amoy
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An interesting read >>> The War in Chechnya: What Is At Stake? dated back to 1999
WHAT SHOULD THE U.S. DO?
For over a year, while the clouds of war were gathering over the North Caucasus, the Clinton Administration did nothing to defuse the ticking bomb.9 Now the Administration has begun to issue weak statements of concern about the level of violence by Russia against the civilians in Chechnya. At the same time, however, President Clinton, in a speech to Turkey's parliament on November 15, proclaimed, "We must help Russia to complete its momentous democratic revolution." National Security Adviser Sandy Berger urged that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) credits scheduled to be delivered to Russia in December not be halted because this "goes to the very stability of Russia."10
The Administration has not endorsed calls from the foreign ministers of Finland and Germany to stop the random violence and move to a negotiated solution. Nor did the White House support a NATO parliamentary assembly resolution calling on Russia to withdraw its troops from Moldova and Georgia.11 The Administration did not even support the position espoused by Russian liberal politician Grigory Yavlinsky, who called for a 30-day respite in the bombings to allow civilians to evacuate the war zone.
It is time for the Clinton Administration to work resolutely to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Therefore, the United States should:
Suspend IMF credits to Russia.
The war costs at least $1 billion a month. The IMF is scheduled to provide Russia with $640 million in December to be applied toward Russia's IMF payments. Western assistance funds are fungible, which means that the money provided to repay the debt could be used instead to step up the war in Chechnya. IMF assistance to the Kremlin should be suspended until the war is over.12
Demand that Russia obey its commitments under the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty.
Russia violated the current CFE treaty during the first Chechen war. It then requested a revision of the treaty, to which the United States agreed. Now, Russia again is in violation of the revised CFE treaty, which was signed at the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) summit in Istanbul on November 19. It has surpassed the limits for aircraft and heavy military equipment it is allowed to keep in the Caucasus.13 Prior to signing the document, Russia demanded an expansion of the flank limitations, and NATO agreed. So far, Moscow has announced that it will comply with the treaty after it terminates the Chechen operation.
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jesse Helms (R-NC), Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-MS), and a number of other Senators wrote to President Clinton on November 10, calling Russia's conduct in Chechnya "a brutal assault on the core values of the OSCE. ...[T]hese military operations weaken each day the credibility and reliability of arms control treaties that are a cornerstone to international peace and stability." The Senators demanded that the President refuse to sign the Adapted CFE Treaty unless Russia ceased hostilities in Chechnya, withdrew its troops, and opened negotiations with the government of President Maskhadov. The Senators indicated that the Senate would be "reluctant to endorse" the treaty while Russia is in violation.
Encourage Russia to start peace negotiations under OSCE sponsorship and request that a permanent OSCE mission be dispatched to Chechnya.
To date, Russia has refused to negotiate with President Maskhadov or with other Chechen leaders under the aegis of the OSCE.14 Under OSCE rules, humanitarian issues are not exclusively the internal matter of any member, but can be addressed by other OSCE members. An OSCE mission in Chechnya functioned during the first Chechen war, and it is time to revive it. In addition to observing and facilitating negotiations, this mission could coordinate humanitarian assistance.
Western European leaders, such as Germany Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer and NATO Secretary General George Robertson, have appealed to Moscow to initiate peace talks.15 They and other European leaders should be supported in their efforts to end the war. When the Russians are ready to talk, the United States and the European Union should sponsor a broad conference for peace in the Northern Caucasus.
WHAT SHOULD THE U.S. DO?
For over a year, while the clouds of war were gathering over the North Caucasus, the Clinton Administration did nothing to defuse the ticking bomb.9 Now the Administration has begun to issue weak statements of concern about the level of violence by Russia against the civilians in Chechnya. At the same time, however, President Clinton, in a speech to Turkey's parliament on November 15, proclaimed, "We must help Russia to complete its momentous democratic revolution." National Security Adviser Sandy Berger urged that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) credits scheduled to be delivered to Russia in December not be halted because this "goes to the very stability of Russia."10
The Administration has not endorsed calls from the foreign ministers of Finland and Germany to stop the random violence and move to a negotiated solution. Nor did the White House support a NATO parliamentary assembly resolution calling on Russia to withdraw its troops from Moldova and Georgia.11 The Administration did not even support the position espoused by Russian liberal politician Grigory Yavlinsky, who called for a 30-day respite in the bombings to allow civilians to evacuate the war zone.
It is time for the Clinton Administration to work resolutely to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Therefore, the United States should:
Suspend IMF credits to Russia.
The war costs at least $1 billion a month. The IMF is scheduled to provide Russia with $640 million in December to be applied toward Russia's IMF payments. Western assistance funds are fungible, which means that the money provided to repay the debt could be used instead to step up the war in Chechnya. IMF assistance to the Kremlin should be suspended until the war is over.12
Demand that Russia obey its commitments under the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty.
Russia violated the current CFE treaty during the first Chechen war. It then requested a revision of the treaty, to which the United States agreed. Now, Russia again is in violation of the revised CFE treaty, which was signed at the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) summit in Istanbul on November 19. It has surpassed the limits for aircraft and heavy military equipment it is allowed to keep in the Caucasus.13 Prior to signing the document, Russia demanded an expansion of the flank limitations, and NATO agreed. So far, Moscow has announced that it will comply with the treaty after it terminates the Chechen operation.
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jesse Helms (R-NC), Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-MS), and a number of other Senators wrote to President Clinton on November 10, calling Russia's conduct in Chechnya "a brutal assault on the core values of the OSCE. ...[T]hese military operations weaken each day the credibility and reliability of arms control treaties that are a cornerstone to international peace and stability." The Senators demanded that the President refuse to sign the Adapted CFE Treaty unless Russia ceased hostilities in Chechnya, withdrew its troops, and opened negotiations with the government of President Maskhadov. The Senators indicated that the Senate would be "reluctant to endorse" the treaty while Russia is in violation.
Encourage Russia to start peace negotiations under OSCE sponsorship and request that a permanent OSCE mission be dispatched to Chechnya.
To date, Russia has refused to negotiate with President Maskhadov or with other Chechen leaders under the aegis of the OSCE.14 Under OSCE rules, humanitarian issues are not exclusively the internal matter of any member, but can be addressed by other OSCE members. An OSCE mission in Chechnya functioned during the first Chechen war, and it is time to revive it. In addition to observing and facilitating negotiations, this mission could coordinate humanitarian assistance.
Western European leaders, such as Germany Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer and NATO Secretary General George Robertson, have appealed to Moscow to initiate peace talks.15 They and other European leaders should be supported in their efforts to end the war. When the Russians are ready to talk, the United States and the European Union should sponsor a broad conference for peace in the Northern Caucasus.