Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) Related discussions

doreamon

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Make every video of Pakis killing Tlp people viral on social media
Problem is their cause and islamic nature wont receive support of left and librandu .. And right ll encourage pak army to do more while claping .. Pak army literally throwing galons of acid on these people and noone gives a shit 😆 ..
 

Jimih

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Translation

The government lied and launched an operation against Tehreek-e-Lubaik Pakistan

Spread this video to the public so that everyone can see the real face of this fake terrorist PTI government that is dropping Israeli hand grenade bombs on Aashiqan Rasool.

 

Covfefe

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Banned, fear grips Pakistani establishment


Even before this official notice, there were instructions to the media to give minimal to no coverage to them. Still, a few pro Sharif outlets like News 24 and others continued. Now, they're officially putting a stop to this. BTW, even the youtubers delivering news article need to take an annual NOC now from Dabbu Fawad Chudrahi
 

doreamon

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Chalo Islamabad

In case pak army fails in some distant future may not be now .. There must be powerful deep bunker buster bombs and complete knowledge of locations where nuclear equipments are kept . Even china ll nt be safe if a terrorist entity get hold of knowledge and equipment . Complete plan needed to be forumlated by world powers to denuclearize pakistan .

USA got such tech to destroy N korea deep fortified nuclear base .
 

Tshering22

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In case pak army fails in some distant future may not be now .. There must be powerful deep bunker buster bombs and complete knowledge of locations where nuclear equipments are kept . Even china ll nt be safe if a terrorist entity get hold of knowledge and equipment . Complete plan needed to be forumlated by world powers to denuclearize pakistan .

USA got such tech to destroy N korea deep fortified nuclear base .
That was exactly my question; what are the chances that Pakistani Army ties up with these lunatics instead? While our folks are egging them on just for the fun of it, we have to consider that in a country like Pakistan anything is possible. TLP seems to have the same the jihadi mentality that the Pakistani Army has and therefore is a potential political threat. In fact, there were reports of several conservative muslim soldiers from paramilitary who actually joined these protesters against the IK regime.

What are the chances the TLP could overthrow IK regime, curry favour with the Paki generals, and take over the establishment? Do we have a plan B?

This will embolden the Muslim living in India as well.
 

FalconZero

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What are the chances the TLP could overthrow IK regime, curry favour with the Paki generals, and take over the establishment? Do we have a plan B?
Kek that would be the best thing that can happen IMO. TLP is an out and out fundamentalist with no mask, it will give us leverage against pakis and that's why i doubt it will happen. Just pressure tactics of their military on IK nothing else.
 

Tshering22

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Kek that would be the best thing that can happen IMO. TLP is an out and out fundamentalist with no mask, it will give us leverage against pakis and that's why i doubt it will happen. Just pressure tactics of their military on IK nothing else.
They could go underground. As they have no love lost for any of the Indian communities, they will also try to form links with Muslim groups in India. And in a population of 230 million, it is easy to find millions who would happily join their call for jihad. They don't have a mask because given their economic condition, they really don't care about anything other than their cult. This could have been fun if we had just 1%-3% population as Muslim. But we have almost 18% (realistic figure). With Owaisis, and Bhim-meem types rampaging all around our rural areas, this can get pretty ugly. Let's face it; everyone is not Dr Kalam.

TLP's biggest appeal is its religious card.
 

FalconZero

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They could go underground. As they have no love lost for any of the Indian communities, they will also try to form links with Muslim groups in India. And in a population of 230 million, it is easy to find millions who would happily join their call for jihad. They don't have a mask because given their economic condition, they really don't care about anything other than their cult. This could have been fun if we had just 1%-3% population as Muslim. But we have almost 18% (realistic figure). With Owaisis, and Bhim-meem types rampaging all around our rural areas, this can get pretty ugly. Let's face it; everyone is not Dr Kalam.

TLP's biggest appeal is its religious card.
I hope Indian Muslims are not stupid enough to outright go for the call but they won't until they have reached a significant population stage, at least 30%. Most that will come to the support of TLP will get no sympathy (or similar cause) and will be put down and that's a good thing.

Owaisi is smarter, similar to him Muslims want the Islamisation of India rather than fighting for the already Islamic country and for the islamisation of the India they ensure that some of they pretend to be 'nationalist' while being actively Islamist doing al-taqiya to hide their agenda. They will keep doing it, push the boundaries subtly. Get their people in power, take over judiciary, government orgs and so on.

Yes there will be violent uprising at some places with majority muzzrat population centres but they will be put down quickly. Similar to how when some cuckmiri jihadis is killed, other Muslims in India at least don't overtly come in their support but indirectly they will try whataboutism, don't say anything or just project their fantasies of muh peace and muh love and everyone knows how lovely and peaceful they really are.
 

doreamon

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What ever happening its good ... Paki establishment has used religion as a weapon against India . Now they must face some consequences .
 
Last edited:

doreamon

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Religious fanaticism is not a curse for them; they don't think like we do. This is something less-travelled Indians don't understand.
They means who .. For upper class establishment of Pakistan religion is a weapon against india . Jihad is used against neighbours to achieve strategic purpose .. Pakistan always be a head ache . People who say they want stable pak are in stockhom syndrom . Our conflict with them not going anywhere . A disturbed Pakistan is much better than a stable pakistan . It ll keep their economic growth and alliance with China on check . Qualified people ll leave country as well .. We ll win the narrative war .
 

doreamon

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A good article frm dawn .

IT seems that the government has eventually decided to confront and neutralise the banned Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan. The group’s continuous manipulation of deals and negotiations with the state to gain more power has apparently led the government to show resolve which many hope will not prove ephemeral. Strict action will certainly help offset the group’s street power, but it will also entail a political price. The real challenge of deconstructing and countering the TLP’s ideological narrative will also haunt the state for a long time.

The TLP is a product of post-9/11 narratives, which the US and Western powers promoted to counter the ideologies of Al Qaeda and its affiliates. They encouraged so-called alternative narratives, or religious-ideological trends, which they thought could challenge extremist ideologies that justified terrorism. The Muslim elites projected Sufi Islam as an alternative to extremist religious thought and launched ventures such as ‘enlightened moderation’, engaging the clerics and scholars they believed had roots in Sufi Islam.

Before the rise of the TLP, Barelvi scholars and leaders projected themselves as peaceful Sufi believers. But the power elite ignored the fact that many Barelvis did not have a mindset different from that of the followers of other Islamic sects in the country. They are indeed part and parcel of the same thought processes even though their sectarian orientations differ.

Read: The irony of the government's response to TLP march


Many Barelvis already felt they had been marginalised during the Soviet-Afghan war in the 1980s. They blamed the security establishment and Saudi Arabia for discouraging their participation in the Afghan jihad. Several among their leaders also believed that the insurgency in India-held Kashmir was their battlefront, but they were ignored. If we go deeper, we can see the TLP is an anti-Al Qaeda and anti-TTP project gone wrong. One might have thought within the establishment about their political utility much in the same way that they used militant and religious groups in the past. But the TLP proved a costly project, which has brought more embarrassment and harm than advantages.

The TLP has busted the myth about peaceful and Sufism-inclined Barelvis. In search of relevance, the TLP has provided the latter sect a long-awaited sense of power. Many TLP supporters argue no one can now occupy their mosques or forcibly have their shrines vacated.

The TLP has busted the myth about peaceful and Sufism-inclined Barelvis.
The TLP has provided a purpose in life and a sense of empowerment to many people belonging to the lower-income groups and this is a major contributing factor to its rise in a class-based society. It has also provided a sense of relevance to the Barelvi madressah youths, who felt alienated during the decades of jihad, and saw no prominent place for themselves in the religious, political and militant landscapes of the country. The number of Barelvi madressahs, especially those for females, has grown in Pakistan during the last decade. The TLP narrative empowered the madressah youth, just as the Sipah-i-Sahaba had empowered the Deobandi madressah youth. Madressahs for females are strengthening the TLP narrative and students of these religious institutions are also influencing their families in the matter of supporting the TLP.

Religious extremism in society and the nationalism project of the power elites make groups like the TLP more lethal. Such groups use religion for political purposes instead of making it a source of positive social change and character development of individuals. These groups do not even fall into the category of the system which views the existing one as flawed and suggests the Muslim faith as a complete code of life and alternative system. Though such groups seek inspiration from political Islamist movements, their worldview does not match the latter’s and their opinions on statecraft and state institutions are simplistic.


These groups have grown into big enterprises and their power is increasing and state institutions are facilitating them in this process while making deals with them and using them for political purposes. However, they cannot develop a nationalist character or create hyper-nationalism like the Sangh Parivar, which is deeply rooted in India’s culture and social ethos, is doing across the eastern border.

In fact, groups like the TLP divide societies along sectarian lines and damage the image of a majoritarian mindset. Maybe, those promoting the TLP thought that Sufi belief is similarly deep-rooted in our culture and social ethos. But controlling shrines of the secular Sufis does not necessarily make the custodians of these shrines subscribe to moderate Sufism as they seek guidance from more or less the same sources of conventional knowledge as other sects in Pakistan. So Barelvis can be just as exclusive in their approach as others and use the same tactics to gain powers as other sects.

One can argue that Jamaatud Dawa (JuD) cannot gain the same space and glory that it once enjoyed in Pakistan, mainly due to persistent international pressure and the threat of FATF sanctions, but the group’s ideology was very close to the worldview of the power elites. It not only had a militant front but also very active political and charity wings. However, Salafi Islam in Pakistan remains confined to some semi-urban and industry-based urban centres and faces problems in creating mass appeal.

The JuD had replaced the Jamaat-i-Islami on the establishment’s chessboard, as post-9/11 developments had shrunk the spaces for JI’s affiliated groups. Gradually, it has also lost political relevance. However, the TLP would have not been the alternative for the JuD. If there was any such assumption, it was based on a grave fallacy. Its political utility was minimal, but the cost was high, and even when the government has decided to crush the group, its actions will come at a heavy price.


It is not certain if the establishment has another player in mind for future political utility, but one can be fairly certain that many religious figures and groups would be ready to present their services.
 

Covfefe

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A good article frm dawn .

IT seems that the government has eventually decided to confront and neutralise the banned Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan. The group’s continuous manipulation of deals and negotiations with the state to gain more power has apparently led the government to show resolve which many hope will not prove ephemeral. Strict action will certainly help offset the group’s street power, but it will also entail a political price. The real challenge of deconstructing and countering the TLP’s ideological narrative will also haunt the state for a long time.

The TLP is a product of post-9/11 narratives, which the US and Western powers promoted to counter the ideologies of Al Qaeda and its affiliates. They encouraged so-called alternative narratives, or religious-ideological trends, which they thought could challenge extremist ideologies that justified terrorism. The Muslim elites projected Sufi Islam as an alternative to extremist religious thought and launched ventures such as ‘enlightened moderation’, engaging the clerics and scholars they believed had roots in Sufi Islam.

Before the rise of the TLP, Barelvi scholars and leaders projected themselves as peaceful Sufi believers. But the power elite ignored the fact that many Barelvis did not have a mindset different from that of the followers of other Islamic sects in the country. They are indeed part and parcel of the same thought processes even though their sectarian orientations differ.

Read: The irony of the government's response to TLP march


Many Barelvis already felt they had been marginalised during the Soviet-Afghan war in the 1980s. They blamed the security establishment and Saudi Arabia for discouraging their participation in the Afghan jihad. Several among their leaders also believed that the insurgency in India-held Kashmir was their battlefront, but they were ignored. If we go deeper, we can see the TLP is an anti-Al Qaeda and anti-TTP project gone wrong. One might have thought within the establishment about their political utility much in the same way that they used militant and religious groups in the past. But the TLP proved a costly project, which has brought more embarrassment and harm than advantages.

The TLP has busted the myth about peaceful and Sufism-inclined Barelvis. In search of relevance, the TLP has provided the latter sect a long-awaited sense of power. Many TLP supporters argue no one can now occupy their mosques or forcibly have their shrines vacated.


The TLP has provided a purpose in life and a sense of empowerment to many people belonging to the lower-income groups and this is a major contributing factor to its rise in a class-based society. It has also provided a sense of relevance to the Barelvi madressah youths, who felt alienated during the decades of jihad, and saw no prominent place for themselves in the religious, political and militant landscapes of the country. The number of Barelvi madressahs, especially those for females, has grown in Pakistan during the last decade. The TLP narrative empowered the madressah youth, just as the Sipah-i-Sahaba had empowered the Deobandi madressah youth. Madressahs for females are strengthening the TLP narrative and students of these religious institutions are also influencing their families in the matter of supporting the TLP.

Religious extremism in society and the nationalism project of the power elites make groups like the TLP more lethal. Such groups use religion for political purposes instead of making it a source of positive social change and character development of individuals. These groups do not even fall into the category of the system which views the existing one as flawed and suggests the Muslim faith as a complete code of life and alternative system. Though such groups seek inspiration from political Islamist movements, their worldview does not match the latter’s and their opinions on statecraft and state institutions are simplistic.


These groups have grown into big enterprises and their power is increasing and state institutions are facilitating them in this process while making deals with them and using them for political purposes. However, they cannot develop a nationalist character or create hyper-nationalism like the Sangh Parivar, which is deeply rooted in India’s culture and social ethos, is doing across the eastern border.

In fact, groups like the TLP divide societies along sectarian lines and damage the image of a majoritarian mindset. Maybe, those promoting the TLP thought that Sufi belief is similarly deep-rooted in our culture and social ethos. But controlling shrines of the secular Sufis does not necessarily make the custodians of these shrines subscribe to moderate Sufism as they seek guidance from more or less the same sources of conventional knowledge as other sects in Pakistan. So Barelvis can be just as exclusive in their approach as others and use the same tactics to gain powers as other sects.

One can argue that Jamaatud Dawa (JuD) cannot gain the same space and glory that it once enjoyed in Pakistan, mainly due to persistent international pressure and the threat of FATF sanctions, but the group’s ideology was very close to the worldview of the power elites. It not only had a militant front but also very active political and charity wings. However, Salafi Islam in Pakistan remains confined to some semi-urban and industry-based urban centres and faces problems in creating mass appeal.

The JuD had replaced the Jamaat-i-Islami on the establishment’s chessboard, as post-9/11 developments had shrunk the spaces for JI’s affiliated groups. Gradually, it has also lost political relevance. However, the TLP would have not been the alternative for the JuD. If there was any such assumption, it was based on a grave fallacy. Its political utility was minimal, but the cost was high, and even when the government has decided to crush the group, its actions will come at a heavy price.


It is not certain if the establishment has another player in mind for future political utility, but one can be fairly certain that many religious figures and groups would be ready to present their services.
Govt surrendered and agreed to release Saad Rizvi. French ambassador issue wasn't clarified in the press brief
 

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