why did Aitzaz behave like this?” I asked my first question.
“Simple,” said another fellow Indian journalist standing at my side, “Aitzaz does not want to become another Najam Sethi (a Pakistani newspaper editor who was picked up by the country’s spy masters after delivering a ‘controversial’ speech in India in 1999 and brutally tortured in the custody.
We were supposed to speak on Balochistan and Kashmir the next day. All like-minded people gathered to decide what to do next. The organizers confessed that they had never expected Aitzaz to object on Balochistan. Now, if the continued to include Balochistan as an agenda the next day, this could lead to the failure of the entire conference.
Some suggested that we drop Balochistan as an agenda. The others recommended that I should not speak at all. A third suggestion came that I should soften my tone and speak about everything but the armed struggle and the demand for an independent Balochistan. There was also this suggestion that I should cut my talk as short as for two minutes. I insisted that I had already endured my phase of media trial and harrasement even before coming to India. Therefore, it was meaningless for me to give up my plans to speak on Balochistan. Even if I return to Pakistan without speaking on Balochistan, no one is going to believe that I did not speak on Balochistan.
By then, I learnt that Asma Jhangir, the chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), who was one of the speakers on the Balochistan session, had also politely refused to speak on Balochistan. I was in a fix and for the first time felt betrayed. I had agreed to speak given the agreement that Asma Jhangir would also speak on Balochistan. Now, only two Balochs – Senator Hasil Khan Bizenjo and I were left to speak on Balochistan. Friends around said it was a deliberate plan on the part of those people to either oppose Balochistan being mentioned in the conference or refuse to speak in order to show the Pakistani establishment their credentials. Secondly, they wanted to resend a message to Islamabad that look it is the ‘traitor Balochs’ who are always in the forefront of ‘defaming’ the Islamic Republic.
The next day, I came to know that the organizers had decided to change the topic of Balochistan and replaced it with Federalism and multi-culturism. The session began early in the morning. In order to further show their commitment to the country’s ruling elite that we had nothing at all to do with Balochistan, the three liberals and champions of human rights – Aitzaz Ahsan, Iqbal Haider and Asma Jhangir – deliberately bunked the session in which we were supposed to speak.
The session on “Federalism and multi-cultrualism’ was chaired by veteran Indian newspaper editor Nehal Singh. I had met Nehal for the first time during the Summer Academy at the Asian College of Journalism (ACJ) during my second trip to Indian in April-May 2007. The best quote I got during that training program, which was organized by the German organization International Institute for Journalism (IIJ) for the young journalists of South Asia, came from Nehal Singh who said: ” We journalists think we can change the world; we can’t.” I remember when I got to Pakistan from that conference, I wrote a piece for Daily Times which was published with the title: ” Journalists can’t change the world’. I reminded Nehal of that quote and he laughed besides admiring my ability to remember the contents of his lecture.
The first speaker in the session was a professor from New Delhi University who gave a very lucid and academic account of the topic. Secondly, Mir Hasil Khan came on the stage to speak. He was the first and the only speaker who spoke in Urdu during the conference. Much to my disappointment, not to my surprise though, Hasil Khan, a senator from the National Party, spoke on everything but not Balochistan. ” Hasil is a bluff master. See, how cleaverly he is ignoring the issue of Balochistan and beating about the bush. Tera kia hoga kalia,” I muttered while whispering to myself. This was an eye-opener for me how even a Baloch leader could be intimidated by the security establishment. I felt bad how a Baloch leader was wasting an excellent opportunity to discuss Balochistan. Understandbaly, I was not expecting him to discuss the grave violation of human rights in his home province but he should have at least given a description of his own party. This reminded me of a quote my friend Ahmar Masthi Khan told me that life ends, art does not.
Hasil Khan suggesting that India-Pakistan and China should form a united block to contain America’s growing influence in the region. In his views, the United States was trying to colonize the South Asian region in order to control its natural resources.
When my turn came, I had a lot of options, as many as Hasil Khan did. But I was very clear about what I had to say. I told the audience that people normally face the heat of a conference or of what they say in the aftermath of an event but I had already undergone a medial trial and personal harrasement by the country’s intelligence agencies in my efforts to make it to New Delhi. I clarified that being a journalist, my job was only to present the facts without necessarily subscribing to the views of any specific political group. Therefore, my presentation of the ground situation in Balochistan should not be mistaken as my vote of confidence and support to certain political groups.
I told the conference that I had been invited to speak in the conference on Balochistan. With deliberately taking the name of Aitzaz Ahsan, I said it is ridiculous that we (the media and civil society representatives) often make promises to defeat the security establishment of both in India and Pakistan to make peace between the two countries and bring the people closer to each other. Yet, it is very strange that still allow individiduals like Mr. Ahsan to hijack an entire agenda of the conference because he seems to disagree with the inclusion of Balochistan as a full agenda in the conference.
” If we are unprepared to discourage individuals from hijacking a conference then we shall never be able to defeat the hawks in both the countries to bring peace in the region,” I said, ” I had had been invited to speak in this conference to speak on Balochistan but now I am told that the title of this morning is not Balochistan but Federalism and Multicultrism because Mr. Ashan protested yester over the inclusion of Balochistan. I am a Baloch journalist. I was born and brought up in Balochistan. I write on Balochistan. The Urdu poet Perveen Shahkir said.

Bakht say shikayat hey na aflak say hey
Yahee kai kam hey ki mujy nisbath is khak say hey

Khawab main be thumain bholoon tho rawa rakh wo rawiya
Jo hawa ka khas o khashak say hey

“I write on Balochistan and that is the area of my focus. However, I have been asked to avoiding talking on Balochistan but to speak on Federalism and Multiculturism. However, I would refuse in protest to speak on this topic. I have come to speak on Balochistan. If Mr. Chairman I am allowed to speak on Balochistan keeping in view that when I go back and write my report this session would be mentioned as the “Session on Balochistan” not on “Federalism and Multiculturism”. If I am not allowed to speak on Balochistan, I will sit back in my chair in protest and not speak a word.”
There was complete silence for a few seconds.
“Go on,” said Nehal Singh, the chairman of the session, “you can speak on Balochistan.” A similar response and desire was displayed by the audience indicating that they really wanted to hear about Balochistan. I spoke about the historic context of Balochistan as to why the province had found it so difficult to integrate itself with the state of Pakistan since the very inception. I fully rejected Aitzaz Ahsan’s notion that Balochistan was a different case from Kashmir. I insisted that Balochistan was a stronger case than Kashmir because the states of Kalat (Present day Balochistan) and Nepal were never dealt with directly by the British rulers via New Delhi. They only ruled these two states through proxies and agreements. Therefore, it was wrong in the first place to forcefully incorporate the independent state of Kalat into the fledgling state of Pakistan and it was further wrong to discriminate against the people of the province and exploit their natural resources over the years.
Balochistan, I added, would not have become such a mess if successive rulers in Pakistan had worked sincerely to run the country as a strong federation by decentralizing powers and strengthening the federating units. Betrayal, negligence and exploitation of so many years have given birth to secessionist tendencies in Balochistan from time to time. Instead of responding to these issues politically, the governments have been applying brute force to further fan the anti-Pakistan sentiments among the youth of Balochistan. I insisted that with the passage of time, it was becoming very difficult for moderate political parties such as the National Party and the Balochistan National Party (BNP) to give a justification for their existence as they were no longer substantially contributing in meeting the public expectations.
While, I had thought of focusing on some current perspectives on Balochistan, the denial of Asma Jhangir to speak on Balochistan and then Hasil Khan’s decision to beat about the bush made it very difficult for me to summarize the whole case of Balochistan within eight to ten minutes. The conference exposed the real faces of the Pakistani liberals. These people, when visiting Balochistan, keep telling the Balochs that they are their greatest supporters but they show their real face, which is not very different from the face of the security establishment, when they are speaking at different venues.
Interestingly, one our return from the conference, Iqbal Haider, who had deliberately bunked the session on Balochistan seemingly in order to convince the country’s high commission posted in New Delhi that he had nothing to do with people who talked of federalism and multiculturism (leave alone Balochistan), addressed a press conference in Karachi. When a journalist from a private news channel asked if it was true that his group had opposed the inclusion of Balochistan as an agenda in the New Delhi conference, he admitted having done that. Pakistan’s leading daily, The News, quoted Iqbal Haider as saying, ““Some people from Pakistan proposed to discuss Balochistan issue at the conference but we rejected it because we thought it should not be discussed on Indian soil,” he said. He, however, made it clear that there were not two opinions that military action in Balochistan should come to a halt, adding, maximum provincial autonomy should be given to that province and “missing” people should be recovered.”
Referring to me, Iqbal said only one journalist from Balochistan had insisted that Balochistan should be discussed while the others opposed it. He was lying when he said that the had agreed that the military action in Balochistan should come to halt. When did he say that? Can he clarify? Why is he trying to become a hero now when he shamelessly opposed Balochistan issue there? Let’s say no to double standards.
My readers who were present in that conference will confirm that Iqbal Haider, Asma Jhangir and Aitzaz Ahsan were not inside the conference hall when we were discussing Balochistan. So why on the earth is he fooling that Blaochs saying that he raised the issue of the military operation when he even did not speak a single word on Balochistan? The problem with these Pakistani liberals is that they keep telling lies to the poor masses but they have to say something very different when they are speaking before the country’s top officials.
What satisfied me during the conference was the fact that we Balochs no longer depended on these hypocrites to raise the voice of Balochistan. If they wish to remain with the people of Balochistan, our people will surely admire and welcome them. But if they are bent upon gaining benefits from Balochistan as well as the ruling establishment, I am sure the raising educated Balochs will chase and expose them at all platforms. They should know that Balochistan is a genuine political case not a blank cheque for the liberal elite of Lahore to notch scores.
 

Singh

Phat Cat
Super Mod
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
20,311
Likes
8,403
Country flag
Nawabzada Hair Biyar Marri's Interview

 
Last edited by a moderator:

Singh

Phat Cat
Super Mod
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
20,311
Likes
8,403
Country flag
Balochistan: Pakistan's broken mirror


Baloch children hold up nationalist posters.

Islamabad's brutal attempts to crush ethnic Baloch nationalism have met with fierce, escalating resistance - and have laid bare the strains that threaten the founding idea of Pakistan. Madiha R Tahir reports from the rallies, homes and hospital rooms of the fifth Baloch rebellion.

A child is fiddling with a poster of a mustachioed man, a missing political worker who may be his father or his uncle, and who is in all likelihood, dead. He draws my immediate attention, this child, because out of the thousands seated around him in row upon neat row inside the open-air tent, he is the only one not focused on the stage, the blazing lights, the young man holding forth in angry punctuated bellows.

“I am not a friend of Pakistan!” Zahid Baloch bangs the podium to emphasise his point, his countenance flushed, severe. “I am not a friend of the People’s Party!” He bangs the podium again, and the evening air swells with the ferocious stillness of his audience, tense and alert like a taut muscle.

Two days earlier, on January 15, the Pakistan army’s Frontier Corps had opened fire on a student protest in south-eastern Balochistan, killing two students and injuring four more – the latest casualties in an escalating war between the state of Pakistan and nationalists in Balochistan, the country’s largest and most sparsely populated province, where the fifth sustained rebellion against Islamabad since 1948 is seething.


A motorcyclist rides past graffiti in a Baloch neighbourhood in Karachi, Pakistan. A famous quote from Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, it reads: "Freedom needs patriots instead of voters"

Zahid is the secretary-general of the largest student movement in Balochistan, a fierce opponent of the central government and the more mainstream Baloch parties. At this twilight gathering in Lyari, home to a sizeable Baloch community, he delivers a verbal blow to the waffling nationalist parties. “The Baloch are the enemy of the National Party! The Baloch are the enemy of the BNP-Mengal!” The crowd has heard itself affirmed. Wild applause erupts, a release.

The next speaker is Abdul Wahab Baloch, the scruffy and soft-spoken, white-bearded head of the Baloch Rights Council. Midway through his talk, he switches abruptly from Balochi into Urdu. “Tonight, we have a foreign journalist among us who is here to report the Baloch cause, and we welcome her.”

I turn around to hunt for a foreign face, eager to find another female journalist – and find the crowd watching me. The realisation blooms. Oh. You mean me. Here in Karachi, the city of my birth, I am suddenly a foreigner. I wave nervously, unsure of how to respond. How many among the crowd will talk to me when they realise I am a Punjabi, the politically and numerically dominant group in Pakistan, and the eternal target of Baloch nationalist ire?


Karachi residents sit near a wall painted with the Balochistan Liberation Army flag and a poster of the assassinated nationalist and tribal leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti.

A caterwauling rises up from the semidarkness, and then a rallying cry. “Pakistan murdabad!” “Die Pakistan!”

Outside, my taxi driver has been waiting uncomfortably, ringing my phone every so often as darkness descends in a plea to hurry it up. He is an ethnic Pashtun: the two groups have an uneasy peace, and Lyari, a large ghetto with a million residents, is nowhere to be after dark. As I get into the car, he asks, “Everything done?”

“Yeah.”

“Good.” He sounds relieved that I will not be directing him elsewhere. “Let’s get out of here.”

Nearly half of Pakistan’s land mass, Balochistan is a voluminous desert, a bone-dry expanse unfurling into sinuous cliffs set on a rilled desert floor. In the south along the Makran coast, weathered Baloch fishermen extract their livelihood from the coruscating waters of the Arabian Sea. Further inward, sheer bluffs give way to date palm groves and patches of green farm.


A portrait of Nawab Khair Baksh Marri adorns a wall in Karachi's Baloch district.

To the west and north, the province is bounded by Afghanistan and Iran, each of which has its own Baloch population; the Pashtuns who predominate in the northern part of the province also spill across international borders. The province’s location at this explosive geopolitical crossroads – as well as its vast mineral resources and valuable coastline – have focused the anxieties of international powers near and far, suggesting that a new Great Game may take Balochistan as its target. Tehran worries about what conflicts in Balochistan will mean for its own Sistan-Balochistan province, whose Baloch population has been brutally suppressed by the state. The Americans are concerned about the Taliban who have taken refuge in the province’s Pashtun belt and the leaders of the Afghan Taliban long believed to be operating out of Quetta. Washington is also concerned about China’s increasing involvement in the area, most visibly the deep-water port at Gwadar, built with Chinese investment and intended to provide an Indian Ocean foothold for Beijing.

But for the government of Pakistan – and particularly for its army – Balochistan is first and foremost the epicentre of a stubbornly secular Baloch national rebellion whose endurance poses a threat to the state’s ideological and geographical coherence.

Balochistan is a looking glass for Pakistan today, reflecting the tortuous struggle to imagine a national community. How the state handles the rising tide of Baloch nationalism will also determine the future of Pakistan’s nationalist project.


Posters of martyred Baloch leaders on display in a local electrical repair store.


So far the tidings are poor. Over the course of six decades Islamabad has failed to come to terms with Baloch nationalism; the province has almost always been under the effective control of the army or the intelligence services. During the 1970s and the 1980s, the threat of secular Baloch nationalism provided one rationale for the Islamicisation policies of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Zia ul Haq, who hoped that a resurgence of Islamist-nationalist sentiment would undermine the appeal of Baloch nationalism. Ironically, the government routinely attempts to discredit the Baloch separatists internationally by associating them with the Taliban. More recent reports have alleged that American funds intended for use against the Taliban have been diverted to the war on Balochistan’s secular militants.

Before its accession to Pakistan, parts of modern-day Balochistan were ruled by the British; other parts comprised the princely state of Kalat. As Pakistani nationalism crystallised around the idea of a homeland for a religious minority, Baloch nationalists stressed their ethnic identity as the basis for an independent state. They cast Pakistani nationalism, underwritten by religion, as a ruse for Punjabi dominance, but under pressure, the Khan of Kalat acceded in March 1948, triggering the “first rebellion”, which was quickly put down by the army. Two more rebellions rose up in the 1950s and 1960s, paving the way for the bloody confrontation that stretched from 1973 to 1977, pitting some 55,000 Baloch against more than 80,000 Pakistani troops. Hundreds of Pakistani soldiers and 5,000 Baloch died before the insurgency was finally suppressed. One of its initial leaders was the militant nationalist and sardar, Nawab Khair Baksh Marri.

When I go to meet Marri in his Karachi home, a man carrying the most enormous brown rooster swings the gate open and tells me to wait. As we head down the garden path, I hear more roosters crowing; Marri is well-known as a lover of cockfighting. A line of men sit in the neat garden, huddled in quiet conversation. Marri is seated in the veranda wearing an impeccable Baloch-styled peach salwaar kameez and Baloch cap listening attentively to a man with a bright turquoise ring and a peak cap. They’re speaking in Balochi flecked with English; the occasional word or phrase can be overheard: “ideology”, “human rights”, “NGOs”.

Marri was an apolitical youth, but he was radicalised by the army’s merciless campaign to put down the “second rebellion” in 1958; he emerged from several prison stints as a Marxist-Leninist and a hardline nationalist who rejected Baloch participation in parliamentary politics. “The rules are theirs, so you can’t win a match,” he tells me. In his telling, the very structure of the state is illegitimate: “We were Muslims already,” he says. “We were Baloch already. The British grouped all the conquered people together [into Pakistan]. That’s not a justification: grouping people together just for being Muslims.”

Marri has been linked to the ongoing armed struggle, and his Moscow-educated son, Mir Balaach Marri, was killed as he waged guerrilla warfare in 2007. His son’s death spurred Marri, usually reclusive, to argue more publicly for Baloch independence, but his manner remains deceptively soft, like a knife cloaked in silk. The Baloch, he says, can draw inspiration from the Vietnamese resistance to America: “Vietnam wasn’t an atomic power,” he concludes. “That’s why we have to do the same thing: Punjabi sons will die.”

Though the stakes today are higher than ever, most of the Baloch grievances are now decades-old. The province, whose gas reserves are among the largest in Asia, accounts for half of the country’s gas production, with the lion’s share forcibly exported to Punjab. Balochistan’s resources produce roughly a billion dollars annually for the central government; the Balochis receive pennies in return. The local population remains gut-wrenchingly poor, living in sparse shanty towns with little in the way of infrastructure outside of multiplying army encampments – only one reason why local discontent, especially among young Baloch, has found its outlet in increasingly militant Baloch separatism.

During the tenure of General Pervez Musharraf, who seized power in 1999, the army again took a leading role in the administration of the province, and the government proceeded apace with the construction of army garrisons and other mega-projects that the Baloch regarded as inimical or irrelevant to local interests, like the massive Chinese-funded port at Gwadar. These became targets for attacks by guerrilla groups like the Baloch Liberation Army.

The “fifth rebellion” began in earnest in 2004, and grew more intense after the rape of a Baloch doctor who worked at the province’s largest gasfields. After the army refused to allow the police to interrogate the suspects, one of whom was an army officer, massive protests erupted, led by the ageing nationalist and tribal leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti.

“Don’t push us,” Musharraf warned Baloch militants during an interview in January 2005. “It isn’t the 1970s when you can hit and run and hide in the mountains. This time, you won’t even know what hit you.”

Bugti, who once worked with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to oust more hard-line rivals from the provincial government, went underground to lead an insurgency with 5,000 of his tribesmen. Helicopter gunships pounded Bugti’s tribal areas, and on the morning of August 26 2006, the snow-bearded Bugti was killed while hiding in a cave in Kohlu. Islamabad hoped that this would be the final blow, but it gravely miscalculated. Rioters burst onto the streets, burning cars and smashing windows in the immediate aftermath. Shopkeepers went on strike. The central government deployed the paramilitary Rangers, arrested over 450 people and imposed an indefinite curfew, but the violence spread to Baloch neighbourhoods in Karachi where protesters rallied and burnt tires. The assassination was roundly condemned as a major political blunder. Bugti was, after all, a leader who had been open to dialogue with the state. His death provided yet another blood-soaked example to consolidate Baloch nationalism and awaken younger Baloch to the futility of dialogue.

I arrived in Quetta on a crisp January afternoon to join a throng of camera crews crowded on circular embankment to film a Balochistan National Party rally making its way down the city’s main artery.

A few thousand men – I saw no women either among the journalists or the protesters – marched purposefully, dressed in Baloch wear and light jackets, while policemen stood by, batons in hand. The BNP has traditionally participated in electoral politics, and its focus has been on greater autonomy for Balochistan and local control of natural resources; its willingness to work within the Pakistani system has brought the inevitable accusations of treachery and opportunism from more militant nationalist factions. But the intransigence of the central government seems to have alienated even the more moderate members of the BNP: when I scrambled off the concrete island to walk alongside four of the young protesters, they evinced little appetite for elections or compromises.

“They killed the Baloch! They’re trying to spread fear!” a young student named Tauqir Ahmed tells me loudly. A hopeful fuzz lines his upper lip. He keeps his eyes on the road as he talks, moving in quick strides. “They should know that we prefer to be killed than to put our heads down!” Ahmed is suffused with his own certainty, a self-conscious bravado animating his words. “They think they can just kill us. Now we’ll show them what a Baloch is!” And then as though he’s decided he must declare this to someone down the road tout de suite, his pace quickens. His friends, invigorated by their comrade’s words, and not to be outdone, bruise the air with their fists, swell expansively and shout: “Pakistan murdabad!” Other men and other boys roll past repeating the slogan, throwing it back to the crowd, holding it aloft in the air.

In the week preceding this march, targeted killings in Karachi neighbourhoods, including Lyari, have claimed the lives of 27 Baloch. Raids conducted by the police to “clean up” Lyari fanned the flames even further, leading to massive demonstrations by local Baloch. The neighbourhood had traditionally been a stronghold of the Bhutto family’s Pakistan People’s Party, but it has increasingly come under the sway of Baloch parties, who have been working hard since Bugti’s murder to inculcate ethnic nationalist sentiment – and thereby connect the Baloch scattered across the country into one force. That the murders in Karachi are being protested in Quetta is one sign that they have been successful.

Three days after this march, the Frontier Corps opened fire on students in Khuzdar – sparking the protest led by Zahid Baloch that I attended in Lyari.

When I spoke to the organiser of the Quetta protest, a BNP leader named Akhtar Hussein Langau – who held a seat in the Balochistan Assembly until he resigned after Bugti’s assassination in 2006 – he pointed to the army presence as a principal cause of the alienation young Baloch feel from the state of Pakistan. “We asked them to stop building the army cantonments and they wouldn’t,” he told me over tea shortly before the rally, “but they had no problem killing [Bugti].” Four army cantonments exist in Balochistan and Islamabad is planning several more. Most of these are not where the Taliban roam, but in Baloch lands that are resource-rich and seething with rebellion. Pakistan’s Air Force has six bases here; the Navy has three. And hundreds of checkpoints dot the province. “The ground reality,” asserts Langau, “is that all of Balochistan is a cantonment.”

In November, Islamabad offered to halt construction as part of a deal intended to tamp down the insurgency: touted as a historic concession, the offer outlined constitutional, administrative and political reforms for Balochistan, as well as an inquiry into Bugti’s killing, a promise for fair dividends, and the immediate release of missing political workers. The package was tabled in Parliament on November 24, but by the end of the day all the major Baloch parties had rejected it.

Islamabad’s approach is marred by inconsistency, partly because the civilian government has little to no control over the army establishment: while the state rolled out its proposed reforms, the army continued to disappear Baloch activists. Sangat Sana Baloch, a 28-year-old, was abducted only two weeks after the reform offer was announced. He had been active in the BSO as a student, and then joined the Baloch Republican Party, headed by a militant grandson of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. He was picked up while driving into Quetta. “They had blocked the road,” his father tells me with a face crumpling into sorrow. “They were waiting for him.”

The police have refused to register Sana’s case. “They’re scared and they don’t have the nerve,” his father says. In the absence of police reports, family members file constitutional petitions in the provincial high court asking a judge to take notice. Amnesty International documented at least 600 disappearances two years ago; Baloch activists now claim nearly 6,000.

“This government doesn’t want to admit that the Baloch are human,” says Chakar Qambrani, a BRP activist who was abducted in February 2008 and held for six months and 10 days. We sit on the carpeted floor of Qambrani’s living room, an electric heater glowing orange in a corner as he recounts his time in an underground cell and the savage beatings inflicted on him after his torturers had stripped him naked. “They would curse me and they would hit me with their hands, with leather straps and with sticks. Then they would start interrogating me about my party, who gives us money, why we go on strikes.”

Outside the Quetta Press Club, a group called Voice for Missing Baloch has set up a protest camp to call attention to the disappearances; a banner with bold red lettering hangs over the entrance: “UN Should Take Notice Against Illegal Abduction of Baloch Missing Persons By Intelligence Agencies.” Oversized photographs of disappeared men line the walls of the cloth tent, which was pitched by families of the missing men in late December; dozens gather here every day to hold vigil. “They claim we have courts, but the point is, we have no rule of law,” the group’s chairman, Nasrullah Baloch, tells me outside the tent. “If the agencies really think that these people have done something, then try them in court. Otherwise, what’s the point of having courts?” He adds laconically, “Just end them.”

In Tump, on the border with Iran south of Quetta, I meet Banok Karima Baloch, a 26-year-old student activist who has faced several cases in the antiterrorism courts; she was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in absentia last year. “They claim that people are free, but that’s not true… Even students who speak against them have had cases registered in the antiterrorism court.”

Karima is light-eyed and apricot cheeked, a member of the BSO central committee and the daughter of a solidly middle-class doctor. When the court demanded that she present herself, she refused. “The agencies disappear thousands,” she says, “and even if they present them in court, [the court] never bothers to ask what happened.”

Karima has suspended her studies to focus on activism. She explains that women have been compelled to take on a public role because their husbands and brothers have been abducted, but admits that she likes her work. I ask what will happen once the nationalist struggle is over. Will the women return home? Will she? “In Baloch tradition, women are respected,” she counters, hedging. “We get educated as much as the men.”

On the subject of tactics, however, she pulls no punches. “The ones who talk about autonomy and rights,” she says, referring to the mainstream nationalist parties, “have a different vision and different goal from those of us who want freedom.” For her, resistance is the only possible step. She notes succinctly, “You can’t get freedom through talk.”

***********

Islamabad’s feckless, incoherent policies have amplified a strident Baloch nationalism, and even the most pliable Baloch nationalist parties are feeling pressure from young activists. These nationalists have lost faith in Pakistani overtures; the hardliners among them now view any effort at reconciliation as a ploy to muffle and then quash this resurgent Baloch nationalism.

For the next generation, the only significant question is how soon Balochistan will become independent – which they now regard as the only way to preserve a distinct Baloch identity. To protect this “imagined community”, militant nationalists are willing to kill and to die. As a young, wiry activist, Abdul Qayyum Baloch, put it to me in a callow remark: “It’s just as well when they disappear and shoot people. It needs to happen, so more Baloch recognise the true nature of Pakistan.”

A day after the murder of the students in Khuzdar, the BLA launched its retaliation, killing three Punjabis in Balochistan. Rather than religion, which draws the lion’s share of attention when analysts contemplate Pakistan’s coherence, these increasingly strident ethnic divisions pose the greatest problem for the government – which cannot seem to evoke a sense of Pakistani nationhood broad enough to encompass them.

“What is Pakistan?” Qayyum asked me. “I understand Sindhis, Baloch, but Pakistani?” The question of Balochistan, it seems, is really a question about Pakistan itself.

The pressures of the American war, and its overriding obsession with the Taliban, seem likely to direct Pakistan only toward unsavory answers to those questions. The billions of dollars sent to Pakistan’s army by the United States have reinforced what may be the nation’s most long-lasting problem: the dominance of a military establishment that knows no language but force, and pursues the cause of Pakistani nationalism by bludgeoning and disappearing its own citizens. Ironically, the abuses of the US-funded army – which heighten ethnic discontent and delegitimize a broad and secular Pakistani nationalism – are the thing most likely to bring the Islamists that Washington fears so to power.

When I returned to Karachi, I visited Liaquat Kurd, who had been shot by the Frontier Corps in Khuzdar, and was now recuperating in a hospital bed – a film of sweat on his round face, instruments monitoring his heart rate as blood mixed with a yellowish liquid soaked through the bandaged stump of his left leg. “When they told me they had to amputate, I said just give me poison,” he recalls.

After Kurd was shot, the FC continued its rampage. Kurd’s friends dumped him in a graveyard promising they would return. Strangers found him an hour later and took him to the local hospital, which was ill-equipped to handle his wounds. By the time Kurd arrived, by road, in Karachi, too much time had lapsed: the nerves in his leg were destroyed. I asked him whether he would continue with his activism. “When you close all paths,” he said, “the youth will either leave politics or pick up a gun. Those are the only two options.”

Later I went to meet Jamil Bugti, the son of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, at his home in Karachi. I asked him who were the heirs to the towering political figures who led the Baloch nationalist movement in its earlier days. “The next generation is all in the mountains,” he replied, “And they’re not willing to talk to anyone. People like me, and others, like the different nationalist parties that are in Parliament, they don’t have any role to play. They look very good on TV. That’s about it.”

Madiha R Tahir is a freelance journalist reporting on international conflicts and currently based in Pakistan.

http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100325/REVIEW/703259996
 

Singh

Phat Cat
Super Mod
Joined
Feb 23, 2009
Messages
20,311
Likes
8,403
Country flag
What’s Balochistan Got To Do With It?

It’s not the Pakistani Army but the Baloch nationalists it suppresses that may be the most effective counter to politically motivated religious extremism.



Balochistan is largely a stunningly beautiful desert.


Obama’s publicised 30,000 troop increase for Afghanistan has come with latest round of deliberations for a second “surge”: the expansion of drone attacks into Balochistan. But while the US seems to only view Balochistan, and particularly, its capital, Quetta, as a hotbed of Taliban extremism, it is far better known to the Pakistani Army as home to a politically secular, sometimes Marxist insurgency that has already been at war with the state, in its latest round, since 2004.

The largest of Pakistan’s four provinces–it’s nearly half of the country’s landmass–Balochistan was forcibly annexed in 1947, has fostered four insurgencies with a fifth currently underway and is entirely occupied by the Pakistani Army, its vast natural resources including natural gas, oil, coal, gold and copper siphoned away from the local Baloch towards the rest of Pakistan. Meanwhile, the province remains gut-wrenchingly poor, and it’s that inequality, between what Balochistan provides and what it gets, that has fuelled a stubbornly secular ethnic Baloch nationalism.


Rough translation: "You will have to give us freedom."

The Great Game


America too, has its own obsessions with Balochistan. Rich in energy reserves and strategically situated along the borders of Iran and Afghanistan the province is central to the energy politics of the region. The US fears that China’s involvement in building Pakistan’s critical warm water port of Gwadar on the southern edge of Balochistan may mean that the US will lose out on all that energy wealth. And with Washington’s wars expanding, it may look to Balochistan as a critical base for US forces wanting to stage attacks into Afghanistan or Iran. American drones already fly from bases in Balochistan, particularly Shamsi air base.

The Pakistani government blames India for meddling in Balochistan and fomenting an insurgency there, and Tehran is worried about what the Baloch national movement inside Pakistan may mean for Iranian Balochistan, an underdeveloped region where the Baloch have been brutally suppressed.

The state, or the “center” as the Baloch call it, has always sought military solutions to the Balochistan question, staging its worst confrontation in the 1970s during which some 55,000 Baloch fought against an 80,000 strong Pakistani Army. It has also tried to ideologically neutralize Baloch nationalism by pursuing Islamization polices. Many argue that as with the NWFP, the state has been involved in behind-the-scenes manipulation such that parties with Taliban sympathies such as the Jamaat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) hold critical seats in the Balochistan Provincial Assembly. And, JUI members introduced a resolution against drone attacks into the Assembly two months ago. Although, it’s unanimous passage does not signify support for the Taliban but rather concern for the casualties that must follow when bombs drop on a crowded city of nearly two million by current local estimates, the origins of the resolution are telling.

The fanning of sectarian flames has had international consequences: Tehran accuses Islamabad for providing support to religiously sectarian Baloch outfits like the anti-Shia Jundallah, responsible for attacks inside Iranian-Balochistan this past October killing many including senior members of the Revolutionary Guard.

Additionally, the paramilitary Frontier Corps, which are deployed inside Balochistan along with the Army allegedly have links with Islamist militants, the logical outcome of the FC’s involvement in training and equipping the mujahideen in the 70s and 80s.

Baloch Nationalism

The consequence of the Army’s and central government’s policies is an increasingly radicalized population, especially among the young. While the leaders of mainstream nationalist parties send mixed messages about whether they want maximum provincial autonomy within a federated Pakistan or outright independence, their base is far more clear. At a rally organized by the BNP-M (Balochistan National Party -Mengal faction) two weeks ago in Quetta, protestors shouted “Pakistan murdabad!” (”Die Pakistan!”) slogans. Having spent much of the past month travelling through Balochistan, that sentiment is not limited to the extremes. It’s everywhere, daubed on school walls, on road signs, hospitals and on the lips of the young. Pakistanis seriously underestimate the level of anger and discontent of the Baloch.


Protestors demand justice for the killing of Baloch in Lyari, Karachi at a BNP-M rally in Quetta.

That’s what made the Balochistan package a foregone failure. Termed a historic offer by the current civilian Pakistani government, the Agaz-e-Haqooq deal was rejected by even the most moderate Baloch national parties as a sham because it does not fundamentally deal with budget or resource issues and simply offers to replace regular Army troops with the FC -which many Baloch describe as worse than the regulars.

The government has also claimed that it released twenty of the enforced disappeared, but Chairman of the Voice for Missing Baloch, Nasrullah Baloch says that several of those freed were in fact known to be in a jail in Sui, Dera Bugti. In other words, their whereabouts were always known and they don’t belong the group of the disappeared. Anywhere between 1,500 to 4,000 Baloch remain disappeared. Eyewitness reports as well as fact-gathering missions by groups like the HRCP (Human Rights Commission of Pakistan) confirm that they have been forcibly disappeared by the intelligence agencies. Local police also regularly refuse to register FIRs (first information reports) or charges on behalf of families of the disappeared. The amazingly untenable responses of the government compound the issue. Echoing Interior Minister Rehman Malik, Balochistan Chief Minister Aslam Raisani recently remarked at a press conference that the missing were in fact not missing at all. Rather, they had “deliberately gone underground to malign the country’s intelligence agencies.”

Baloch Militancy

The intransigence of the federal government coupled with the brutality of the Army has given rise to an armed Baloch movement. The Pakistani government blames India for fomenting an insurgency in the area. It’s hard to know, with any certainty whether that’s the case, but it’s clear that groups like the BLA (Baloch Liberation Army) and BRA (Baloch Republican Army) enjoy widespread support among the Baloch as they launch attacks on the Army and FC. Thus, even if funding may come from international players, the genuineness of the insurgency cannot be doubted.


BLA and BSO graffiti in Pasni. Chalkings like this were common everywhere I went in Balochistan.

There is however one troubling aspect to the militancy as well as to Baloch nationalist rhetoric. The Baloch often define the issue in terms of Punjabi domination over Balochistan, and regard Punjabis living in the area as “settlers,” sometimes attacking them in retaliation for attacks on the Baloch. The most recent case has been the cycle of violence initiated in Khuzdar where the FC cold-bloodedly opened fire on a student protest killing two and injuring several including one 20-year old student Liaquat Kurd whose left leg has had to be amputated as a result. In return, four Punjabis were killed in various parts of Balochistan.

Pressed on this issue, Baloch nationalists give varying responses: some claim that those killed have links to the intelligence agencies; others argue that intelligence agencies are killing Punjabis in order to give a bad name to the Baloch struggle, a claim difficult to swallow as the BLA has accepted responsibility for three of the four killings. Other non-Baloch communities such as the Hazara have also come under attack.

Following this model of organic nationalism appears to be dangerous on two grounds. First, unlike Israel’s direct funding of Israeli settlers on Palestinian territory, the non-Baloch population inside Balochistan has not, by-in-large, been systematically placed there by the government. It thus smacks of a disregard for human rights which is not helpful to the the movement. One wonders what kind of havoc this kind of ethno-nationalism will wreak should Balochistan gain independence. Secondly, it’s simply not strategically useful because it alienates potential supporters of the Baloch struggle. While the movement appears to be gaining strength and momentum in the wake of Akbar Bugti’s murder, it now remains to be seen whether it can ground itself in more sophisticated rhetoric. None of this however, takes away from the central fact that Balochistan–like Swat of late (which I also visited)–is under occupation by Pakistan’s own Army, and that Army and its government (for the Army owns the country), have dealt with the Baloch cruelly.

The End Game

Now, Obama’s war is likely to further destabilise the region with the Army using the chaos as a cover to crack-down on Baloch nationalists rather than the Taliban once again. The end game may be that—as with Egypt and the Middle East generally in the 1970s—the repression of secular Baloch nationalists compounded by possible drone attacks may actually pave the way for the very Islamists Washington so fears.

http://mobandmultitude.com/2010/01/25/whats-balochistan-got-to-do-with-it/
 
Last edited:

Vinod2070

मध्यस्थ
Ambassador
Joined
Feb 22, 2009
Messages
2,557
Likes
115
Pakistan should let the Baloch go their own way. After all the Pakistani Punjabis have no divine right to rule over the Baloch and steal their wealth. The Baloch made a mistake in 1947 and want to correct it now.

The Punjabis can't sustain its brutal occupation of the Baloch people for long. The world and especially India should help them go their own way, taking the necessary precautions of plausible deniability.
 

nitesh

Mob Control Manager
Senior Member
Joined
Feb 12, 2009
Messages
7,550
Likes
1,309
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010/03/27/story_27-3-2010_pg3_5

Basically, the jirga is saying that it does not trust the military establishment, which is leading the dialogue with the US. The military establishment will follow the policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan, which is the key cause of the sufferings of Pakhtuns on both sides of the Durand Line

Days before the Pak-US strategic dialogue in Washington on the issue of terrorism, a grand tribal jirga was held in Peshawar. The jirga was participated in by civil society members, lawyers, doctors, students, minorities, tribal leaders and elders of the anti-Taliban peace committees and representatives of anti-Taliban political parties, the Awami National Party (ANP), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the Awami Party (AP) and the National Party (NP). Each and every political agency of FATA and district of the Pakhtunkhwa province was well represented. The participants included women and religious and sectarian minorities. As defiance of the Taliban’s ban on music and dance, the jirga commenced and ended with traditional Pakhtun dances and music.

Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) General Kayani are leading the delegation that is holding the strategic dialogue with the US. There is no Pakhtun representative in the delegation and, therefore, the jirga demanded representation of the Pakhtuns in the dialogue. It seems that the PPP, which represents a large Pakhtun vote bank, has given up or has been compelled by the military establishment to stay away from foreign policy formulation. There is, therefore, no hope that the head of the Pak-delegation, Foreign Minister Qureshi, would highlight the Pakhtun perspective in the meetings with the US authorities. The perception of the jirga members was that the foreign minister would toe the line dictated by the COAS.

The jirga members categorically expressed the apprehension that the strategic dialogue would come out with a short-term and selective solution of terrorism. The solution would be aimed at sparing some terrorists, targeting others, shaking hands with some and leaving the helpless people of FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province at the mercy of the Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies.

This solution can help President Obama to win another term in office and can also facilitate General Kayani to get further extension in his service as COAS, but it cannot bring real peace to the region or the wider world.

Whatever is the mutually agreed upon anti-terrorism strategy of the US and Pakistan, the jirga members were unanimous that they would measure the decrease or increase in terrorism on the criteria set in the Peshawar Declaration jointly approved in a similar grand jirga in December 2009. The two key causes of terrorism identified by the Peshawar Declaration are: strategic depth policy of the military establishment of Pakistan; and the Arab expansionism embodied by al Qaeda under the garb of global Islam. To end terrorism, the policy of strategic depth has to be given up and al Qaeda has to be crushed.

Killing or capturing al Qaeda terrorists may not be a difficult task. To give up the strategic depth idea would be a great deal of work. This implies that targeted military operations have to be undertaken in several parts of Punjab, like Muridke, Jhang, Dera Ghazi Khan, Rahim Yar Khan and Bahawalpur, etc. The Punjab-based militant organisations that are banned, but continue to function under new names, have to be really banned and crushed. To root out the terrorist mindset, the state will have to eliminate the curriculum and literature taught in Pakistani schools and madrassas, which is based on hatred of women, Jews, Hindus and Shias and violent jihad against them and, last but not the least, all the Taliban infrastructure and their important leaders in FATA and Pakhtunkhwa province have to be eliminated through targeted military operations.

Moreover, the jirga demanded that the international aid given to Pakistan in the name of terrorism must be spent in FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province. People of this area, who disproportionately suffer much more from terrorism than people in any other area in Pakistan, must receive the benefits of the aid in terms of education, health and jobs. Furthermore, whether in the military or the government of Pakistan, people who are responsible for corruption in the aid money must be made accountable and punished.

Hardly any jirga member was confident that the state is ready to initiate all these measures. Therefore, they agreed to convene another grand jirga within the next few months to address the evolving situation, following the Pak-US strategic dialogue.

Basically, the jirga is saying that it does not trust the military establishment, which is leading the dialogue with the US. The military establishment will follow the policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan, which is the key cause of the sufferings of Pakhtuns on both sides of the Durand Line. In this context, the jirga expressed misgivings over the US role in the ongoing strategic dialogue. The jirga members said that either the US does not understand the problem of terrorism in Pakhtunkhwa, including FATA, or has some ulterior motives that the superpower wants to achieve through the strategic dialogue at the cost of Pakhtun blood.

A common agreement in the jirga was that the US and NATO forces want to leave Afghanistan. The London Conference in January 2010, the NATO, Russian and Pakistani military chiefs’ meeting in Brussels in the same month and now the US-Pakistan strategic dialogue are all steps in this direction. The problem with this approach is that it does not pay attention to the grievances of anti-Taliban Pakhtuns in FATA and the Pakhtunkhwa province and the role of the intelligence agencies of Pakistan in it. If something is not done to curtail that role, the Pakhtun will continue to suffer death and destruction; Islamist extremism will grow and the ultimate beneficiaries will be al Qaeda and the military establishment of Pakistan.

The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy. She can be reached at [email protected]
 

Solid Beast

Regular Member
Joined
Jan 12, 2010
Messages
405
Likes
63
Pakistan should let the Baloch go their own way. After all the Pakistani Punjabis have no divine right to rule over the Baloch and steal their wealth. The Baloch made a mistake in 1947 and want to correct it now.

The Punjabis can't sustain its brutal occupation of the Baloch people for long. The world and especially India should help them go their own way, taking the necessary precautions of plausible deniability.
It's not just Punjabis anymore, I can tell you there are plenty of dictatorial Khans and Sindhis sitting in once Punjabi occupied thrones of power. It's a fascist ideology given birth by yes mostly Punjabi elite but essentially puritanical Islamists that has sucked away the identity of once proud peoples. They first had to give up their previous "filthy" identity to obtain the new "Pak" one. This is where the problem lies. Balochi's would rather be covered in filth than live cleanly under the yoke of subjugation and the same can be said for many suppressed minorities in Pakistan, who were once a flourishing and vibrant people are now either extremely destitute or being bombed in their own clean lands.
 

Solid Beast

Regular Member
Joined
Jan 12, 2010
Messages
405
Likes
63
I firmly believe the Baloch people are being suppressed by both Iran and Pakistan. These are a nomadic people at heart and it is very easy for governments to abuse them from what I have observed. In terms of Pakistan's accusations of Indian hand in Balochistan...there is no proof. People can acquire assault weapons from their local markets in Pakistan. It doesn't take Confucious, divine intervention or Indian hand to train teach guerrilla tactics to a ticked off group of people either. Thick headed Pakistani politicians only highlight their inept capabilities as they are completely unable to govern more than half of the country and need an explanation to the constituents that do give a rats ass as to why things are in such bad shape in Balouchistan.
 
Last edited:

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
'Declare Pakistan a terrorist state'


Baloch and Sindhi activists here have demanded that Pakistan be declared a ''terrorist state''.
A large number of people from the two communities converged in front of the BBC World Service office in London to protest and observe Pakistan's illegal occupation of the “independent state” of Balochistan on March 27, 1948, a day that has since been declared as ''Black Day''.

"This is the time the world should realize and they should, I think, this is the time for the security, for the peace and for the stability of the region, and the international community that they should declare Pakistan as a terrorist state," Samad Baloch, a member of the Baloch Human Rights Council, said.

The protest intended to tell the international community, including the UN, that Balochistan should be recognized as an occupied country.

The protesters, holding placards with anti-Pakistan slogans, its military, and human rights violations, blamed Pakistani authorities for settling Taliban militia everywhere in the country.


"Basically, they are settling Taliban everywhere; they are settling Taliban in Gilgit and Baltistan; they are settling Taliban in Pakistani-occupied Kashmir; they are settling Taliban in Sindh; they are settling Taliban in Balochistan, because they are their strategic extension," said Lakhu Luhana, Secretary General, World Sindhi Congress, UK.

Luhana said that Sindhis and Balochs are being denied their basic rights.

"People are being disappeared, the political activists, and the Sindhi people… historical rights, political rights and legal rights and cultural rights, they have been completely denied them. There is no law and order, they have entered into poverty and suffering and that has descended on Sindh and Balochistan," he said.

The protestors also said their struggle would continue until they had achieved their goal of a free Balochistan.

They said that Pakistan never wants to resolve the Kashmir issue, as it would then stop receiving international aid.

"If the Kashmir problem solved, how Pakistan General…becoming…take money, so they are the most corrupt army in the world, people call it fifth largest army of the world, but we say this is the most corrupt army in the world," Mir Ghulam Hussain, Information Secretary, Baloch Human Rights Council, UK, said.

New Delhi accuses Pakistan of sponsoring terror in Indian-administered Kashmir. Pakistan, which claims Kashmir in full, has consistently denied its involvement in abetting an anti-India insurgency that has killed more than 47,000 people since 1989.

Former legislative assembly member from Balochistan and member of the powerful Marri tribe, Harbiya Marri, also said that Pakistan has no intentions to have peace with India, and the dialogue between the two countries is a farce.

"They have no intention of having peace with Pakistan because they have to maintain this large army and the army is main ruler of Pakistan, which is controlling Pakistan for the last 62 years. So this is the creation of this artificial stage. So, they have to have some sort of dialogue to show we want peace but in reality the intentions are not peace. They want these camps to be maintained to keep on terrorizing Indian government, people and the whole world," he said.

India broke off a four-year-long sluggish peace initiative with Pakistan after the November 26, 2008 Mumbai attacks, saying dialogue could resume only if Islamabad acted against militants on its soil. It blamed the attacks, which killed 166 people, on Pakistan-based militants.
 

nitesh

Mob Control Manager
Senior Member
Joined
Feb 12, 2009
Messages
7,550
Likes
1,309
guys 1971 is about to be repeated I think:

http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=28066
Railways Minister and a central leader of the Awami National Party, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour has said Bengalis chose to end their allegiance to Pakistan to get recognition and ìnow it is up to the politicians of the country whether they recognise the Pakhtuns by naming their province after them or go for the Bengali Model.
 

Latest Replies

Global Defence

New threads

Articles

Top