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The job of the military officer to the Army Chief is one of the most sensitive in the force. It involves direct coordination between the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) and the workings of the large Indian Army. That was the job entrusted to Lieutenant General Avadhesh Prakash. He now becomes the highest ranking general in the Indian Army’s history to face court martial, even though the COAS General Deepak Kapoor went soft on his trusted aide, initially, ordering only administrative action. That it took Defence Minister AK Antony to overrule this is evidence enough that all is far from well in the Indian Army.
The land scandal in which Lieutenant General Prakash was allegedly involved relates to his issuance of a ‘no objection certificate’ for the sale of 71 acres of land in picturesque Sukhna, West Bengal, to a private building contractor. This instance of corruption and cover up at the very apex of the Army lays bare the fact that behind the fixation with keeping everything that moves secret—as ‘classified’—this once-admired army has slipped into a chaotic and often corrupt cesspool.
That is not all. Four major generals, two brigadiers and eight officers are being charged for various irregularities in relation to the procurement of ‘certain items of dry rations’ for soldiers in Jammu & Kashmir. At last count, 21 senior officers were facing assorted charges, according to a report tabled in Parliament.
This is an Army at war. With itself. Here’s a snapshot.
SOMEWHERE IN THE WESTERN SECTOR
Dust whirls from the tracks of the Indian Army’s elite armoured corps’ T-90 tanks. These are the mainline offensive punch of the Army. A military exercise is on. But it’s dusk. And at night, the soldiers face a critical challenge—they are driving night blind. A majority of the night-vision equipment on tanks does not operate well under Indian conditions. An army blind at night is a sitting duck, or, to use a reverse metaphor, a deer caught in the headlights.
PUNE
Addressing the problem of a massive shortage of officers is a key issue for those who run India’s premier National Defence Academy (NDA). Given the stark disparity between a corporate pay-cheque and an Army one, there are no easy answers. So desperate is the NDA that last year it decided, in principle, to increase its direct intake from the National Cadet Corps (NCC) from a handful to 80 cadets.
CHENNAI
Rajendra Singh was an ordinary Army jawan. Till one day on 6 February 2008, he picked up his rifle for the last time. He shot himself. Over the last decade, the Army has lost more soldiers to suicide and in friendly fire than fighting insurgencies. It’s a telling indictment of the low morale and high stress that are proving a deadly combination for the 1.3 million-head strong force, the world’s fourth largest.
CONGO
Even while the Indian Army has more than 8,000 officers serving in various UN missions around the world, Congo has been a particular embarrassment for it, with allegations of sexual abuse and gold smuggling, among other laurels earned. The credibility of the Army is on the line. A force that prides itself in its imperial legacy of discipline is in disarray when it comes to crucial postings abroad.
SIACHEN GLACIER
Brrr, it’s cold. And it is not just because the soldiers are at 16,000 ft above sea level—the world’s highest battlefield. At Siachen, a scandal has been exposed by India’s Comptroller and Auditor General (Cag). Many of the clothes worn by the soldiers are hand-me-downs. That is, clothing re-used and not fresh, as is mandatory for heights above 10,000 ft. The Army is ill-equipped even when it comes to the basic attire of soldiers at such heights. And this, after improving the lot of soldiers fighting to hold the glacier was made a personal mission in the decade’s earlier half by the then Defence Minister George Fernandes.
AN ARMY IN SEARCH OF A ROLE
The bad news is that the above mentioned are only the minor problems facing the Indian Army. A far larger crisis confronts the force. It faces doctrinal irrelevance. The conventionally envisioned role of the Indian Army was to pierce through Pakistan and aim at capturing ground territory fast, through rapier-like thrusts by its elite armoured corps.
However, with Pakistan now armed with nuclear weapons, and the hostility threshold for the use of nukes being ambiguous, how far can the Indian Army really go before Pakistan threatens a nuclear attack? This question paralyses India’s defence planners. The Army has not fully grappled with this central dilemma, thereby displaying strategic myopia of a perilously high order.
“The traditional doctrine of the Indian Army was based on the strike corps,” says Gurpreet Kanwal of the New Delhi-based Centre for Land Warfare Studies, a defence think-tank, “In this, two of the three strike corps were to punch deep inside Pakistan, while the third held a defensive formation. However, with a nuclear weapon-armed Pakistan, this traditional doctrine has become problematic. It calls for strategic boldness. Can India call Pakistan’s nuclear hand a bluff? Or will the threat of nuclear Armageddon spell the death of this doctrine? It certainly leaves strategy planners in a quandary.”
This is no small matter. Once a war is underway, those in charge from the Prime Minister downwards will have to work out the offensive’s strategic calibration. Is India willing to abandon its posture of ‘no first use of nuclear weapons’ in favour of a pre-emptive strike to ‘take out’ Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal? If not, what is the acceptable level of damage that India is willing to endure, should Pakistan choose the nuclear option midway? Unlike the Cold War standoff which brought plans of an American ‘Star Wars’ defence shield in its wake, the warning time between Amritsar and Lahore, say, of a nuclear missile attack is estimated at four minutes. In any case, striking down a missile with a missile is almost like shooting a bullet with a bullet—dicey.
DISCURSIVE DIPLOMACY
The other big problem is force preparedness. In 2001-02, the Indian Army took much too long during Operation Parakram to mobilise its strike formations against Pakistan. “It took ten months to mobilise the full force,” discloses a retired commander who served in that operation, “In any war, if a force takes almost a year to mobilise an attack, it is a major disadvantage. This negated the impact, especially the diplomatic clout that the military mobilisation may have leveraged. It also took away the surprise element, critical in any military operation. The operation also exposed weaknesses in the supply chain and combat-readiness of an army that had not seen full-scale war for over two decades.”
The land scandal in which Lieutenant General Prakash was allegedly involved relates to his issuance of a ‘no objection certificate’ for the sale of 71 acres of land in picturesque Sukhna, West Bengal, to a private building contractor. This instance of corruption and cover up at the very apex of the Army lays bare the fact that behind the fixation with keeping everything that moves secret—as ‘classified’—this once-admired army has slipped into a chaotic and often corrupt cesspool.
That is not all. Four major generals, two brigadiers and eight officers are being charged for various irregularities in relation to the procurement of ‘certain items of dry rations’ for soldiers in Jammu & Kashmir. At last count, 21 senior officers were facing assorted charges, according to a report tabled in Parliament.
This is an Army at war. With itself. Here’s a snapshot.
SOMEWHERE IN THE WESTERN SECTOR
Dust whirls from the tracks of the Indian Army’s elite armoured corps’ T-90 tanks. These are the mainline offensive punch of the Army. A military exercise is on. But it’s dusk. And at night, the soldiers face a critical challenge—they are driving night blind. A majority of the night-vision equipment on tanks does not operate well under Indian conditions. An army blind at night is a sitting duck, or, to use a reverse metaphor, a deer caught in the headlights.
PUNE
Addressing the problem of a massive shortage of officers is a key issue for those who run India’s premier National Defence Academy (NDA). Given the stark disparity between a corporate pay-cheque and an Army one, there are no easy answers. So desperate is the NDA that last year it decided, in principle, to increase its direct intake from the National Cadet Corps (NCC) from a handful to 80 cadets.
CHENNAI
Rajendra Singh was an ordinary Army jawan. Till one day on 6 February 2008, he picked up his rifle for the last time. He shot himself. Over the last decade, the Army has lost more soldiers to suicide and in friendly fire than fighting insurgencies. It’s a telling indictment of the low morale and high stress that are proving a deadly combination for the 1.3 million-head strong force, the world’s fourth largest.
CONGO
Even while the Indian Army has more than 8,000 officers serving in various UN missions around the world, Congo has been a particular embarrassment for it, with allegations of sexual abuse and gold smuggling, among other laurels earned. The credibility of the Army is on the line. A force that prides itself in its imperial legacy of discipline is in disarray when it comes to crucial postings abroad.
SIACHEN GLACIER
Brrr, it’s cold. And it is not just because the soldiers are at 16,000 ft above sea level—the world’s highest battlefield. At Siachen, a scandal has been exposed by India’s Comptroller and Auditor General (Cag). Many of the clothes worn by the soldiers are hand-me-downs. That is, clothing re-used and not fresh, as is mandatory for heights above 10,000 ft. The Army is ill-equipped even when it comes to the basic attire of soldiers at such heights. And this, after improving the lot of soldiers fighting to hold the glacier was made a personal mission in the decade’s earlier half by the then Defence Minister George Fernandes.
AN ARMY IN SEARCH OF A ROLE
The bad news is that the above mentioned are only the minor problems facing the Indian Army. A far larger crisis confronts the force. It faces doctrinal irrelevance. The conventionally envisioned role of the Indian Army was to pierce through Pakistan and aim at capturing ground territory fast, through rapier-like thrusts by its elite armoured corps.
However, with Pakistan now armed with nuclear weapons, and the hostility threshold for the use of nukes being ambiguous, how far can the Indian Army really go before Pakistan threatens a nuclear attack? This question paralyses India’s defence planners. The Army has not fully grappled with this central dilemma, thereby displaying strategic myopia of a perilously high order.
“The traditional doctrine of the Indian Army was based on the strike corps,” says Gurpreet Kanwal of the New Delhi-based Centre for Land Warfare Studies, a defence think-tank, “In this, two of the three strike corps were to punch deep inside Pakistan, while the third held a defensive formation. However, with a nuclear weapon-armed Pakistan, this traditional doctrine has become problematic. It calls for strategic boldness. Can India call Pakistan’s nuclear hand a bluff? Or will the threat of nuclear Armageddon spell the death of this doctrine? It certainly leaves strategy planners in a quandary.”
This is no small matter. Once a war is underway, those in charge from the Prime Minister downwards will have to work out the offensive’s strategic calibration. Is India willing to abandon its posture of ‘no first use of nuclear weapons’ in favour of a pre-emptive strike to ‘take out’ Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal? If not, what is the acceptable level of damage that India is willing to endure, should Pakistan choose the nuclear option midway? Unlike the Cold War standoff which brought plans of an American ‘Star Wars’ defence shield in its wake, the warning time between Amritsar and Lahore, say, of a nuclear missile attack is estimated at four minutes. In any case, striking down a missile with a missile is almost like shooting a bullet with a bullet—dicey.
DISCURSIVE DIPLOMACY
The other big problem is force preparedness. In 2001-02, the Indian Army took much too long during Operation Parakram to mobilise its strike formations against Pakistan. “It took ten months to mobilise the full force,” discloses a retired commander who served in that operation, “In any war, if a force takes almost a year to mobilise an attack, it is a major disadvantage. This negated the impact, especially the diplomatic clout that the military mobilisation may have leveraged. It also took away the surprise element, critical in any military operation. The operation also exposed weaknesses in the supply chain and combat-readiness of an army that had not seen full-scale war for over two decades.”
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