U.S.,Hanoi in NuclearTalks :China shaken by US move to sign nuclear deal with Vietnam

Discussion in 'Indo Pacific & East Asia' started by SHASH2K2, Jul 19, 2010.

  1. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    Vietnam's PM Okays Nuclear Power Development Plan
    Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung has approved the nuclear power development plan from now till 2030. Accordingly, the 1,000-MW first turbine will start operation in 2020.

    Operational atomic power plants will have a combined capacity of 8,000 MW by 2025 and 15,000 MW by 2030, accounting for some 10 percent of the total capacity at that time. Vietnam will kick off the construction on Ninh Thuan nuclear power plant 2 and find locations for new ones at this period, making nuclear power the country’s main energy.

    According to the development orientation, eight power plants will be located in five provinces of Ninh Thuan, Binh Dinh, Phu Yen, Ha Tinh and Quang Ngai. Each plant will have 4 – 6 turbines

    http://asianenergy.blogspot.com/2010/07/vietnams-pm-okays-nuclear-power.html
     
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  3. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    India must sign civil nuke deal with vietnam and provide nuke reactor to it and even provide some real bumb with agnis and brahmos.Lets play Chinese checker in south china sea.:happy_2::happy_2:
     
  4. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    I am sure USA is behind this development . USA is also pinning its hope on Vietnam to tackle china . VIetnam can be important player against China.
     
  5. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    Vietnam has announced ambitious plans to develop a nuclear power industry, with the aim of having eight nuclear reactors up and running by 2030.
    According to the official Vietnamese newspaper Thanh Nien officials announced last month (22 June) that the reactors would be located in five central provinces, and would generate 15,000 megawatts of power — enough to meet ten per cent of the country's power demand.
    The first reactor at the first plant, in Ninh Thuan province, will be operational by 2020, according to the plans, putting Vietnam on track to be the first country in South-East Asia to use nuclear power.
    Indonesia's proposal to have a nuclear plant up and running by 2016 is floundering, according to the Jakarta Globe.
    Thanh Nien also reported that Vietnam's power demand has grown by more than five per cent each year for the last decade, a result of both industrial development and increased residential electricity consumption.
    Vuong Huu Tan, president of the state-owned Vietnam Atomic Energy Commission, said the country will continue developing its coal, natural gas and hydropower resources, but that those energy sources will not satisfy the country's growing power demand.
    'Therefore, we need to build nuclear power plants,' he told SciDev.Net.
    Financing will be the biggest challenge to Vietnam's nuclear plans, John Morris, an energy consultant with Australia-based firm International Energy Consultants, told SciDev.Net. In a 2006 study of Vietnam's power and gas markets, his consulting firm did not cite nuclear power as a financially viable energy source for Vietnam.
    Morris told SciDev.Net that foreign investors could be wary of supporting nuclear-power projects in Vietnam, particularly because it is difficult to predict the future price of uranium.
    He said that building one 1000-megawatt nuclear plant would cost Vietnam US$5 billion — enough to finance four or five natural gas power plants.
    Morris added that even if Vietnam builds nuclear plants, it could lack the trained personnel to operate them.
    But Tan said Russia has already agreed to finance Vietnam's first 4,000-megawatt nuclear plant and that Vietnam hopes other foreign countries will help finance the remaining plants.
    Tan also said that Rosatom, a Russian state-owned energy company, will train Vietnamese engineers to operate the first nuclear plant. He added that Vietnamese prime minister Nguyen Tan Dung has approved a plan to train Vietnamese workers in the 'human resources' side of the nuclear industry.
    http://www.environmental-expert.com/resultEachPressRelease.aspx?cid=33596&codi=180980
     
  6. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    then it will be piece of cake to achieve all that i've stated above.Only question is will the indian leadership disembark from its high horse of morality to supply vietnam all the military hardware and some mushroom cloud making diwali patakha.:emot15:
     
  7. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    In my opinion Indian govt is already very active in this regard. In retaliation on chinese string of pearls we have also gained boarding rights to Vietnamese ports .
    I strongly feel that we should also help Vietnamese with weapons like ARJUN or LCA . This will prompt china to rethink Pakistan policy.
     
  8. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    arjuns and tejas wont cause pain to dragon.For dragon to get concerned agnis and bombs are necessary.lets create their version of pakistan for them.
     
  9. bhramos

    bhramos Elite Member Elite Member

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    Vietnam can be a real thorn in Chinese foot, as Vietnam already defeated china in 1979 war backed by USSR.
    Their tactics could make dragon wing less, as already China is surrounded by foe countries, Taiwan, US, Japan, India....
    Chinese or in more hostile situation then India.
     
  10. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    MK2 version of LCA and Arjun will be quite potent for vietnamese army. moreover it will be symbolic message to china that we can also hit back at china in same manner and create proxy states to tackle them. I dont think that Russia will object to sell of Brahmos as well. We can also help them covertly for missile developments.

    I also agree with Brahoms that when it comes to enemies china is in very bad situation . They are forced to deploy army even on Pakistan border to prevent Islamic extremism and is surrounded by enemies on all fronts. USA need not come to china shore to fight them. There are already more than enough players here.
     
    Last edited: Jul 19, 2010
  11. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    India-Vietnam Strategic Partnership: The Convergence of Interests

    by Dr. Subhash Kapila


    "Vietnam treats India with strategic importance" is what President Tran Duch Luang expressed to India’s Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh during the latters visit to Vietnam in mid-November 2000 1 in connection with the 10th Indo-Vietnam Joint Commission meeting. Available reports on statements by Indian leaders do not transparently reflect similar sentiments. India still shies away from coming out unequivocally on expressing its strategic preferences for countries which are vital or whose strategic partnerships are desirable for furthering India’s national security interests. Along with Myanmar, in South East Asia, India needs to build up a relationship of strategic partnership with Vietnam.

    India and Vietnam enjoy a convergence of strategic interests which could provide the basis for building and reinforcing strategic cooperation between the two countries. India in the past, stood by Vietnam in opposing US military intervention at the cost of embittering Indo-US relations.2 India stood up in the UN against USA and China on the Cambodia issue and its good relations with the pro-Vietnamese Hang Samarin government generated antagonisms in the US Congress and US establishment .3 With such a backdrop there should be no impediments for India to build up a strategic partnership with Vietnam in all fields- political, diplomatic, military and economic.

    India has long under nourished its bilateral relationships with countries which demanded strategic cooperation due to our non-aligned fixations which predicated that India should never mention or define strategic relationships, defence cooperation or military to military contacts with any country.

    However, the turn of the millennium presents a complex strategic environment in Asia-Pacific and impinging on India’s security and its national security interests. In India’s search for strategic bilateral cooperation with important regional countries, Vietnam should be the logical choice. India and Vietnam share a wide area of convergence of interests on which a solid strategic partnership can be built up.

    Strategic Calculus of India and Vietnam - The China factor

    The China factor weighs heavily and figures prominently in the respective strategic calculus of both India and Vietnam. India’s Defence Minister, Mr. George Fernandes was accurate when in 1998 he described China as a "major threat" to India. Prime Minister Vajpayee had also in 1998 mentioned the Chinese threat as an impulse for India’s nuclear weaponisation .4 Recently a Vietnamese Foreign Ministry official had remarked "we don’t trust China";5 in other words, Vietnam is suspicious of China and fearful of China’s intentions.

    Both India and Vietnam have very good reasons for China’s figuring in their respective threat perception as this record indicates:

    * Both India and Vietnam share long land borders with China. Vietnam also shares sea borders.

    * China has disputed its existing borders with both India and Vietnam.

    * China launched punitive military attacks on both India (1962) and Vietnam(1979). India fared badly because Nehru never suspected that China would attack India. Vietnam’s record was remarkable.

    * China again attacked Vietnamese garrisons in the Spratly Islands group and forcibly occupied six of them. However, once again the Vietnamese Navy met Chinese aggression squarely.

    * China’s recent expressions professing friendship with both India and Vietnam respectively do not get matched up with genuine efforts to settle border issues.

    * China’s perceived strategic concerns regarding India and Vietnam forced it to create strategic pressure points to destabilise these two countries. In the case of India, China created the Pakistani threat (nuclear and missile threat) and in the case of Vietnam, it posed proxy military challenges in Kampuchea, besides direct military force on both land and sea borders.

    India and Vietnam therefore have a natural strategic congruence as to how to restrain China from aggressive actions in future, while keeping it engaged diplomatically.

    India’s strategic and national security interests demand that Vietnam emerges as a strong state. Relatively, India is better placed to contribute towards this aim in all fields - defence cooperation, political cooperation, economic and technical assistance and technology transfers.

    India-Vietnam: Defence Cooperation and Assistance

    Defence cooperation between India and Vietnam has taken place over the years in a limited manner with exchange of some military delegations and visits of naval ships. Indian military delegations visited Vietnam after the Sino-Vietnam War of 1979 to study how Vietnamese border troops defeated attacks by China’s regular army formations. As part of former Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s ‘Look East’ policy, an agreement on Defence Cooperation was concluded in 1994, but not followed up vigorously.

    The imperatives of defence cooperation with Vietnam seem to have been realised belatedly leading to the visit to Vietnam by India’s Defence Minister, George Fernandes in March 2000 and signing of a fresh protocol on defence cooperation which incorporates some of the following major points:

    * Institutionalised framework for regular discussions between the Indian and Vietnamese Defence Ministers.

    * Such discussions to incorporate sharing of strategic threat perceptions and intelligence.

    * Naval exercises between Indian Navy and Vietnam Navy and also those of coast guards of both countries.

    * Pilot training of Vietnam Air Force by the Indian Air Force

    These are welcome steps towards achievement of what should be India’s strategic aim to assist in building Vietnam’s armed forces to be militarily strong and self reliant. To this end India could extend defence cooperation to Vietnam in the following fields:

    * Vietnam’s Air Force and Navy have Russian origin hardware which is operationally limited due to lack of spares and advanced repairs and maintenance. India is well placed to assist.

    * India has a sizeable defence production infrastructure. India should provide such indigenously produced equipment at ‘friendship prices’ or even as aid.

    * India should assist in development of indigenous defence production infrastructure in Vietnam.

    * India should upgrade Vietnam’s Air Force and Navy military hardware by rendering all technical assistance.

    * Military training facilities in India both combat and technical training should be opened in a big way for training of Vietnamese Armed Forces personnel.

    * India should also consider providing missile assembly technology of non-nuclear missiles to Vietnam.

    Hackles should not be raised on the last point. If China could with impunity arm Pakistan with nuclear weapons and IRBMs, China should logically have no moral right to raise a hue and cry on this subject. At some stage India will have to learn and develop strategic pressure points against China, to counter what China has done all along so far on India’s periphery.

    India and Vietnam - Political and Diplomatic Cooperation

    In terms of political and diplomatic cooperation between India and Vietnam, the convergence of interests, once again tend to get focused on China. To pre-empt China apologists from disputing the above, attention needs to be drawn to the following worthwhile analysis of China:

    "Clearly it is both foolish and dangerous to depreciate China or to doubt its long term potential. Yet that very potential could well be threatening for other nations including US Pacific allies like Japan, Korea and Indonesia, not to mention countries like India and Vietnam, even should China not so intend. The Middle Kingdom’s expansive territorial claims and pronounced self-absorption virtually guarantee that foreign anxieties will persist." 6

    The same author further amplifies the reasons for apprehensions about China, thus:

    "A major element in foreign apprehension about China is the pervasive uncertainty about its long term geostrategic intentions. Some of this is rooted in the unpredictability of Chinese politics, which have been extraordinarily volatile across the past half century and may well continue to be so. But such uncertainty is greatly intensified by the chronic lack of transparency in Chinese defence planning, weapons acquisitions and even defense budgeting..." 7

    Major effort will be required on the part of both India and Vietnam to pursue politically and diplomatically the following initiatives:

    * India’s permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Vietnam is on record supporting India’s candidature.

    * Vietnam’s role in ASEAN and its forums should be strengthened in all ways possible where India can assist.

    * India with its expanding economy and its linkages with the Asia-Pacific region made to emerge as an influential member of APEC. Vietnam’s support would be helpful.

    * India and Vietnam should jointly work towards making the ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum) an effective mechanism in the Asia Pacific for confidence building measures (CBMs) preventive diplomacy (PD) and conflict resolution. Besides keeping China engaged in multi-lateral forums, one could optimistically hope that China would submit itself and respect ARF formulations. So far it has opposed ARF efforts on the South China sea disputes.

    On the last mentioned initiative both India and Vietnam can expect wide support from a number of Asia-Pacific nations harbouring similar apprehensions about China.

    India and Vietnam- Cooperation in the economic spheres

    Similar to the wide convergence of interests existing in the defence sphere the economic sphere too holds promising prospects for an India-Vietnam partnership. Vietnam after more than half-a-century of war-ravaged economy has embarked on a major economic re-construction programme. However, in terms of absorption of technologies for its industrial development, it does not require hitech inputs readily available from countries like Japan. It needs intermediate levels of technology. India is well placed to fill this slot and also assist in the development of industrial and economic infrastructure. Vietnam is not some backward nation that requires development from scratch, as some selected economic indicators below would indicate: 8

    Current Account balance $ 0.7 bn
    GDP Growth 4%
    Per Capita GDP $ 1,775
    Per Capita GNP $ 375
    Reserves $ 2.1 bn
    Exports last 12 months $ 10 bn
    Population 82 mn
    Population Growth 2.3%
    Literacy 91.9%
    India must encourage and induce its private sector to invest in the following fields in Vietnam:

    * Automobiles
    * Two Wheelers
    * Telecommunications
    * Information Technology
    * Agro-tech Industries and fertiliser production
    * Pharmaceuticals
    * Electrical consumer appliances
    * Railway construction and supply of engines/coaches
    * Civil aviation

    Vietnam is strongly placed to help India in the energy sector both in terms of oil supplies and further joint prospecting for oil and gas. India has adequate experience in oil and gas prospecting, especially in offshore deposits. In fact India could go in for special concessions in this field as it has reached with Iraq.

    The recently launched Mekong Ganga Cooperation ( Nov 10, 2000 at Vientiane, capital of Laos) comprising India, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam aims to focus on cooperation in tourism, culture, education and communication. The scope could be expanded to trade and industry and economic cooperation.

    Vietnam’s importance in South East Asia has suddenly increased strategically as well as economically. Vietnam seems well poised to emerge as the new economic hub of Asia Pacific luring Japanese and other investors. India should exploit its traditional relations with Vietnam to enlarge its economic ties. A militarily strong Vietnam, necessarily has to be an economically strong nation. India is well placed to assist Vietnam in both fields. Both nations could work out mutually beneficial incentives to expand trade and commerce and economic cooperation.

    Conclusion

    India and Vietnam are both geostrategically important countries, vital to all major nations with a stake in the freedom of high seas. Both countries share disputed borders with China and both have been subjected to military aggression by China. A highly proud and nationalistic country with rugged determination and plucky courage, Vietnam enjoys the unique distinction in the second half of the twentieth century of having inflicted military defeats on three major powers i.e. France, USA and China.

    Current indicators in the Asia Pacific security environment point towards China’s emergence as a major strategic destabilising entity, bent on challenging United States predominance in the region. It also claims South and South East Asia as its natural and historical area of influence. China in its pursuance of its power aspirations stands guilty of strategically destabilising India’s and Vietnam’s neighbourhood i.e. Pakistan and Cambodia earlier. The changing international security environment also presents an ironic picture where Russia which earlier stood by India and Vietnam in terms of strategic needs, today is engaged in building up the military might and force projection capabilities of China- a threat perception common to both India and Vietnam.

    In such a strategic environment, while making all efforts towards keeping China peacefully engaged in the Asia-Pacific, India and Vietnam should work towards building a bilateral strategic partnership based on the convergence of interests analysed above. Such a strategic partnership is in India’s national security interests and India should not fight shy of proclaiming it as such. Vietnam has already declared that it views its relations with India with "Strategic importance" . It is time India reciprocates the sentiment and no better occasion merits this than the forthcoming visit of Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee to Vietnam in January 2001.
    http://www.southasiaanalysis.org//papers2/paper177.htm
     
  12. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    They are making string of pearls lets us make Garland around them right from mongolia/south korea/japan/tiawan to deep south china sea.Then the game will be interesting otherwise its quite boring with few incursions accross himalayas.Lets play in oceans.
     
  13. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    Why depend on usa by being their pawn become rook and play your own games.
     
  14. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2010/07/17/india-looks-east-as-history/
    [​IMG]

    India ‘Looks East’ as history
    July 17th, 2010
    Author: Sandy Gordon, ANU

    India’s Look East policy was initiated out of failure: the failure of India’s Cold War strategy of ‘playing both ends against the middle’ while at the same time attempting to adopt a pro-Soviet ‘tilt’; and the failure of India’s command economy, which by 1990 had managed to command only 0.4 per cent of world trade – insufficient to cushion India from the 1989-90 oil shock. While the collapse of the Soviet Union was no fault of India, it left New Delhi searching for an alternative set of economic and strategic approaches. The ‘Look East’ policy seemed to fit both needs.



    India, however, initially had a hard job to claw its way back into those parts of Asia to its east. ASEAN itself was borne out of concern about an encroaching communist bloc and tempered in the fires of the Vietnam War. It viewed India’s still clunky economy and former Soviet bloc ‘tilt’ with suspicion.

    India also took some time to learn Asian diplomatic mores. In 1994, in a major address in Singapore, Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao expressed surprise at the title of the speech he had been given – India’s ‘new’ relationship with Asia. Rao pointed out India’s influence in Asia was hardly ‘new’ – indeed Indian religion and culture lay at the heart of today’s South East Asia. True enough, but to miss the point from ASEAN’s perspective. The ASEANs were a bunch of hard-nosed pragmatists intent on getting on with the job – and the job was making money and development.

    Of course, ASEAN was only part of India’s Look East policy. Vietnam and Burma had not yet jointed the Association. India had a friendship with the first and was already rivals with China over the second. And Japan was being eyed off as a source of technology and Direct Foreign Investment as early as the birth Sanjay Gandhi’s ‘Indian’ Maruti in 1981 – which was, of course nothing more than a semi-knock kit of a Suzuki.

    But in Asia – and especially ASEAN – nothing succeeds like success. ASEAN only really sat up and took notice of India once the latter appeared (before the GFC) to be locked into 8-9 per cent growth, a pattern now seemingly to have resumed. India is now much more highly regarded in ASEAN than in the 1990s. It is part of the ARF, ASEM and the EAS. Not yet in APEC, it has good prospects there too. It has extensive defence dealings with Singapore, Australia and Japan and defence relationships with Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam.

    Yet for all this recent success, the India-ASEAN Free Trade Association was extremely hard-won. India’s farmers were committing suicide at unprecedented levels over supposedly unbridled agricultural imports caused by globalisation. The FTA, when it finally emerged in 2009, was not only intensely criticised in India but also highly protective of Indian agriculture, especially edible oils. It took over six years to negotiate and will not be fully implemented for non-sensitive goods till 2016 (later for poorer countries, and India).

    Moreover, ironically, at the very time India has gained significant traction in ASEAN and other East Asian forums, those venues are being overshadowed by larger, and some would say ominous, regional developments. ASEAN, ARF, ASEAN plus 3, the EAS and even APEC are no longer the only games in town – if they ever were.

    Increasingly the debate has devolved onto the growing strategic, diplomatic and financial critical mass of China. Kevin Rudd saw this early on and tried to hone Asian security architecture to accommodate a rising China and provide it with a forum to be, if not first among equals, then equal among equals. The profound implication of this purpose was that all major powers should be part of that architecture, not least India.

    Increasingly, however, it looks as if the horses have fled from this particular stable. Rudd lost interest in his Asian architecture in favour of the G20 –perhaps correctly in the context of the GFC – but nonetheless unfortunately. More importantly, the rise of China and to a lesser extent India has ‘gone around the edges’ of existing Asian architecture. Not that architecture is irrelevant in the debate about rising China, but rather that any architecture that might evolve is likely to provide a venue for other systems of power relations such as a ‘concert of powers’ or ‘power balancing’ rather than critically shaping those systems.

    This de-emphasising of security architecture leaves us with a different kind of debate and, potentially, a different kind of role for India.

    Initially at least, it looks as if China holds the key. How China chooses to rise to power in Asia will be the seminal factor in the future of Asian security. And further, how Sino-US relations unfold – especially in the Asian context – will be seminal to the process of how China rises.

    India is definitely there in the equation but not till some way down the track. Meanwhile, it is the Sino-US relationship that will define the character of China’s rise more than any other single factor excepting, of course, the innate character of the Chinese polity.

    So where does India fit?

    The US knows it will lose power in Asia and even globally to China over the longer-term. Hence the ‘strategic’ quality of the India-US relationship, the fact that the Indo-US deal nuclear deal was intended above all to enable the US to provide strategic military assistance (read hi-tech weapons) to India, and that Washington remains unabashed that its intention is to build India over this century as a major strategic factor in Asia. Read for this, traditional power balancing against China.

    At the moment India is especially weak vis à vis China. China can play virtually at will in India’s South Asian backyard . For all India’s economic success, the Chinese economy and its defence spending are still growing more rapidly. That is to say, a China that is already far more powerful than India is actually pulling away.

    China’s great long-term enemy is, of course demography. Not only will India be larger by 2030 but more significantly, it will have a higher proportion of young people than China. But to take advantage, it needs to set in place labour and infrastructure policies to position it to become the new labour-intensive workshop of the world. And despite India’s long-term demographic advantage, China may well ‘do a Japan’ and use its enormous capital reserves to substitute for labour.

    While Sino-US relations will initially hold the key, Sino-Indian relations will emerge as increasingly important as India gains in strength, increasing the prospect of an emerging ‘strategic triangle’ between China, the US and India. At present, the US and India each uses the other as a ‘hedge’ against a difficult rise for China in Asia. Thus what may one day become a ‘strategic triangle’ cannot yet be accorded that label.

    Such a negative prospect depends both on how Sino-US and Sino-Indian relations develop. In terms of the Sino-Indian relationship, the most favourable term that could be used is ‘ambiguous’. On the negative side, China has changed its position in relation to the border issue – now resolutely sticking to its claim to Arunachal Pradesh, populated with 1.1 million Indians, located below the strategic barrier of the Himalayas and source of much of the water of Bangladesh and India’s north east. China is actively involved in the South Asian countries surrounding India, which is Beijing’s way of hedging against the possibility its vital energy SLOCs might one day come under pressure in time of high tension or conflict.

    This is profoundly unsettling for India, whatever it may say publicly about blossoming people-to-people relations and trade – the positive side of the ledger. Anyway, trade is a double-edged sword for India, with India being heavily in deficit in the US $57 billion trade.

    Seen in this light, there is a depressing prospect of a slide from the idea of a ‘concert of powers’ in Asia to traditional power balancing. Were this to occur (and virtually nobody, including the key players, would want it to happen), **** Cheney’s ‘Quadrilateral’ could actually be revived as a strategic entity.

    Certainly, New Delhi would rather India were part of a concert of powers in Asia. Although India will continue to get what it can from the US and Israel on hi-tech such as space, computation and anti-ballistic missile technologies, New Delhi believes India is too large ever to be any other country’s ally. India will also seek to have a range of relations with other large powers, including Russia, the EU, Japan and China. It avidly seeks to engage more successfully in resources competition in Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa.

    But in either case – that of a concert of powers or of power balancing – it seems that The ‘Look East’ policy may retreat to a moment in history – a moment when a tentative India was feeling its way, a relationship on the rebound, as it were.

    That is not to say, of course, that South East Asia will not remain extremely important to India in the strategic and to a lesser extent the economic spheres. In the strategic context, the two share interests and responsibilities in the North East Indian Ocean – a region beset by non-conventional security challenges. India has a growing role in the Andaman Sea and is expanding its naval capacities centred on Port Blair. ASEAN also has important responsibilities for security in the Straits of Malacca.

    It is to say, rather, that South East Asia will be only one of many regions of importance to a rising, global power such as India.
     
  15. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    I firmly believe that enemies enemy should be your friend. India has started look east policy in 1990-2000 itself and we are not dependednt on USA for our security . there is no harm in working together as partners to achieve a common goal.
     
    Last edited: Jul 19, 2010
  16. icecoolben

    icecoolben Regular Member

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    Vietnam needs sea-airspace denial capability

    For its defence needs Vietnam requires a sea denial capability, complemented by air space denial capability. The sea denial part can be augumented by giving brahmos to be installed on its surface ships and submarines. The defence of air space may be achieved by first akash missile systems, then later drdo developed awacs and then 100 tejas mk-2 would be affordable to vietnam, it does need to replace its 105 mig-21 fleet which are almost obsolete. But for all this cash incentive is must and major components such as radar modules and tejas engines have to be Indian to assure the vietnamese of uninterrupted support otherwise they may choose a russian choice, t/a-50 or worse pakisani j-17. Indian government can take cue from how tata markets its nano car there.
    Regarding the nuclear part by mtcr we cannot supply other than dhanush ballistic missile or brahmos. Certainly not with nuclear warheads or how to make them, however our low cost nuclear reactors and future thorium based reactors can gain us a foot hold in the vietnam civil market, if delayed the chinese would beat us there.
     
  17. bhramos

    bhramos Elite Member Elite Member

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    You are correct, its a way of good strategy used by an Offensive Army. but IA is an Defensive army rather then offensive. If India thinks to help Vietnam. It may buy Russian Weapons and give, But would never dare to get soil to its Hands... i said IA is defensive army because, India never or will ever attack any country Before they attacked or pinch us.
     
  18. icecoolben

    icecoolben Regular Member

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    Any Indian Army role would be confined to training Vietnam cadets and organising joint exercises in jungle warfare in indian north east or in vietnam .
    Its Indian babuS who have to pull up their pants, and decide on how to get vietnam on board against china. Indian private sector has a substancial investment there, it should be followed by arms sales to firm up the engagement. Hard power that comes from fielding your own independent systems will go a long way, than acting though a third party. In any case, Indian army won't buy from russia to give vietnam, our foreign exchange is too scarce to throw it on a third country's build up. If vietnam want to field r-77 rather than astra then they have to pay the russians themselves to get it. Of course Tejas is already configured to carry the missile.
     
  19. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    India keen to buy BP's assets in Vietnam: Deora
    With BP Plc looking at selling interest in some fields to fund its the Gulf of Mexico oil spill liability, India is pitching for buying the British energy giant's stake in the USD 1.3 billion Nam Con Son gas project in Vietnam.

    Petroleum Minister Murli Deora flew into the Vietnamese Capital on Wednesday morning with heads of bluechip Indian oil firms to lay a claim with Hanoi on BP's stake in two offshore gas fields, a pipeline and power project - together referred as Nam Con Son, Vietnam's largest gas project.

    "This is a great opportunity for us. The gas fields were originally allocated to us but due to foreign exchange crisis of 1990s, we had to farm-out (give away) some stake to BP. We will like to get back that stake," Deora said ahead of his meetings with Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung and Government-run PetroVietnam.

    BP is considering selling fields in Colombia, Venezuela and Vietnam in order to meet the US $20 billion clean-up bill of the worst US spill. It had in June announced a USD 10 billion asset sale programme to pay the costs of compensating victims of the Gulf of Mexico oil spill caused by the blowout of the Macondo well in April.

    China's CNOOC and Sinopec, as well as Thailand's PTTEP may also be interested in BP's stake in the Vietnam project.

    ONGC Videsh, the overseas arm of state-run Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, already has 45 per cent stake in the offshore gas fields where BP has 35 per cent and the balance is with PetroVietnam.

    A 370-km pipeline ships the gas produced from the fields to onshore power plants. BP has 32.33 per cent stake in the US $565 million pipeline where its other partners are ConocoPhillips (16.7 per cent) and Petrovietnam (51 per cent).
    http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/106147/India/india-keen-to-buy-bps-assets-in-vietnam-deora.html

    Better be late than never . looks like India is getting up from its deep sleep.
     
  20. Yusuf

    Yusuf GUARDIAN Administrator

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    Those who think we can do to China with Vietnam what China does to India with Pak need to rethink. Vietnam is opposed to China and has a dispute with China. But they are not mad people like Pakistan that they will be ready to become a tool of big power games. They defeated two major powers on their own.

    China has it easy to supply Pakistan because of common border. India does not share a border with Nam.

    India should look at Vietnam from commercial point of view even when it sells military wares. LCA and Arjun can be good weapons for them. That will lead to things being put into place automatically as a counter to China.
     
  21. SHASH2K2

    SHASH2K2 New Member

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    I completely agree with you that there is only on Pakistan and no other country can be crazy like Pakistan. I also agree that Vietnam can never be stooge of India but we can be partners in securing each others intrest .we both have common enemy and have similar concerns about china. so its better to have better economical and military terms with each other . One thing is for sure that Vietnamese will not be with begging bowl like Pakistan and if they commit something they will be there to complete it.
     

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