Sri Lanka Watch, News and Discussions

nandu

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Rajapaksa-led ruling alliance headed for formidable victory

COLOMBO:president Mahinda Rajapaksa-led ruling alliance in Sri Lanka, the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA), has recorded an emphatic victory in the parliamentary elections held on Thursday.

Of the results of 180 seats declared so far, the alliance has won in 120 constituencies.

Public mood unchanged

The outcome of the elections to the 225-member House shows that there is no change in the public mood since the January 26 Presidential election in which Mr. Rajapaksa secured a second tenure by nearly 18 percentage points over the candidate backed by the entire Opposition.

Going by the available trends and projections for the remaining seats, the UPFA might end up short of a dozen seats for a two-thirds majority. The main Opposition grouping, led by the United National Party (UNP), has so far bagged only 47 seats.

The Democratic National Alliance (DNA), the third front led by the defeated common consensus Presidential candidate and the former Army Chief General (retired) Sarath Fonseka, has fared poorly, securing less than half-a-dozen seats.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, a main constituent of the alliance, is the biggest loser.

The official final tally of the new Parliament is expected to be delayed for at least two weeks, as the Election Commission has withheld the results of 12 seats in the Kandy district following complaints of irregularities in some polling booths.

Though the six-week campaign in the run-up to the elections did not evoke much interest among the people, the outcome was watched with keen interest as it is the first general election in the island nation after the military defeat of the LTTE and the death of its leader Velupillai Prabakaran in May last.

The pro-LTTE Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has done well in the elections. The formation has bagged a dozen of the 20 seats for which the results have been declared so far in the provinces of north and east.

Low turnout

Low voter turnout and sporadic incidents of violence marked the elections.

The Election Commission is to release the voting data only after all the results are officially announced and the independent election monitors have estimated the voter turnout to be between 50 and 55 per cent. Polling in the war-ravaged Northern Province appears to be very low.

The high-pitched presidential election in the fourth week of January that saw a voter turn-out of nearly 75 per cent, a general perception that the combine headed by the President would fare well in the parliamentary election after the Presidential poll and a series of elections throughout the country, barring in the north, were some of the factors for the voter apathy.

http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/10/stories/2010041061600100.htm
 

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Interview with Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary, Sri Lanka


Sri Lankan Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa was in New Delhi on a low key visit early this year. President Mahinda Rajapaksa's younger brother is known as the 'master strategist' in the power circles in Colombo. Gotobaya is credited with several military strategies that enabled the Sri Lankan military to defeat the LTTE. One such tactics now described as the 'small boats' strategy came up for discussion with Indian defence planners and strategists.


"General Fonseka will be tried for treason

and politicizing the Army."

GOTABAYA RAJAPAKSA

Sri Lankan Navy's 'small boats' strategy outflanked and out-manoeuvred the Sea Tiger's naval capability. This is being closely studied by Indian strategic planners because New Delhi is mulling over a 'small boats' strategy for India's maritime security and surveillance. In an exclusive interview to Indian Defence Review, Rajapaksa says, "General Sarath Fonseka will be tried for treason and for politicizing the Army".

What is the government's thinking on General Sarath Fonseka's entry into politics?

The commander succumbed to personal ambitions. He worked for four and half years with us as a team member. Then without any justifiable reason he teamed up with the very Opposition that had been so critical of him and the Army's war against terror. He teamed up with people and groups that were critical of the military campaign against the LTTE. He teamed up with people who were against him. He betrayed our national cause for his personal ambition.

The Sri Lankan government says Fonseka has committed treason"¦

From the day he decided of coming into politics he began projecting the military campaign in such a manner so as to get public sympathy.

Is that the reason why he has been arrested?

The action taken by government is not based on politics. We are purely doing the right thing. Any person has the right to come into politics. But when you exercise that right there are rules and regulations, rights and wrongs to follow.

What are the charges against Fonseka?

The biggest damage he did was to the military. Our military was out of politics for so many years. Army, Navy and Air Force was apolitical. Unfortunately, Sarath Fonseka politicized the Army. He should have joined politics after making a clear break from the Army. Military is such an important institution. He served it for 38 years. He commanded the Army. As the Army Commander he constantly talked about discipline. But for his personal and political advantage he used the military. He used the military for personal gains. He used senior officers for his political campaign.

He even started his political campaign from the Army Commander's official residence. He kept the military resources allocated to him by the government because of his status as the Army Commander and used it for political purposes. He has committed several illegal acts. Merely because he contested the Presidential Elections, one cannot turn a blind eye to it.

So by arresting Fonseka the government is signalling its intention to purge politics out of the Army?

It is the responsibility of the government, senior officers of the military and me to roll back and reverse the politicization of the Army. If no action is taken it will give a wrong message to the military. We have to take remedial measures. Taking legal action against Sarath Fonseka may not be wise politically. But to do the right thing is important.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa eventually won the Presidential elections quite comfortably. What's the first priority of the government?

The damage done by LTTE's terrorism over the last 30 years is visible to everyone. The hidden part of this damage was the stagnation of economic development. While the world has technologically advanced, Sri Lanka remained bereft of this advantage because the entire national attention was focussed on combating terror. The first port of call for investors visiting Colombo is to the office of the Secretary of Defence! I have had to meet with several investors concerned about the safety of their investments. Over the last five years I have met investors who wanted to know whether we could defeat terror.

So the investors interested in Sri Lanka would be feeling reassured now?

Real victory will be achieved when we bring the economy on track and move towards a high rate of growth. Real victory will be achieved when we pass the benefits of a booming economy to the Sri Lankan people. We have to focus on the rural economy. It is the rural areas that need to be developed and it is principally in these regions where development initiatives must be focussed.

Why focus so disproportionately on the rural economy?

Most of our soldiers are from rural areas. They are our real heroes. Eighty four percent (84%) of people who died in the war were soldiers who had one month to two years of service. Almost all of them were from rural areas.

Is this a conscious effort to keep the military happy?

Sri Lanka's Armed Forces have done so much of sacrifices. In the last 30 years 30,000 military personnel were killed in action and 20,000 disabled.

Clearly, the government is keen to keep the military operationally ready. Why?

We cannot allow LTTE terror to come back. The first phase of the war is over. The LTTE's war machinery, its fighting ability and its leadership in Vanni have been decimated and destroyed. The second phase of the war will be in a different form. So we can't relax. Our operational preparedness must be high, but invisible. Our security strategy has to be in a different form.

Keeping peace is more difficult than fighting a war?

We have to develop superior intelligence gathering abilities and mechanisms. We have to develop military intelligence. We have to develop a national intelligence gathering infrastructure. We must dominate the jungles and prevent remnant LTTE members or supporters and sympathisers from setting up bases. We have to dominate the coastal belt to ensure that weapons and ammunition are not brought in from the sea. We now know how much weaponry, artillery pieces were brought in from the sea by LTTE ships. Therefore, maritime surveillance is of utmost importance to prevent any new group that takes the mantle of LTTE to bring weapons to the country.

Also Read Gaps in Maritime Security

At the same time we want to bring normalcy. We had imposed a lot of restrictions that adversely affected our economy. Like the restrictions on fishing activities. We want to change the image of Sri Lanka. We are removing bunkers and toning down security presence on the streets. Our security presence will now be largely invisible with a strong emphasis on gathering real time tactical, technical, and human intelligence.

So the remnant LTTE organization outside Sri Lanka continues to remain a threat?

The LTTE has developed a good network outside Sri Lanka. They have a good network in Europe, America and in South East Asia. Over the last three decades they have developed fund raising capabilities. There is a strong Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora in several countries. Within this Diaspora there is a significant pro-LTTE section. They have ability to raise funds. They have a good shipping network. They have a good arms procurement network. They have a good propaganda network.

There are several LTTE assets invested in legitimate businesses in countries having sizeable Tamil Diaspora presence. Moreover, even though the LTTE is destroyed in Sri Lanka, fact is there are still several LTTE operatives active in countries outside Sri Lanka. With the help of foreign governments we have been successful in getting KP (Selvarasa Pathmanathan alias Kumaran Pathmanathan) and Rajan (The Terrorist Investigation Division announced Rajan's arrest on January 28, 2010. Rajan was involved in procurement of weaponry and military hardware for the LTTE).

Colombo's quiet diplomacy seems to be paying off"¦

There is international interest to dismantle LTTE's network spread over several countries and liquidate their assets. The only stumbling block is the presence of Tamil Diaspora in several Western countries.

http://www.indiandefencereview.com/...ya-rajapaksa-defence-secretary-sri-lanka.html
 

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Sri Lanka blocks cricketers visiting Dalai Lama


Sri Lanka stopped national cricket captain Kumar Sangakkara and another player from calling on the Dalai Lama out of fear that a meeting would anger China, an official said on Tuesday.

Sangakkara and former skipper Mahela Jayawardene were advised not to join their Indian Premier League teammates who paid a courtesy call on the Tibetan spiritual leader last month, the official said.

"Kumar and Mahela were instructed not to visit the Tibetan leader. It was a foreign ministry directive that was issued to us, via the sports ministry," Sri Lanka cricket secretary Nishantha Ranatunga told AFP.

Sangakkara was the skipper of the Kings XI Punjab in the just concluded IPL tournament. Local media reported that Jayawardene's wife Christina had, however, joined the team to visit the Tibetan spiritual leader

"We were made to understand that we should not upset relations with China," Ranatunga said.

Sri Lanka, a key Buddhist nation, supports a "one-China" policy and regards Beijing as a key political and military ally.

China regularly protests to countries which allow visits by the Dalai Lama. Beijing sees him as a supporter of independence for Tibet, which it regards as Chinese territory. The Dalai Lama fled into exile in India in 1959.

Beijing has also helped block a resolution censuring Sri Lanka for its handling of the final stages of its war against the Tamil Tiger rebels last year and is a main supplier of small arms to the South Asian nation.


Read more at: http://cricket.ndtv.com/storypage.aspx?id=SPOEN20100140346&u=215&cp
 

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First Tamil to be jailed in Canada for funding LTTE

In the first case of its kind in Canada under its terrorism laws, a Sri Lankan Tamil has pleaded guilty to raising funds for the banned Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE) which was routed last year by the Sri Lankan forces.

Appearing in the British Columbia supreme court here on Tuesday, Toronto—based Prapaharan Thambithurai admitted raising money for the Tamil Tigers in 2008. Vancouver is the major city of British Columbia — the western—most province of Canada — with a huge concentration of the South Asian community.

The 46—year—old Sri Lankan Tamil, who came to Canada as a refugee in 1988, was arrested in 2008 for illegally raising funds for a banned terror outfit.

The LTTE was banned along with many other terror outfits by Canada in 2006 after the new Conservative government took

over.

He was arrested while seeking donations for the World Tamil Movement for relief work in Sri Lanka. But Canadian

intelligence agencies found that the body was a front organization for the banned LTTE.

Pleading guilty, the Sri Lankan Tamil admitted that half the money raised for humanitarian aid went to the LTTE.

His lawyer said his client had no option because any humanitarian aid for Tamils had to pass through the rebel—held area.

Though he faces up to 10 years in jail for aiding a banned terror body, the prosecution has demanded just two years'

term for him. He will be sentenced on Friday.

The verdict comes as the 300,000—strong Tamil Canadian community marks the first anniversary of the end of the Sri Lankan ethnic war by observing May 17 to19 as 'Days of Remembrance' for the Tamils killed in what they described as 'war crimes against humanity' by Sri Lankan forces.

Canada is home to the largest Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora outside the island nation, with most of them settled in the Toronto area.

http://beta.thehindu.com/news/international/article427981.ece
 

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India to Assist Lanka in Development of Air Base in Jaffna​

Date Submitted: Thu May 27, 2010
COLOMBO - India will assist Sri Lanka in the development of the crucial Palaly air base and the Kanakesanthurai port in Jaffna peninsula, as the country works to rebuild the war-torn Tamil-dominated North.

India is also willing to assist Sri Lanka in its resettlement program in the North.

Sri Lankan Prime Minister D M Jayaratne also recalled with gratitude the timely assistance given to Sri Lanka by India.

It may be recalled that recently the Sri Lankan authorities put in place a refurbished 12000 ton capacity fuel storage tank at Kankesanthurai port.

This was to enable cutting the costs previously incurred by the government as a result of long delays in the turnover of ships in Kankesanthurai due to the lack of a fuel storage tank facility. (PTI)
 

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A year after the war
Rajapaksa resetting the compass in Lanka
by Maj-Gen Ashok K. Mehta (retd)
One year after the war, victorious President of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa will be in India on June 8 to discuss relief and rehabilitation of the nearly 300,000 war displaced Tamils of the North. Any serious dialogue with Indian leaders on power sharing with minority Tamils and implementing the 13th Amendment in letter and spirit is unlikely though the issue will make it to the joint statement. Despite winning the war, the Sri Lankan President has wavered on a political solution by failing to appreciate the necessity of securing peace and ending the ethnic conflict.

Mr Rajapaksa is a happy man and must thank his stars for the unprecedented battlefield successes which were wisely converted into a string of spectacular political gains. He is a second-term executive President, his six-year term beginning only in November this year, his ruling alliance is six short of two thirds majority needed to change the constitution to give him a third term and his party rules in all the provinces where elections have been held (elections in the North are awaited). With these formidable credentials Mr Rajapaksa is destined to create history.

But there are negatives too which were ignored during and after the war. Disregard for human rights and international humanitarian law; curbs on press freedom especially the foreign media; eviction of NGOs and excessive and indiscriminate use of military force attracting allegations that 40,000 civilians were killed in the last phase of battle. In its latest report, the International Crisis Group has alleged that displaced Tamil civilians were killed in large numbers by the Army. "Evidence gathered by ICG provides reasonable grounds to believe that during April-May 2009, security forces intentionally and repeatedly shelled civilians, hospitals and humanitarian operations." Amnesty International went a step further accusing the Sri Lankan military of war crimes.

UN Secretary General Ban ki Moon is to set up an expert panel to advise him on the credibility of Sri Lanka's own investigations into war-related charges. And EU has issued notice of suspending trade concessions called GSP Plus. The West is incensed with the way the Rajapaksa government rejected its appeals for restraint and ceasefire and refused to entertain Western emissaries in the country. Many see Sri Lanka moving away from the West to the East with friends like Iran, Burma, China, Pakistan"¦
One year on, Mr Rajapaksa is beginning to recognise the ground reality and resetting the compass. He knows he cannot afford to antagonise the west where bulk of the Tamil diaspora resides. The government has already relaxed provisions in the Emergency regulation, released journalists from jail and sent an official delegation to patch up with EU. Initially Mr Rajapaksa ordered the formation of a panel to study the root causes of the conflict. The latest is Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission which is to examine events from February 21, 2002 (Norway-brokered ceasefire) to end of the war (May 19, 2009) and recommend at the end of six months, measures to promote national unity and reconciliation.

It is useful to recall the root causes of the conflict as some Sri Lankan leaders have said: there was no ethnic conflict, it was terrorism and with terrorism eliminated, it is hunky-dory. This lingering illusion among the majority Sinhalese contains the seeds of rejuvenating the Tamil cause and the idea of Eelam, given the one million Tamil diaspora and a nascent Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (with an estimated LTTE bounty of $ 600 million).

Four watershed events spurred the ethnic conflict — the Sinhala-only language Bill; the 1972 Constitution; parliamentary elections of 1977; and the 1983 Tamil pogroms. The Eelam War I reached its culmination in 1987 when India intervened to end the fighting. The LTTE brush with IPKF ended inconsequentially. Eelam War II began in 1990 and closed in a ceasefire in 1994. The next round of fighting was between 1995 and 2002. The decisive Eelam War IV flared up in 2006 with security forces scoring a historic victory by defeating the invincible Tigers at Mullaithivu. President Rajapaksa demonstrated that not only can a guerilla force be vanquished, it can also be comprehensively routed though at enormous social, human and diplomatic cost.

The centerpiece of past government strategy was bringing the LTTE to the negotiating table. Ceasefires were accompanied by five direct and two back channel negotiations with the LTTE. The first of the five attempts was the failed Indo Sri Lanka Accord followed by efforts towards power sharing made by Presidents R. Premadasa and Chandrika Kumaratunga, Prime Minister Ranil Wickramesinghe and President Rajapaksa. When the latter realised that Mr Prabhakaran would never be amenable to a negotiated settlement as he was determined to win Eelam through a military solution, Mr Rajapaksa picked up the gauntlet at Maavil Aaru.

President Rajapaksa achieved in 2009 what Indira Gandhi had in 1971 – winning the war. There are lessons from Sri Lanka's military success. But whether countries are able and willing to apply military forces in the face of external criticism and threats of sanctions is a moot point. India could almost never emulate this model as it follows a policy of minimum force with the use of heavy weapons and the use of air power almost unthinkable.
Other countries faced with insurgency problems and are not ideologically constrained on use of force, have tips to take from Sri Lanka's success story: clarity of mission; unity of effort, politico-military resolve, national will and a free hand to the military. When both sides are pursuing a military solution, one would have expected a stalemate. But by shaping the internal and external environment to his advantage, President Rajapaksa's winning team was able to snatch a spectacular victory in which India played a decisive role in keeping the LTTE's head down.

While in Delhi, Mr Rajapaksa must be told that Sri Lanka's national question dealing with the political empowerment of Tamils is also India's regional issue. History and geography dictate an equitable power-sharing arrangement with the minority Tamils (Sri Lankans now say there are no minorities — all are Sri Lankans). Neither the sacrifice of 1200 IPKF soldiers nor the sterling military, intelligence and diplomatic assistance provided by India during the decisive war should go in vain. Just as relief and rehabilitation are humanitarian requirements, dignity and devolution of power are political imperatives. That's the message for President Rajapaksa.

The logical conclusion to Sri Lanka's military victory over the LTTE and the peace process is empowerment of Tamils to ensure durable peace.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2010/20100529/edit.htm#4
 

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'No Big Brother; India should treat us like its little sister'

Ten days ago, Sri Lanka marked the first anniversary of its victory over the LTTE. It was a momentous occasion for the man credited with taming the Tigers, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa . But the threat posed by the LTTE has not entirely disappeared as demonstrated by the multi-level security checks at Temple Trees, the president's residence in Colombo. Rajapaksa talks Tigers, ties with India and why he likes the movie "My Name Is Khan" to Atul Sethi . Excerpts:

It's been a year since the defeat of the LTTE. Why do you think the movement failed?
Everyone knows what was going on in the movement and the reasons for its failure are evident. It was on a self-destruct path. Their demand for a separate Eelam was always out of the question. We couldn't have allowed that. But more importantly, the violence and bloodshed that had become their hallmark had to be stopped. I took a firm stand that this could not go on. We tried to negotiate with them but they refused. I had no other option but to take decisive action.

Is it a closed chapter now?
I won't say that. The LTTE sympathizers, their sleeping cadres are still there. They are being well looked after in various countries as well. No, the chapter isn't closed yet.

There were reports that over 20,000 Tamil civilians were killed in the final onslaught.
I don't think this is correct. Sri Lankan forces are very disciplined and we were extremely careful not to have civilian casualties. Prabhakaran's father, mother and his entire jing-bang were in our camps. If they were not harmed, where is the question of civilians being targeted? Why should we kill civilians? They are our people, after all.

You made a commitment to resettle all of the nearly 300,000 internally displaced Tamil civilians in the North under a 180-day resettlement program. Has this been achieved?
I am quite satisfied with the progress. From 300,000 people in the camps, the number has now come down to almost 30,000. By the end of the year, we should be able to demine most of the areas and get everybody back to their villages.

Did you get the support you expected from India in your fight against the LTTE?
Yes. India's support was there and we appreciate it a lot.

What kind of support was it — moral or military?
Both (laughs). We needed both.

Weren't the Chinese more forthcoming about selling you arms?
Purchasing weapons is a military decision. We were fighting a war. We got whatever was possible from India. The rest was bought from China, Pakistan, European Union, Israel, even the US. It's simple logic — whoever could supply to us quickly, we bought from them.

There are concerns in India about Sri Lanka's growing closeness to China and the Chinese utilizing this relationship to gain a foothold in the Indian Ocean. What would this mean for India-Sri Lanka relations?
There is no basis for such concerns. I have always maintained that India and Sri Lanka are not just friends. We are like relations and our relationship today is at the highest level. We look up to India and India too, I feel, has a duty to look after us — maybe not in a Big Brother sort of way, but perhaps like its little sister!

Recently, you had invited a few Indian cricketers to take treatment from your personal physician, Dr White. Isn't this a case of India-Sri Lanka cooperation?
Yes, it is. In fact, Sachin Tendulkar has benefited a lot from Dr White's treatment and he has recommended it to others. If we can help them, why not?

You arrive in India on June 8. Will we finally see the revival of the India-Sri Lanka Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, which has been hanging fire for two years?
We hope to discuss a number of issues. Economic development will be high on the priority list.You recently said that you learnt a lot from India's mistake in handing police control to state governments. Is that an excuse for not implementing the 13th Amendment, which provides for devolution of power to Sri Lanka's provincial governments?

India is a huge country — you can't compare it with Sri Lanka. I always say that police powers can't be given to provinces. There are too many issues. Look what happened during the Mumbai attacks, when it took so much time to get the commandos, because all kinds of clearances were required. That is why I feel that police powers on the island should be centralized.

Your detractors claim too many members of your family are in your administration.
What can I do if the people elect them? Recently, the people gave a landslide victory to one of my family members. So it is the people's decision. The day they don't want them, they'll kick them out.

After a hard day at the office, how do you unwind? Do you like watching movies?
Yes, I watch Hindi films in the evening, to relax.

Which movie did you watch most recently?
Shahrukh Khan's film "My Name Is Khan." It has captured the discrimination of Muslims in the West so well. I remember thinking after watching the film that people who are accusing us of human rights violations are themselves doing so in their own country.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...ike-its-little-sister/articleshow/5989859.cms
 

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New vision for India-SL economic engagement needed — Ashok Kantha


India, with a strong commitment to bilateral efforts towards economic development in Sri Lanka, has used the IIFA platform as the ultimate opportunity to boost trade ties beyond recent expectations --- which would see greater potential in tourism, food processing IT, and the SME sector.
While the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) are seen as the primary tools in the bilateral ties between the two nations, Sri Lankan exporters and professionals have lately opposed these instruments altogether, stating that the introduction of CEPA would be unfair, and suggesting total rejection of the Indian proposed CEPA, removal of "Non-tariff barriers", and also proper implementation of the FTA between the two countries .
Meanwhile, the Indian High Commissioner for Sri Lanka Ashok Kantha said, "The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and Sri Lanka was a pioneering effort. It has led to bilateral trade between India and Sri Lanka increasing six fold in the last ten years, with Sri Lankan exports having grown at a much faster rate than Indian exports to Sri Lanka. Thanks to the deliberately asymmetrical obligations assumed by the two countries under the FTA, the gap between Sri Lanka's exports to India and imports from India is being narrowed."
The high profile business roundtable 'FICCI-IIFA Global Business Forum' inaugurated by President Mahinda Rajapaksa saw local and foreign dignitaries, especially from India pledging their commitment for the development projects.
The High Commissioner further said, "Such a partnership should logically build on the successes that have been achieved in our upgraded economic ties over the last decade. The signs of a robust upswing in bilateral trade after a sharp decline in 2009 owing to global developments are already visible in 2010. This augurs well for the future. Today, what is required is a new vision for India-Sri Lanka economic engagement. Within this vision, the two governments should, in my view, play the role of facilitators, whereby we strengthen existing mechanisms and create new ones that provide the necessary framework for a closer economic partnership. Needless to say, any such framework must fully safeguard Sri Lanka's interests."
"These initiatives will provide the right signals also to the international business community, which is important in leveraging Sri Lanka's inherent advantages, including its strategic location astride the East-West maritime route and its proximity to the rapidly growing market of 1.1 billion people in India. Foreign investors will increasingly look at Sri Lanka as a platform for accessing not only its domestic market but the bigger market in the neighbourhood and beyond."
An area that is the primary focus of this event and where there is great potential for growth through bilateral cooperation is tourism, he said, adding: "It is important to expand our existing travel links and revive traditional ones, including ferry services and regional air services".
President Mahinda Rajapaksa said, the IIFA presence in Sri Lanka shows the confidence and trust India has in the country, and stressed that Sri Lanka lost all its opportunities during the last 40 years for development but yet managed to surmount all odds even during the war. "Sri Lanka achieved a 6% growth, and inflation and unemployment was brought down by 4% and 5% respectively'', he said.
"Our economy did not suffer in the face of global recession and none of our banks collapsed, and we faced all these threats successfully even when terrorism rocked this nation. Many have trust in us and investors are relying on our stock market. We need immense support in rehabilitation programmes and all conflicts will end if economic development is mooted. The scope for business is immense in the areas of infrastructure development and manufacturing. We offer an exciting package for investors. Furthermore, a 24-hour non interrupted electricity supply covering the whole island is also well on track," President pointed out.
The world business community is now slowly but surely acknowledging and appreciating Sri Lanka's "major" successes in the economic sphere," he concluded.
 

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CEPA: hush-hush not helping


By Namini Wijedasa

It is more than two years since Indian and Sri Lankan officials that negotiated the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) last met. In 2008, Indian Premier Manmohan Singh came to Colombo for the SAARC summit hoping to witness a signing of the CEPA but went away empty-handed. For a while, it had seemed as if the deal was properly in cold storage.
Suddenly, however, the Indians have started pushing for the two countries to sign the document. The topic is on the agenda for discussion during President Mahinda Rajapaksa's forthcoming state visit to India during which the Indians are expected to intensify pressure on the Sri Lankans to activate the agreement.
This eagerness is being countered in Sri Lanka-seemingly with tacit government approval-by various interest groups protesting against the CEPA. Among them are local businessmen who are thought to have close links with the ruling party. It has already been pointed out in local media that a group of high profile businessmen which recently marched to Temple Trees to demonstrate against CEPA was not chased away with batons and water canons but welcomed into a discussion with the president.
These businessmen were sent away by the president with the promise that he would not sign any agreement that would "harm Sri Lanka's interests". But what does this mean? The contents of CEPA remain "secret" except for some selective leaks by the privileged few who have read the document.
There are several questions in this regard that beg answering. For instance, what is the government's own position on the CEPA? Negotiations started as far back as 2005 (although initial work on the agreement predates to 2003, when Ranil Wickremesinghe was prime minister) so President Mahinda Rajapaksa's regime had sufficient time to ensure that what emerged from Indo-Lanka discussions on the top would not "harm Sri Lanka's interests". Nevertheless, there is silence from the palace about whether or not the government supports and is willing to sign CEPA.
Also, what does the document contain and why is there reluctance to release it for public scrutiny? This kind of over-protectiveness only breeds suspicion and promotes suspicion that those who wish to keep it secret know something we won't like about it.
Thirdly, why are people who know nothing about it protesting against CEPA while some discerning Sri Lankans that are privy to the details-like Director General of Commerce Gomi Senadheera - support it as being vastly beneficial to the country? Senadheera, who declined to comment in detail about CEPA, felt strongly that it was "a fear of the unknown" that was fuelling protests.
LAKBIMAnEWS confidentially learns that the secretary to the ministry commerce has now applied for permission from the secretary to the cabinet to release the CEPA for public consumption. It is not known if this will be approved since the agreement is a bilateral document. As such, it must be bilaterally agreed upon between India and Sri Lanka to make the agreement public. Such negotiations are certainly not taking place at ministerial or official level and it is uncertain whether President Rajapaksa will broach the subject on his visit.
Whatever the decision of the two governments, it would serve the interests of CEPA to publicise its details because speculation is raging in Sri Lanka about yet another "invasion" by India.
There is talk of Indian barbers flocking to Sri Lanka under the CEPA to put our hairdressers out of business. There are rumours of Sri Lanka transforming into another Middle East, awash with Indians depriving locals of employment and business opportunities. There are fears that Sri Lanka will become an extension of India, overrun by Indians exploiting the CEPA to their advantage.
Indian diplomatic sources interviewed last week maintained that it is a handful of Sri Lankans that oppose CEPA and that the vast majority are aware of the benefits this agreement can bring them. If this is true, why is the "vast majority" silent?
Sri Lanka's relationship with India remains a strange paradox. In the same breath that we declare India our friend, we also quake that India will take us over one way or the other-whether or not the Indians have such an interest.

"India gets concessions only in two sectors"

One thing is now clear in relation to the CEPA agreement: India is exceptionally eager to push it through. This keenness, coupled with India's recent interest in increasing diplomatic presence here, is not surprisingly being interpreted as part of her desire to balance out Chinese involvement in Sri Lanka. Whichever the case, India has stirred up a furious debate here, not helped by the fact that the CEPA remains a classified document.
Asked why CEPA was not being released to the public, Indian diplomatic sources maintained last week that the document that was finalised in 2008 was a framework agreement which is usually the earliest form of such a deal.
"The details are in the schedules and annexures which are hammered out after you reach broad agreement on what to do," a diplomat said, speaking on condition of anonymity. His contention, therefore, was that the document was not final enough to release.
Questioned why the CEPA had become such a "monster" here, this diplomat replied: "I don't think that categorisation reflects the breadth of Sri Lankan opinion. I, too, speak to a fair sample of Sri Lankan businesspersons and I am certain that a vast majority would not agree with your categorisation. This is a clear case of a vocal minority taking over."
This diplomat pointed out that goods and services being available at lower cost will bring advantages to the vast majority of Sri Lankans on the median line although it will admittedly hurt the bottom lines of a handful of producers if they are not able to adjust. But this, he said, is the story anywhere in the world.
Pointing to the Indo-Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ILFTA), he said there was enough literature and study by Sri Lankan scholars on the benefits of this agreement. "If Sri Lanka is worried about an invasion of Indian products here, Sri Lanka should have withdrawn from the Free Trade Agreement," he said, pointing out that such an invasion had never happened.
The diplomat said that under CEPA-as far as the goods sector was concerned-Sri Lanka will open up a fraction of the market (a further two products) to India. In return, India will liberalise access to a further 114 product categories from Sri Lanka, leaving just 80 items in her negative list. Sri Lanka would still have 12,000 items left in her negative list (items from India not given preferential duty access).
"You can see how asymmetrical this agreement is, was and will remain into the future," the diplomat pointed out. He scoffed at fears of Indian barbers putting local hairdressers out of business saying that under CEPA-as far as the services sector was concerned-Sri Lanka has given India access to 20 services sectors in Sri Lanka while India has opened up 80 sectors. "Twenty may be opened up but actually India gets concessions only in two sectors-those of ship repair and ship building and computer maintenance and repair, he said. "And it is not as if every underpaid or jobless computer repairer will head to Sri Lanka. Also, for every one Indian employee to come to Sri Lankan, the Indian company must make an investment of USD 100,000. The educational qualifications defined are of such a high level that you would be hard pressed to find a few people of that category to come work in Sri Lanka."
"So, the bar has been set so high that many people are knocked out," he continued. "To bring ten people to Sri Lanka under this agreement, the Indian company must make a one million dollar investment!"
The diplomat portrayed CEPA as an advantage to Sri Lanka in terms of India's vast market-1.2 billion people. "That itself is an absolute advantage and offer, considering that the offer itself is asymmetric. And mark you, Indian businessman don't go to sleep every night thinking 'when will Sri Lanka open up its market?'"
He warned that the officer in the services sector made by India is identical to the offer on the table at the World Trade Organisation. While it is not known when this will come through-and when the rest of the world will be able to take advantage of it-Sri Lanka is free to clinch the deal now, before a number of other players enter the Indian market. India is in trade negotiations with Sinagpore, ASEAN, Malaysia, South Korea and Japan, among other countries. "Five years hence, you decide to spread your wings and find that there is no space anymore," he said.

"We don't want what we have"

Ariyaseela Wickramanayake, a leading Sri Lankan businessman whose posts include chairman and managing director of Master Divers Pvt Ltd and Managing Director of Pelwatte Sugar Industries Ltd, is among the local entrepreneurs opposing the CEPA. LAKBIMAnEWS sought his views on the subject last week:
"We don't need any agreement to do business with India," he said. "We didn't have an agreement with India for 3000 odd years. They brought Buddhism here and we protected it. Whenever our kings wanted to get married, they went to India and brought a queen. Our relationship has been so close, unlike any two countries anywhere else in the world. It is like father and son. You don't have agreements between father and son, only with outsiders."
"Some irresponsible people are trying to push forward this agreement," he said. "We don't need an agreement when we buy everything from India even now. They didn't have cars 20 years ago so we bought from Japan. Now that they have cars, we are importing from them. Our motorcycles are almost 100 per cent from India. It makes business sense because the freight is less than if you import from anywhere else. There is no commercial value in buying everything that is available in India from any other country. You don't need CEPA or whatever. It is just commercially viable to buy from India."
"On the other hand, we are exporting old newspaper to India," he said. "We can't export potatoes or Mysore dhal or Bombay onions. They don't need it. At the same time, we don't want milk from India because our people must have employment here. 500,000 children sit for exams and only 20,000 get into university. Others must get involved in industry such as producing food. We must not import food. We need food security and employment. India levies a 160 per cent tax on milk. They don't allow any country to export milk to India. You can't take rice to India. Japan has an 800 per cent tax on rice. As chairman of National Livestock Development Board, I went to the Indian high commissioner and asked to buy cows. He refused to give us cows because they want to sell us milk powder. But we want to produce milk powder here. I am having a milk powder plant installed now by Indians. They will test it and go back but I can't employ them here. If I do, what are Sri Lankans to do?"
"India is our closest friend and I have nothing against them," Wickramanayake explained. "We will buy from them everything we don't have. We don't want what we have. We signed an agreement in 1815 with the British in Kandy. We wouldn't do it again if we had the chance to go back. Under the PL480 agreement, we agreed to purchase wheat and transformed this country into a nation of wheat eaters even though we don't grow wheat here. If given the chance, we wouldn't sign it today. With these kinds of bad experiences, we should not sign such agreement with anybody."
Wickramanayake said he hadn't read the agreement and was not interested to "even look at it".
 

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THE THREAT FROM INDIA LOOMS AGAIN


CONCERNS

India's one and only concern——- CHINA.

The threat from China at some future date could affect her interests in the region and affect security in the Indian Ocean. China has today the second largest navy in the world.

REASON; China's increases its influence in this country and counters India's Influence.

Latest development –China moves to develop the port of Colombo in addition to the huge port development project in Hambantota

INDIAN COUNTER STRATEGY

Ensure that Sri Lanka signs CEPA to have a strategic control over her economy by virtually taking over the commanding heights of her economy including the service sector

Demand permission to establish 'listening posts' in Hambantota (no other reason to establish a consulate as no Indians live in the south) increase the strength of the Colombo and Kandy missions; weaken SL government's influence in the North and establish mission in Jaffna though no people of Indian origin live there (they could of course open a visa processing center but there is no justification for that too). Their mission (if they open one) would be manned by RAW operatives to keep a close liaison with Tamil Nadu - a definite threat to our sovereignty and security.

IMMEDIATE DEMAND: IMPLEMENT 13th AMENDMENT IN FULL

THEIR STRATEGY -

Fund local political parties which would be asked to promote and safeguard their interests. Fund a network of influential Sri Lanka Tamils who would cultivate important Sri Lankans and provide them with information.

Show their strength by sabotaging events such as the Indian Film Festival by keeping out the big stars – this is only for a start. They had NDTV do a film on the war and the refugees which put Sri Lanka in a bad light. Many more activities will follow with RAW and the Ministry of External Affairs working together to ensure the success of their project.

They would also ensure that we would not forget how they destabilized us successfully and visited a thirty year war on us with horrendous consequences from which we would take another thirty years to recover.

The President should prepare to meet the threat when he meets the Indians next week. We simply CANNOT agree to them having two new missions in this country and positioning themselves to destablilize this country again. Mr. President –tell them that he would have to consult the people through a Referendum on this issue as this would affect the government if he agrees to this without consulting the people.

Walter Perera
 

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Why not signing the
CEPA is inimical to the interests of Sri Lanka ?​


BY Prof. Rohan Samarajiva

When the first bilateral agreement setting a legal framework for services trade, the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement, went through, it became the main issue in a general election that saw Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, its principal proponent, win. When the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement went through in 1998 there was barely any public discussion. Both were not optimal in public-policy terms. Bilateral agreements, especially involving non-tariff barriers (NTBs), are important and deserve public debate. Unfortunately, the opponents of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with India have ceased to debate on facts. They have descended to personal attack and half-truths. But to remain silent is to yield the public arena to the demagogues.

FTA to CEPA

Sri Lanka was the first country to have a working bilateral trade agreement covering goods with India. We would have been the second to have a working agreement with India that covered services and investment in addition to goods, if not for the government's retreat in 2008. The main opponent inside the government was the late Highways Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle. He was uninformed when he opposed the CEPA, as were the few but vociferous opponents who advised him. There was little public debate on the subject.

Some of the misconceptions propagated by the opponents were:

* Stopping the CEPA would help resolve the problems experienced with Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with India, operational since 2000;

* Increased deficits in the past few years under the FTA are bad;

* Sri Lanka's failure to increase exports to India, especially with regards to our main goods exports, tea and apparel, were entirely the fault of India; and

* Liberalization of services trade with India was harmful to Sri Lanka

There were problems with the FTA in its first decade. Nature's Secret succeeded in Bangladesh and not in India (I understand that they still sell in India). Munchee is an extremely successful company, but was frustrated by court cases in Tamil Nadu. The vanaspati episode was the nadir of the FTA's first decade. Here, legal-on-paper actions by certain Indian investors to exploit the low duties offered by the FTA by setting up factories in Sri Lanka to export into India were blocked by the Indian authorities.

There also have been great successes. Colombo Dockyards has succeeded in winning multiple government tenders, difficult to do if the Indians were intent on harming Sri Lankan exports. The "Amante" brand of lingerie marketed by MAS saw a 150 percent growth in 2009. A Nielson survey rated it as the Indian "Product of the Year" for 2009.

This is no evidence of a uniform pattern of big brotherly bad behavior. What the facts suggest is the value of working together to resolve problems especially when both sides are new to trade liberalization, including through the formal dispute settlement provisions that were not included in the FTA, but are included in the CEPA draft.

The least informed of the criticisms was the claim that rising imports from India were bad for Sri Lanka and evidence of the failure of the FTA. One of the reasons why Indian exports increased was the import of petroleum products by Lanka IOC. Another was the substitution of cheap Indian two-wheelers for the Japanese imports of yesteryear. It is silly to claim that obtaining cheaper products from one market instead of another is bad. What is sad is that those who should know better, including economists, make this absurd argument.

It is true that there were caps on tea and apparel exports into India from Sri Lanka, both being items that both countries exported. In an ideal world, this would not be. But the CEPA and preceding negotiations relaxed the conditions of the cap placed by India. But the most recent evidence points to an earlier lack of interest by Sri Lankan apparel exporters as a contributory factor. There was a 40 percent increase in apparel exports in 2009 over 2008 despite overall Sri Lankan exports to India declining by more than 28 percent in that recessionary year.

As GSP Plus came under threat, our exporters began to see the merit of the enormous market right next door. Unlike GSP Plus, trade with India is not conditional on human rights and other extraneous matters. The certainty afforded by real trade agreements, multilateral or bilateral, is the main reason why not signing the CEPA is inimical to the interests of Sri Lanka.

There is no opposition to the chapter of the CEPA that deals with goods (which is simply the current FTA with some refinements). What is being opposed is the services chapter. It is being opposed on the basis of fear mongering about the country being inundated by Indians. This will not happen because trade agreements do not abrogate immigration laws. This will not happen because we did not get inundated even after we started giving visas on arrival. In fact, the Indian tourists who got those visas on arrival kept our hotels afloat and their employees from losing their jobs in the past few years.

Movement of Indian professionals under the services chapter will be limited to those directly attached to Indian firms that invest here (under Mode 3 services trade), except in one or two industries where there are shortages and no industry opposition (http://www.island.lk/2008/07/14/business4.html). Those who raise the bogeyman of Indian professionals coming to Sri Lanka neglect to talk about the 3,000 Sri Lankan currently working in India on work authorizations, who will in the future be able to get their visas a lot easier; or of the larger number of sectors opened up by the Indian side.

What the opponents highlight are imagined dangers. A balanced approach would look at the dangers as well as the opportunities. Sri Lankan professionals have done well in all the countries they have gone to temporarily or as migrants. There is no reason that they will not succeed in India if given the opportunities. Signing CEPA will result in those opportunities being opened up in one of the most attractive, high-growth markets in the world.

CEPA and the hub strategy

Without the CEPA, the government is unlikely to succeed with the five-hub strategy that is the centerpiece of the Mahinda Chintana Idiri Dekma. Currently, Colombo has regional shipping and aviation hubs, though much potential remains unrealized. Indeed, much has to be done quickly if the present hub status is to be retained in the face of rapid developments in the region.

The CEPA negotiations saw the Indian bureaucracy formally recognizing Colombo as a regional transportation hub for the southern sub-continental region. This was a major advance from the earlier Indian policy positions that sought to substitute Indian ports for Colombo. CEPA is a necessary condition for locking in the changed attitudes. It is essential to consolidating the container port in Colombo, one of the greatest assets of the Sri Lankan economy. Not locking in the Indian commitment to Colombo as a regional shipping hub is inimical to the interests of Sri Lanka.

Analysis of the viability of Sri Lanka, a decidedly energy-deficit country, becoming an energy hub shows that the prospects for Sri Lanka becoming an energy hub and Hambantota becoming a ship refueling station are intertwined. Unless there is a refinery in Hambantota it is unlikely that it can attract even a small portion of the expected 10,000 ships a year (this is more than double the number attracted to all Sri Lanka ports now).

A refinery just for bunkering will not make sense in the same way that the Sapugaskanda refinery has not. What will make sense is a very large refinery that can exploit the economies of scale of current technologies. The market for such a refinery will have to be the entire southern sub-continental region. Not having framework agreement will make necessary investments that much harder to attract. Not signing CEPA is therefore inimical to the hub strategy. It is inimical to the interests of Sri Lanka.

The success of the transportation and energy hub plans, at least, rests on good relations with India. This could, arguably, be achieved through good personal relations exemplified by the family friendships that the Bandaranaikes used to claim with the Nehru-Gandhi family. But, at least in international affairs, there is value to legal agreements, especially now that ruling family relationships have declined in importance. That is why not signing CEPA is inimical to the interests of Sri Lanka.
 

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India and Lanka to sign 5 agreements during president's visit


By S Venkat Narayan
Our Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI, June 5: India and Sri Lanka will sign at least five agreements during President Mahinda Rajapaksa's official visit to this country this week, informed sources told The Sunday Island here today.

In all, 11 agreements were being negotiated to further enhance bilateral cooperation between the two countries. They were to be signed during the presidential visit. But only five could be finalized so far. Negotiations are continuing on the remaining six agreements, which may be completed and signed later in the year.

The president arrives here on the evening of Tuesday (June 8), and will return home on Friday (June 11). On Wednesday (June 9), he will be given a ceremonial guard of honour in the forecourt of the regal Rashtrapati Bhavan here, and received by President Mrs Pratibha Patil, Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and his senior cabinet colleagues.

Rajapaksa will then go to Rajghat to pay homage to Mahatma Gandhi by laying a wreath at the "samadhi" of the "Father of the Nation," as Indians fondly remember him.

External Affairs Minister SM Krishna will call on President Rajapaksa at the ITC Maurya, the hotel where the president and his delegation will stay.

The president will have talks with Indian Prime Minister Dr Singh at the Hyderabad House. The two leaders will be accompanied by their respective delegations.

A host of Indian dignitaries will call on the president on Wednesday afternoon. They include Congress Party President Sonia Gandhi, Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Home Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, and Leader of the Opposition Sushma Swaraj, among others.

Apart from his wife Shiranthi, Rajapaksa will be accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs G.L. Peiris and Sajin Vas Gunawardena, the president's coordinating secretary and MP from the Galle district, and a few others.

A team comprising Foreign Secretary Romesh Jayasinghe, President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunge and a few other senior officials is arriving here on Sunday night for more talks with the Indians and to give finishing touches to the president's programme.

The five agreements that will be signed on Wednesday are:

1. Agreement for cooperation to fight terrorism;

2. Agreement for transfer of sentenced prisoners;

3. Agreement for mutual legal assistance in criminal matters;

4. Agreement for cultural cooperation; and

5. Agreement on Indian assistance for small development projects in Sri Lanka.

The second agreement will enable Sri Lankans sentenced for offences committed in India and Indians imprisoned for crimes committed in Sri Lanka to serve their prison terms in their respective countries.

The agreement on ferry services connecting Talaimannar in Sri Lanka with Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu and Kochi in Kerala will take a little more time to be finalized and signed.

It is ready from the Sri Lankan side, but the Indian Shipping Ministry is still in the process of obtaining mandatory no-objection certificates from a few concerned ministries.
 

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India's consulate diplomacy in Lanka



In a step that can irk its Tamil Nadu partners, the UPA government is moving towards balancing its approach between the Tamils and Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, aimed at addressing the view that New Delhi's interests in the island nation are Tamil-centric. The China factor, too, has triggered this change in mindset.
New Delhi wants to delay the opening of its consulate in the Tamil-dominate Jaffna to coincide it with the inauguration of the consulate in the Sinhalese-majority Hambantota, 240 km south of capital Colombo.
While there is an Indian High Commission in Colombo, the only Indian consulate in Lanka is at Kandy — another Tamil-dominated area of plantations.
Jaffna consulate was expected to be opened soon, and the external affairs ministry had tipped V. Mahalingam, the Regional Passport Officer, Delhi, as consul general.
"The Hambantota consulate will be ready for opening soon, so the inauguration of the two consulates can take place at the same time", said a senior government official, adding that "regional and other factors" have been taken into account in taking such a decision.
Hambantota — like Galle, Gampaha, Kurunegala, Moneragala and Polonnaruwa — have 90 per cent Sinhalese population.
There has, of late, been a lot of criticisms about India "conceding" ground to China in the island nation. These criticisms, sources say, have played in the minds of the external affairs ministry while choosing Hambantota for opening a consulate.
Hambantota is a major centre of Chinese presence in Sri Lanka. The Hambantota District Development Zone, which includes the development of a deep water harbour by the Chinese, is expected to be completed by 2020.
This zone in Hambantota is said to be on the lines of the China's Gwadar project in Pakistan — a harbour for Chinese flagged merchant vessels, container carriers, oil and gas tankers, military vessels, etc.
Strategically, with Hambantota, Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean has been further consolidated, and this port project is the latest in a series of steps that China has taken in recent years to consolidate its access to the Indian Ocean and to secure sea-lanes.
Hambantota is also the home district of President Mahinda Rajapakse.
Sources also said the rehabilitation of Tamil and the devolution of power to them will top the agenda when Rajapakse arrives India on June 8. "We are also moving further in helping the rehabilitation projects, including providing housing for the displaced," said an external affairs ministry official.
 

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What Is India's Game?


What is India's game, is the question on the lips of all Sri Lankans after they learned that India was seeking to establish consulates in Jaffna and Hambantota in addition to the Missions in Colombo and Kandy. In our understanding consulates are established by countries to look after their nationals. Kandy was understandable after the Sirima-Shastri Pact relating to persons of Indian origin. In the case of Hambantota and Jaffna there are no Indian nationals so what might be the reason?
Hambantota is of course to keep an eye on the Chinese, for India is presently obsessed with the increasing Chinese presence in this country and involved in the upgrading of the port in Colombo too. The fact that the government is increasing in debt to China and would come under Chinese influence is a matter of concern to India for they consider such a level of Chinese influence as being detrimental to their interests.
Be that as it may, as for an Indian mission in Jaffna, that would be to develop closer relations between the Tamil community in Jaffna and Tamil Nadu. This is certainly not in the security interest of this country. They, through the 13th Amendment that was imposed on us by them, saw the establishment of a North-East Provincial Council, as a first step towards setting up a client state in the north and east of our country, which would ultimately vote (as did happen with Sikkim) to link itself with Tamil Nadu and India. Even till recently Indians such as former National Security Advisor Narayanan were insisting that we merge the Northern and Eastern Provinces of our country.
Just last month India's Foreign Secretary Rao had held a meeting sponsored by some British NGO probably put up to it by the Tamil Diaspora in the UK, to which the TNA had been invited, to discuss the 13th Amendment. India should stop interfering in our internal affairs for she is pushing us towards China and starting a new Cold War. The 13th Amendment was based on the Indian model of devolution where over 20 of the 28 Indian states are bigger than almost every country in Europe, How can such a model suit our small country; Tamil Nadu for example is three times bigger than Sri Lanka, it is the size of Greece (130,000 sq km) whereas the area of Sri Lanka is 40,000 sq kms; TN has a population of 66 million compared to our 20 million.
Even before India obtained her independence Indian hegemonists such as K.M. Pannikar were of the view that India had succeeded to the British Raj and countries such as Ceylon, as we were then known, should be a part of greater India. These imperialists were held back because of the defence agreements we had entered into with Britain. Their ambitions resurfaced after 1980 with that imperious woman Indira Gandhi, who ably assisted by hegemonists such as Mani Dixit destabilised this country and sought to exercise control over our defence and foreign policy because President Jayewardene opened up the economy and looked towards the West during the period of the Cold War and India saw this as a threat to her security.
The destabilising commenced with RAW having a field day here. I, as a former Intelligence officer, am aware that the government was made aware of what RAW was doing in the country and also that they were training Tamil terrorists in camps run by retired officers of the Indian Army but the government did not heed our warnings — even from the finest Intelligence Officer this country has ever had — Zerni Wijesuriya, he could not convince the government to be on its guard. We saw 1983 being cooked and President JR was warned but he took no notice and did not warn Matthew not to fall into the Indian trap.
Even today we are suffering from the consequences of that action. There was also the Pettah bomb in 1987 which was the work of RAW which had also planned to blow up our sewerage system in the city had we not agreed to ending military action against the LTTE and negotiating with India, with regard to a conflict which was absolutely a domestic affair.
That phase ended with India threatening to invade this country, President Jayewardene capitulating and they foisting the Indo-Lanka Agreement on us and achieving their objective through that Agreement and the letters that were exchanged. As a part of this unequal so-called Agreement which I repeat was forced upon us they even sent their troops and soiled our country. Fortunately for us the IPKF was forced to take on the LTTE with humiliating consequences for the IPKF and that put paid to India's evil designs at least for then.
India had lost interest in this country after the drubbing they received at the hands of the LTTE, but with the emergence of the Rajapaksa regime and the emergence of China, which has resulted in the Indian Ocean acquiring a new value, India is today paranoid, even though the two emerging super powers are seeking outwardly to establish closer relations, which reminds us that they also had "very close " relations and even signed a Non Aggression pact and gave the world the 'Panchseela Principles' but it all went up in smoke with China invading India. One cannot therefore blame the Indians for not putting too much store in the Chinese protestations that they have no ulterior motives for assisting Sri Lanka.
India seeking to set up consulates in Jaffna and Hambantota in addition to their missions in Colombo and Kandy is not the whole story, they are seeking to force on us a Comprehensive Partnership Agreement which has the potential to transform this country into an economic dependency of India. There is little doubt that the Amazonian India, with a galloping growth rate, will swamp little Lanka — what India failed to do through arms they are now seeking to achieve by other means. Let us hope and pray that they will never succeed.
We for our part need to be wary of both powers. China may be far away but is a formidable naval power with strategic interests in the Indian Ocean. India is our immediate neighbour and as the President himself has stated our elder brother with whom we share more than a kinship. Her security is entirely linked to ours, we therefore need to have the closest of relations with India, but this does not mean that we must demean ourselves or become a vassal or client state of India.
It has been reported that the President is intending, on his forthcoming visit to India to obtain 'clearance' for his new constitution (which incidentally he promised us would be an entirely 'home grown' constitution, to meet our needs; not one to cater to any other country's needs or expectations). Why is this? One of our stupid political leaders wanted to build a bridge across the Palk Strait and end our status as an island separate from India, fortunately that stupid fellow is on his way out. Our security is of prime importance to us and cannot be compromised. Let us meanwhile address the concerns of India, let us have a Defence Cooperation Agreement with India and also a Treaty of Peace Friendship and Cooperation between our two blood related countries.
That should assuage their worst fears, even perhaps of the hegemons and stop them having imperial designs on our country. Meanwhile our transient leaders should at all times not demean our country but ensure its independence and sovereignty. Finally Mr. President, no consulates in Jaffna and Hambantota. Please tell the Indian leaders that they would only be incurring our displeasure and it would be counterproductive at a time when we have to build trust, for our people have not forgotten how India destabilised this country and the horrendous price we have paid over 30 years as a result of their actions.
(The writer is a former Intelligence Officer. Name withheld on request.)
 

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Playing for charity

Charity cricket match between IFFA XI and Sangakkara's XI as part of the three-day long International Indian Film Academy (IIFA) awards in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Some of India's top movie stars converged in Sri Lanka on Thursday for Bollywood's annual award show. – AP Photos


Bollywood actor Sunil Shetty bat.


Bollywood actors Sohail Khan hugs his bowler Aftab Shivadasani, front left, for taking a wicket, as Sunil Shetty, in yellow, looks.


Fans wait for the arrival of Bollywood actors.


Indian Bollywood actor Salman Khan drives a small car while greeting fans.


Indian Bollywood actor Ritesh Deshmukh bats.


Bollywood actress Bipasha Basu, waves to fans during a match.
 

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x-posting from pakistan news thread
LAHORE, Pakistan (AP) - A former major who trained fighters for war in Afghanistan and Kashmir keeps cropping up in terrorism investigations in Pakistan. But police say the gray-haired grandfather is shielded by his links to the army and powerful intelligence agencies.Speaking to The Associated Press in his first media interview, Haq seemed to embody the contradictions of this shadowy struggle. He said he sees nothing wrong with "jihad against infidels" but strongly denies being linked to terrorism. In 2007, he was detained for five months by the country's main spy agency, Inter Services Intelligence, but says he was "treated like a VIP" and never charged.The most recent allegations against him appear in a report by investigators of last year's ambush of the Sri Lankan cricket team in the eastern city of Lahore. The document, obtained by The Associated Press, claims Haq gave logistical support to unspecified Taliban and other fighters. It says cell phones used by the attackers were traced to locations close to a large garment factory owned by Haq and his brother.One officer said ISI papers rank Haq as "white," meaning a militant or his handler who is or has served the agency's interests. "Gray" means someone under watch, and "black" is a militant, supporter or a handler gone rogue."The army and ISI people don't let others interrogate them," said Pervaiz Rathore, the outgoing police chief of Lahore. "The army is stronger than any other establishment in the country.The intelligence agencies' power and alleged links to militants were highlighted in a U.N. commission's report into the murder of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. It said almost all independent analysts it spoke to alleged that Pakistani security officers retain links to militant groups they once supported.
But the loyalties may be weakening, One ex-ISI member-turned-militant sympathizer, Khalid Khwaja, was killed in early May. Suspicion has fallen on a militant faction that has no loyalty to the older generation.
 
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Sri Lanka threatens to execute General Sarath Fonseka


The Sri Lankan government has threatened to execute Sarath Fonseka, the army commander who delivered victory over the Tamil Tigers, if he continues to suggest top officials may have ordered war crimes during the final hours of the Tamil war.


The threat, issued by Sri Lanka's powerful defence secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is the latest sign of a bitter and intensifying feud within the Sri Lankan political establishment, little more than a year after the end of the Tamil war.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/hardtalk/8725899.stm
 

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India, Lanka sign 7 pacts, discuss resettlement of Tamils

After the meeting, seven pacts were signed to boost bilateral cooperation across a range of areas, including security, power, railways and cultural exchange.

Two MoUs were inked on the transfer of sentenced persons and mutual legal assistance in criminal matters that aim at enhancing security cooperation between the two countries.

A memorandum of understanding (MoU) on interconnecting electricity grids of the two countries could mean supply of 1,000 MW of power that will go a long way in improving the situation in Sri Lanka which continues to suffer due to war-ravaged electricity infrastructure.

A pact on laying Talaimannar-Madhu rail link was also signed. Increased development cooperation was reflected across other pacts that included an MoU on special projects and setting up of a women's trade facilitation and community learning centre by SEWA, an Ahmadabad-based NGO.

Rajapaksa arrived in India on a four-day visit on Tuesday evening, his first trip after his sweeping electoral victories in January this year.

An estimated 70,000 displaced Tamils still continue to live in relief camps even after a year of Sri Lankan army crushing the insurgency led by LTTE.

Although it had promised to resettle all 300,000 war displaced within six months of defeating the LTTE, the deadline for closure of relief camps housing the refugees has been extended to August by the Rajapaksa government.
 

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Indian government agrees to lend US$ 1 billion for Sri Lanka's infrastructure projects

Thu, Jun 10, 2010, 06:56 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Jun 10, Colombo: Sri Lanka's Treasury Secretary has said today that India has agreed to lend US$1 billion to fund Sri Lanka's infrastructure projects, mainly in former war zones in the north and east.

"India assured US$ 800 million for the reconstruction of railway and a further US$ 200 million for a power plant," Treasury Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundara has told Reuters in a mobile phone text message from India.

"It is a 20-year credit at an absolutely low interest rate. About US$ 250 million in a grant will also be available in support of housing development in the north and east," he added.

Indian Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said at a media briefing yesterday noted the extensive assistance being provided by India for Sri Lanka's resettlement of the displaced including Rs.500 crores as grant and about US$ 800 million as lines of credit for railway projects.

Ms. Rao also said that in order to assist setting up of the NTPC-CEB Joint Venture of 500 MW Thermal Power Plant at Trincomalee in Eastern Sri Lanka, India will be extending a line of credit of US$ 200 million.

The Sri Lankan delegation headed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa is visiting India on a four-day official visit.
 

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