Urban naxalism- strategy and modus operandi

Vishwarupa

Senior Member
Joined
Sep 15, 2009
Messages
2,436
Likes
3,587
Country flag
Urban Naxalism: Strategy And Modus Operandi – Part 1
Vivek Agnihotri- May 04, 2017, 9:35 pm

Shares 1.1 K

SNAPSHOT




The war in the jungles is fought openly. The war in cities, clandestinely.





Urban naxals are the ‘invisible enemies’ of India, some of them have either been caught or are under the police radar for working for the movement and spreading insurgency against the Indian state. One common thread amongst all of them is that they are all urban intellectuals, influencers or activists of importance.

A quick look into the accomplishments of all the urban naxals suggests that they have indoctrinated the youth by pretending to be concerned about social issues. However, my observation is that they never tried to find a solution to social problems. Dictated by the politburo strategy, they just exploit the situation by organising protests and mobilising masses which can be used for party building. They encourage students to take admission in different colleges and fail so that they can continue longer on the college campus.

For a student, from a poor or marginalised background, a subsidised stay in a government hostel, in a big city, is a luxury which he laps up without questioning the ulterior motives of his mentors. With the help of these students they attract new students and organise 'boot study camps'.

An investigation by the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) into the arrest of some people has revealed that the banned outfit Communist Party of India (Naxal) had organised a 15-day camp in Pune in mid-2010. Seven men and four women participated in the 'study camp' called 'teachers training programme'. During the camp, a top Communist Party of India Marxist (CPI-M) state operative, Milind Telumbde alias Jyotirao alias Bada Deepak, and his wife Angelo Sontakke alias Sadhana alias Rahi alias Iskara, the secretary of CPI (naxal)'s golden corridor committee, taught lessons on naxal ideology and naxalism to their new party members and potential recruits.

The venue of the camp was a room at the small Kude Burdruk village in Bangarwadi in Khed taluka of Pune district, located about 50km from the city. The room was of a local farmer, a relative of Dhavala Dhengle alias Deepak Dengale alias Pratap. The man who gave his room for the purpose was told that it was a camp for teachers from Pune and Mumbai to study tribal issues. Pratap was employed with the vehicle department of Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) and arrested by ATS in early May 2011 for his alleged naxal links. A singer and poet, Dhengle was a member of Pune-based cultural group Kabir Kala Manch, which was allegedly used by CPI (naxal) for interacting with city youths and indoctrinating them into naxal ideology. Pune-resident Chandaliya, founder of Kabir Kala Manch, who attended the camp, said in his statement, "Sadhana (Angela) and Jyotirao (Milind) had come to the camp. They explained naxal ideology to us. They showed us a video named 'Blazing Trail' on attacks on police and paramilitary forces."

The new strategy focuses on a six-stage approach called SAARRC – survey, awareness, agitation, recruitment, resistance and control. In an essay on the issue P V Ramana quotes a state intelligence official, “They have completed the first stage of survey, that is, identifying the target groups, potential areas of discontent and flash-points in urban areas. Now they are in the process of implementing the second and third stages of their strategy.”

In a detailed article in Mainstream Weekly titled ’Metastasis of Naxal Network in Urban India’ where its author Sudhansu Bhandari details naxal urban strategy. He writes:

“This is achieved through the creation of the following types of frontal organisations:

(1) Secret revolutionary mass organisations, (2) Open and semi-open revolutionary mass organisations, and (3) Open legal mass organisations, which are not directly linked to the party. Urban work within the third type of organisations can further be subdivided into three broad categories: (a) fractional work, (b) partly-formed cover organisations, and (c) legal democratic organisations.”

The legal democratic organisations are the most dangerous for national security, as they try to subvert constitutional authority surreptitiously by building mass support through subtle manipulation of grievances against the state.

Though government can ban the other two but it’s almost impossible to ban these legal organisations as the civil-society, human-rights and other vigilante groups all rush forth with hue and cry that the rights of the common man are being gagged. These organisations work closely with disgruntled groups of trade unions, student bodies, women’s fronts, caste-abolition organisations, nationality organisations, writers’ associations, lawyers’ organisations, teachers’ associations, cultural bodies etc.

Survey Step

This step involves scrutinising the urban landscape based upon their geographical profile of whether they are serving an industrialised or under-developed hinterland; changes in work-force composition, minute study of the linguistic and religious minorities; of the economic divergences within cities; of the processes involving ghettoisation as these are the potential breeding grounds for their recruits whom they can very easily indoctrinate to work against the interests of the Indian state.

The Agitation Step

The urban-based cadres of the party fight for basic amenities like water, electricity, toilets and sewerage, against corruption and exploitation of ration-shop owners, adulterators and black-marketers, against slum-lords, goonda gangs and other lumpen elements. They organise struggles on these issues through the local committees and the slum-dwellers’ organisations. As women and unemployed youth play a leading role in most of these struggles, the mahila mandals (women’s associations) and youth clubs are asked to be involved.

The Recruitment

From the naxal literature seized from their leaders who were arrested in Uttar Pradesh in early 2010, the Special Task Force (STF) had learnt that the central politburo member, Chintanda was targeting the poverty-racked districts in Bundelkhand region, many of which were dacoits’ hubs till recently.

Although most of the powerful dacoit gangs have been eliminated, a large chunk of backward caste leaders has plenty of weapons in their possession. These, the naxals felt, could be used for future action.

In Karnataka, educational campuses are the new hunting grounds for naxals. The intelligence dossier of the state police reveals that naxals scour campuses in Mangalore and Shimoga for new recruits and sympathisers. Universities in Dakshina Kannada have become potential training grounds to strike when the iron is hot – that is to recruit intelligent but impressionable minds who could be swayed by the romanticism involved in fighting for a just cause against an exploitative Indian state. Universities like Kuvempu and Mangalore became potential recruiting zones for the CPI (naxal) which was on a waning streak in South India.

The naxals have been following a very systematic policy whereby the physically fit youths are shifted to hinterlands for armed struggle, with the more educated lot being retained in the cities to carry out agitations and propaganda amongst the masses.

An interrogation of the naxal leaders arrested in West Bengal reveals that the naxal focus has now shifted to Jadavpur University (JU). Kanchan, the arrested CPI (naxal) state secretary, has reportedly told the security agencies that a recruitment process is on for the outfit’s military wing and JU has emerged as a major centre for cadres. Besides, the naxals are believed to have a backup module among the university students. Kanchan has reportedly also said that 12 students from Presidency are working actively as CPI (naxal) cadres in Lalgarh. As the naxals try to spread their network to urban areas, Jadavpur University and Presidency College are not the only institutions they are tapping. According to intelligence agencies, youngsters studying at colleges in Howrah and Hooghly are also their target. The arrested naxals have told the police that a number of their cadres have moved into the outskirts of Kolkata for setting up urban bases. They stay in comfortably furnished, rented houses in areas such as Rajarhat, Baguihati, Uluberia and central Kolkata.

The case of Kobad Ghandy is even more interesting. His arrest by a special Delhi Police team near Bhikaji Cama Place in the South Delhi area on 21 September 2011 reveals that the naxals had started “operation urban base” to organise their activities in cities by recruiting poor and unemployed youth to fight for their cause and women to ensure their participation in large numbers.

The Urban Perspective document clearly highlights that the naxal leadership’s rhetoric is not all loud talk with no substance. That it is composed of educated persons holding the highest educational qualifications, and who are motivated enough to a cause (however blighted) for which they have spent their entire lives.

  1. To accomplish their urban objectives, naxals have employed multi-pronged tactics. I summaries them.
  2. To recruit or install naxal sympathisers in key public sector industries.
  3. To infiltrate into the enemy camp in critical departments like finance, military, police, power, IT, defence production and disrupt the activities from within by gaining control over the workers. Slowly, passive protests and continuous grievances lead to a domino effect in an already disgruntled nation.
  4. To create a network of doctors and hospital attendants sympathetic to their cause who shall treat their injured cadres with utmost secrecy.
  5. To create cadres in urban areas who are technically qualified to handle the latest arms and ammunitions.
  6. To create groups of highly motivated individuals who constitute what the naxals call as ‘city action teams’. These members are entrusted with the destruction of high-value targets or the annihilation of individuals of importance. The identity of such members is unknown even to the local urban party structure.
  7. The collection of centralised intelligence and cyber-warfare. The party tries to use modern electronic means to infiltrate into the enemy’s networks and collect vital information. For this, they need to have individuals with requisite skills, who can only be found in urban areas and who, because of the nature of their job, need to be based therein. Such persons are under the direct control of the highest party echelons.
  8. To create cultural unrest with the help of propaganda platforms like Kabir Kala Manch.
If one probes Kabir Kala Manch and the tentacles it has spread in the cultural landscape of India, what unfolds is not what one can ever associate with a cultural outfit.
 

dhananjay1

Senior Member
Joined
Mar 10, 2013
Messages
3,291
Likes
5,534
There is hardly anything clandestine about Naxal recruiting in cities. They go around openly recruiting people in the name of communism on campuses and hostels. I remember one local commie group using posters of Bhagat singh to advertise their group among students. There is no ideological difference between mainstream Indian communism and Naxalism, just difference of tactics.
 

F-14B

#iamPUROHIT
Senior Member
Joined
Aug 13, 2016
Messages
2,075
Likes
3,992
There is hardly anything clandestine about Naxal recruiting in cities. They go around openly recruiting people in the name of communism on campuses and hostels. I remember one local commie group using posters of Bhagat singh to advertise their group among students. There is no ideological difference between mainstream Indian communism and Naxalism, just difference of tactics.
do you mean the AISF better known as the All India Suckers foundation or the DYFI (demonic youth federation of india)
 

Willy2

Regular Member
Joined
Feb 7, 2017
Messages
847
Likes
1,554
Naxal don't have much foothold in urban area , I personally believe that cong/left influence govt for many years try to keep status quo with naxal in red-corridor due to highly influence red bureaucrat in govt institute and academy .
But then red try to spread , and to do that they don't even bother to seek help of bangladeshi jamat and other islamist org in Bangladesh , N.E separatist and most notably ISI.
I remember just before start of operation green hunt , some muslim-bangadeshi naxal captured from two border district Malda and Murshidabad of Bengal.
It's might wake the govt up to realize that they compromise national security too much .
After 80's red influence in urban area reduce drastically , even after Mamta's horrible display I am sure she gonna win 2021 election with 75% seat , because nobody trust red .
And naxal knew it too , so to spread , they first allied with missionaries and then Jihadist , but jihadi-pak tie is too bigger threat for govt , so after 6 years of mission despite various loss of our brave heart we able to suppress these dangerous ideology along with their softcore section to only there stronghold which no longer treated as "temple of intellectualism".
 

dhananjay1

Senior Member
Joined
Mar 10, 2013
Messages
3,291
Likes
5,534
do you mean the AISF better known as the All India Suckers foundation or the DYFI (demonic youth federation of india)
Don't really remember, it was a long time ago. But I think the acronym started with D.
 

Vishwarupa

Senior Member
Joined
Sep 15, 2009
Messages
2,436
Likes
3,587
Country flag
POLITICS
Why Do People Become Communists, And Why Do They Stick With It?
Jeffrey Tucker- May 06, 2017, 5:54 pm

Shares 16

SNAPSHOT




If there is no rational case for Communism as such, why do people go for this stuff?

Because human beings are capable of believing in all sorts of illusions.





For as long as I can remember, I’ve puzzled about why people become Communists. I have no doubt about why someone would stop being one. After all, we have a century of evidence of the murder, famine and general destruction caused by the idea. Ignoring all this takes a special kind of wilful blindness to reality.

Even the theory of Communism itself is a complete mess. There is really no such thing as common ownership of goods that are obviously scarce in the real world. There must be some solution to the problem of scarcity beyond just wishing reality away. Perhaps ownership and trade? Slogans and dreams are hardly a suitable substitute for a workable programme.

But how Communism would work in practice is not something they want to talk about. They just imagined that some magical Hegelian shift would take place in the course of history that would work it all out.

So if there is no rational case for Communism as such, why do people go for this stuff?

The Red Century

The New York Times has been exploring that issue in a series of remarkable reflections that they have labelled Red Century. I can’t get enough, even the ones that are written by people who are – how shall I say? – suspiciously sympathetic to Communism as a cause.

The most recent instalment is written by Vivian Gornick. She reflects on how her childhood world was dominated by Communists.





The sociology of the progressive world was complex. At its center were full-time organizers for the Communist Party, at the periphery left-wing sympathizers, and at various points in between everything from rank-and-file party card holders to respected fellow travelers….When these people sat down to talk, Politics sat down with them, Ideas sat down with them; above all, History sat down with them. They spoke and thought within a context that lifted them out of the nameless, faceless obscurity into which they had been born, and gave them the conviction that they had rights as well as obligations. They were not simply the disinherited of the earth, they were proletarians with a founding myth of their own (the Russian Revolution) and a civilizing worldview (Marxism).While it is true that thousands of people joined the Communist Party in those years because they were members of the hardscrabble working class (garment district Jews, West Virginia miners, California fruit pickers), it was even truer that many more thousands in the educated middle class (teachers, scientists, writers) joined because for them, too, the party was possessed of a moral authority that lent shape and substance, through its passion for structure and the eloquence of its rhetoric, to an urgent sense of social injustice….The Marxist vision of world solidarity as translated by the Communist Party induced in the most ordinary of men and women a sense of one’s own humanity that ran deep, made life feel large; large and clarified. It was to this clarity of inner being that so many became not only attached, but addicted. No reward of life, no love nor fame nor wealth, could compete with the experience. It was this all-in-allness of world and self that, all too often, made of the Communists true believers who could not face up to the police state corruption at the heart of their faith.




Sounds fascinating, if bonkers (Marxism is hardly a “civilizing worldview”). It sounds less like an intellectual salon of ideas and more like a religious delusion. Those too can be well-intentioned. The key here is a dogmatic ideology, which serves as a kind of substitute for religion. It has a vision of hell (workers and peasants exploited by private-capital wielding capitalist elite), a vision of heaven (a world of universal and equal prosperity and peace) and a means of getting from one to the other (revolution from below, as led by the vanguard of the proletariat).

Once you accept such an ideology, anything intellectual becomes possible. Nothing can shake you from it. Okay, that’s not entirely true. One thing can shake you off it: when the leader of the cult repudiates the thing you believe in most strongly.

Khrushchev's Heresy

She was 20 years old in 1956, when Nikita Khrushchev spoke to the Soviet Communist Party about the crimes of Stalin. Apparently the unrelenting reports of famine, persecution and mass death, from the early years of Bolshevik rule – and even the revelation of the Hitler-Stalin pact – would have demoralised them earlier. But no:





The 20th Congress report brought with it political devastation for the organized left around the world. Within weeks of its publication, 30,000 people in this country quit the party, and within the year it was as it had been in its 1919 beginnings: a small sect on the American political map.




Amazing.

The Early Reds

And speaking of this small 1919 sect, I’m reminded of one of my favorite movies: Reds (1981). I could watch it another 20 times. It explores the lives of the American Communists of the turn of the 20th century, their loves, longings and aspirations. The focus is on fiery but deluded Jack Reed, but it includes portraits of a passionate Louise Bryant, the gentile Max Eastman, an edgy Eugene O’Neill and the ever inspiring Emma Goldman.

These people weren’t the Progressives of the mainstream that history credits with having so much influence over policy in those days. These were the real deal: the Communists that were the source of national frenzy during the Red Scare of the 1920s.

The movie portrays them not as monsters but idealists. They were all very talented, artistic, mostly privileged in upbringing, and what drew them to Communism was not bloodlust for genocide but some very high ideals.

They felt a passion for justice. They wanted to end war. They opposed exploitation. They longed for universal freedom and maximum civil liberty. They despised the entrenched hierarchies of the old order and hoped for a new society in which everyone had an equal chance.

All of that sounds reasonable until you get to the details. The Communists had a curious understanding of each of these concepts. Freedom meant freedom from material want. Justice meant a planned distribution of goods. The end of war meant a new form of war against the capitalists who they believed created war. The hierarchies they wanted to be abolished were not just state-privileged nobles but also the meritocratic elites of industrial capitalism, and even small land owners, no matter how small the plot.

Why be a Communist rather than just a solid liberal of the old school? In the way the movie portrays it, the problem was not so much in their goals but in their mistaken means. They hated the state as it existed but imagined that a new “dictatorship of the proletariat” could become a transition mechanism to usher in their classless society. That led them to cheer on the Bolshevik Revolution in its early stages, and work for the same thing to happen in the United States.

The Dream Dies

Watching their one-by-one demoralisation is painful. Goldman sees the betrayal immediately. Reed becomes an apologist for genocide. Bryant forgets pretending to be political and believing in free love, marries Reed and tends to his medical needs before his death. O’Neill just becomes a full-time cynic (and drunk). It took Max Eastman longer to lose the faith, but he eventually became an anti-socialist and wrote for FEE.

The initial demoralisation of the early American Communists came in the 1920s. They came to realise that all the warning against this wicked ideology – having been written about for many centuries prior, even back to the ancient world – were true.

Eastman, for example, realised that he was seeking to liberate people by taking from them the three things people love most in life: their families, their religion and their property. Instead of creating a new heaven on earth, they had become apologists for a killing machine.

Stunned and embarrassed, they moved on with life.

But the history didn’t end there. There were still more recruits being added to the ranks, generations of them. The same thing happened after 1989. Some people lost the faith, others decided that socialism needs yet another chance to strut its stuff.

It’s still going on today.

As for the Communist Party in America, most left-Progressives of the Antifa school regard the Party as an embarrassing sellout, wholly owned by the capitalist elite. And when we see their spokesmen appear on television every four years, they sound not unlike pundits we see on TV every night.

It would be nice if any article written about Communism were purely retrospective. That, sadly, is not the case. There seem to be new brands of Marxian thought codified every few years, and still more versions of its Hegelian roots that take on ever more complex ideological iterations (the alt-right is an example).

Why do people become Communists? Because human beings are capable of believing in all sorts of illusions, and we are capable of working long and hard to turn them into nightmares. Once we’ve invested the time and energy into something, however destructive, it can take a very long time to wake us up. It’s hard to think of a grander example of the sunk-cost fallacy.





This article was originally published in the Foundation for Economic Education and has been republished here with permission.
 

Vishwarupa

Senior Member
Joined
Sep 15, 2009
Messages
2,436
Likes
3,587
Country flag

Urban Naxalism: Strategy And Modus Operandi – Part 2
Vivek Agnihotri- May 06, 2017, 8:39 pm

Shares 60

SNAPSHOT


If the government of the day fails to come up with a counter-strategy to arrest Naxalism immediately, it may, as planned, result in a bloody civil war.





The Naxal movement is engaged in Fourth Generation Warfare (4GW). This war is waged by a blurring of the lines between war and politics, combatants and civilians. If they have reached this stage, we have no one but our political leaders to blame as they have used Naxals for their political gains and shunned them when not required. Like Gahsiram Kotwal.

The modern-day guru of 4GW, William Lind, aptly observes that, “If nation states are going to survive, people in power must earn and keep the trust of the governed.” Addressing the American Council of Foreign Relations, he said, “the heart of Fourth Generation Warfare is a crisis of legitimacy of the state”. How true to the Indian model when he added that, “the establishment is no longer made up of ‘policy types’ – most of its important functionaries are placemen. Their expertise is in becoming and then remaining members of the establishment. Their reality is covert politics and not the competence or expertise. When the 4GW will visit them, their response would be to ‘close the shutters on the windows of Versailles’.”

This 4GW is complex and long term. It’s decentralised, small in size and lacks hierarchy. The strategy is to make a direct attack on the enemy's (Indian state) culture, including genocidal acts against civilians, and wage a highly sophisticated psychological and cultural warfare, especially through media manipulation and lawfare. All available pressures are used – political, economic, social and military. For this purpose, legal professionals are required, media professionals are required, creative people, varied intellectuals and academicians are required, and civil society leaders are required, especially those who are connected with non-governmental organisations. It begins with low-intensity conflicts where actors attack from different platforms.

In 2004, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War, usually called People's War Group (PWG), merged the Naxal Communist Centre of India (MCC) and formed Communist Party of India (Naxal), pledging to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The party became a member of the Coordination Committee of Naxal Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA).

This new entity drafted five vision and strategy documents under an urban perspective plan – a blueprint for their urban movement and activities. It is believed that Gobad Ghandy, alias Rajan, who was arrested in September 2009 in New Delhi, played a major role in the preparation of this plan.

Of the five documents, ‘Strategy and Tactics’ and ‘Urban Perspective Document’ caught my attention. These documents take a long-term approach as they believe direct confrontation for quick results won't help. The document admits that enemy is very strong in urban areas and, therefore, never to engage with the enemy until the conditions are favourable. And to make them favourable, it suggests exploring and opening of opportunities, organising people through frontal organisations, targeting the 'vulnerable group' of minorities, women, Dalits, labour and students through influencers who work undercover for a long time and accumulate strength. The document stresses on uniting industrial proletariats, the weak and students, and use them as vanguards who can play a direct role in the revolution.

The city becomes the money source, shelter for cadre as transit points, source of weaponry and legal protection, medical aid, media attention and intelligentsia network.

So, an invisible Naxal-intelligentsia-media-academia nexus works as strategic fortification with the ultimate aim of taking over the Indian state to achieve Naxal rule. They have identified Pune-Mumbai-Ahmedabad as the Golden Corridor, the Delhi-Kanpur-Patna-Kolkata as Ganga Corridor and KKT's (Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu) Chennai-Coimbatore-Bengaluru as tri-junction.

"Mass organizations are operating under the garb of human rights NGOs. These are manned by ideologues, including academicians and activists,” the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) said in an affidavit filed in the Supreme Court, detailing the new strategy of the Naxal movement.

The affidavit cites the 'Strategy and Tactics of the Indian Revolution’ document as a blueprint of the Naxal plan to seize political power. It states that one of the strategies adopted by Naxals is to mobilise certain targeted sections of the urban population through its mass organisations, which are otherwise known as 'front organisations'. The MHA filed the affidavit in response to a notice issued by the Supreme Court on a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by former Madhya Pradesh member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) Kishore Samrite that the Naxal problem was spreading rapidly.

"The mass organizations mostly operating under the garb of human rights NGOs are organically linked to the CPI (Naxal) structure but maintain separate identities in an attempt to avoid legality," the MHA affidavit says.

The affidavit further says such organisations pursue human-rights-related issues and are also adept at using legal processes to their benefit. According to the home ministry, ideologues and supporters of Naxals in cities and towns have undertaken a concerted and systematic propaganda against the state. "In fact, it is these ideologues who have kept the Naxal movement alive and are in many ways more dangerous than the cadres of the People's Liberation Guerilla Army," the affidavit says.

The tactics employed are extremely effective and media-attention grabbing. These range from using aggressive agitations and propaganda provoking Dalits to take up arms to programmes on anti-capitalist policies to target controversies in history (e.g., Is this what Dr Ambedkar wanted in the Constitution?). They work with feminist groups, atheist groups, anti-superstition movements, intellectuals, students, labourers, slum groups, farmers, journalists, competitive exam centres and so on. They take up genuine issues with the aim not to solve them but to create unrest and anger against the system and make people believe in armed struggle. This is how the 'vulnerable group' unknowingly becomes their vanguard. Like I became, under the mentorship of my professors.

Naxal documents stress on building a strong base in cities, and mention three kinds of urban mass organisations: secret, open and semi-open, and legal, the last including cover organisations and affiliated activists. The forest-based rebellion survives mostly on what Naxal ideologue Varavara Rao calls the “movement in urban areas”. From the urban network comes logistics, moral and intellectual support and the ideological argument for violence. The network is in several cities, and sympathisers occupy prominent positions.

So far, the urban movement has served the Naxals in a number of ways. Take logistics support for example. In 2006, police seized empty rocket shells and rocket launchers in Mahabubnagar district, Andhra Pradesh. The kingpin, ‘Tech Madhu’, later surrendered to the police, which led to the detection of an elaborate network the Naxals had built to manufacture rocket parts and transport them to different parts of the country. The network originated in the industrial centre of Ambattur, a suburb of Chennai where these were fabricated in separate foundries and stealthily transported in private commercial carriers to different parts of the country. The network spread across five states: Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Odisha.

On many occasions, important top-level leaders of the CPI (Naxal) have been arrested from cities and towns, indicating that frontal organisations in cities are used as shelters.

The detection of Naxal activities in towns such as Surat, in Gujarat, clearly indicates that the Naxals are attempting to penetrate the urban-based working-class movement in the country. Besides, there have been reports of the detection of Naxal activities in Haryana –– in Jhind, Kurukshetra, Panipat, Sonepat, etc. A closer look at these areas reveals that these are industrial hubs. In Delhi, the Naxals have reportedly infiltrated the Delhi Safai Karmachari Sanghatan. In fact, according to a media report quoting unnamed intelligence officials, “The rebels, the sources add, have plans to strike in the industrial belts of Bhilai-Ranchi-Dhanbad-Calcutta and Mumbai-Pune-Surat-Ahmedabad to take their battle into the heart of India.”

Some instances of Naxal violence adversely affecting trade and economy are – damaging road construction machinery, shutting down and destroying bank branches, damaging railway lines, highways and telecom towers, thereby inhibiting communication and transport, and destruction of the pipeline for transporting iron ore slurry in Chhattisgarh. According to reports, “power and steel industry projects in Chhattisgarh with investments of the order of rupees one hundred and thirty billion were stagnated due to Naxalite disturbances.” All in all, it’s a very grim economic condition which affects all sectors of industry and all class of people. Micro-economic effects include lower tourist inflows, lower regional tourism market share, reduced usage of public transport, reduced long-term investments in agriculture and other potential sectors, reduced enrolment in schools, lower job availability and lack of substantial opportunities.

The urban movement has attracted students towards the Naxal fold in various parts of the country. In the 1980s, hordes of students from Kakatiya University and Regional Engineering College (now National Institute of Technology), Warangal, and Osmania University, Hyderabad, joined the then Progressive War cadres. Besides, according to one media report, “…security agencies believe that the front organizations have started vigorous movement in the education sector, to rope in students from several reputed colleges for their cause… [they] warned the [Nagpur] city police about these student-oriented revolutionary organizations. People working under banners with hints of revolution, like ‘sangharsh’ and ‘kranti’ are under the scanner”.

Following the arrest of Himadri Sen Roy, a very senior Naxal leader, and Somen alias Sumanand, West Bengal State Committee Secretary, near Kolkata, police claimed that, “the CPI (Naxal) has initiated a drive to spread its network in the city (Kolkata) and its outskirts and the outfit has brought some youths and students from premier educational institutions like Presidency College under its fold in the last two years.”

In Bengaluru, too, Naxal activities in colleges have been noticed. According to a media report, the police suspected that a group known as the Karnataka Communal Harmony Group (KCHG), a congregation of intellectuals and activists, is a Naxal front. Apparently, top police officials visited the famous Jesuit college – St Joseph’s – to investigate the involvement of students with the KCHG and the Naxals. In fact, in Karnataka, it was the urban movement that was stronger than the rural movement. Jawaharlal University, Hyderabad Central University, TISS, Allahabad University, IIT Madras and Jadavpur University are the citadels of urban Naxalism.

Moreover, if and when the urban movement catches on, the state will have to deal with industrial unrest and urban terrorism. Urbanisation itself has some faultiness and the Naxals could well exploit this to their advantage. Also, the stronger the movement becomes in the urban areas, the more it is likely to contribute to the agrarian revolution – in terms of providing leaders and men and material to the people’s war.

If the government of the day fails to come up with a counter strategy to arrest Naxalism immediately, it may, as planned, result in a bloody civil war.

Also Read: Urban Naxalism: Strategy And Modus Operandi – Part 1
 

OneGrimPilgrim

Senior Member
Joined
May 18, 2015
Messages
5,238
Likes
6,786
Country flag
i had one dastardly incident of maoshit-poaching in my gau-like quiet, peaceful locality/neighbourhood itself!
later....
 

F-14B

#iamPUROHIT
Senior Member
Joined
Aug 13, 2016
Messages
2,075
Likes
3,992
Recently in kerala the KPS cammandos the thunderbolts had killed 3 commies in the high range areas of the malabar region

Heres what happened next the CPIM local sec came to call the naxals commrades in arms
 

A chauhan

"अहिंसा परमो धर्मः धर्म हिंसा तथैव च: l"
Senior Member
Joined
Oct 10, 2009
Messages
9,143
Likes
20,810
Country flag
"Buddha in a Traffic Jam" free youtube stream :-


This movie exactly tells why there is naxalism in India and who benefits from it. A masterpiece by Vivek Ranjan Agnihotri...
 

Latest Replies

Global Defence

New threads

Articles

Top