Oppression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang/China

Rassil Krishnan

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why should i care about some muzzies over the border,i care about india .good that they are contained.
 

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why should i care about some muzzies over the border,i care about india .good that they are contained.
You will have to care a little for others if you care at all about India. There are advantages that you probably don't see. By supporting them even in words, we can get their support. Any support we get from them would be an issue the Chinks won't want to deal with. This could also encourage muslim world to speak on the issue they fear most.

3 year old Uyghur kid trying to defend his family against Chinkies harrasment.
 

Rassil Krishnan

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You will have to care a little for others if you care at all about India. There are advantages that you probably don't see. By supporting them even in words, we can get their support. Any support we get from them would be an issue the Chinks won't want to deal with. This could also encourage muslim world to speak on the issue they fear most.

3 year old Uyghur kid trying to defend his family against Chinkies harrasment.
my disgust for true muzzies surpasses the disgust i have for china,infact it completely eclipses it.i only tolerate false muzzies of the highest order and i actively look for signs of true islam when i meet a muzzie.
 

johnq

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why should i care about some muzzies over the border,i care about india .good that they are contained.
Watch this video:
China has launched a global war on religion and belief. That's obvious from the Chinese Communist Party's persecution of Uyghurs, Falun Gong practitioners, and House Christians. And the coronavirus has been one more excuse for China to crackdown on religion. But Communism strikes at the very core of American first amendment values of freedom or belief and freedom of speech. Worldwide, there is a growing rift between traditional values and modern materialistic Marxism. And this war is even being fought in the United States. What will this mean for US China relations? Joining us today on China Unscripted is Marco Respinti, Director in Charge of Bitter Winter, an online magazine documenting religious persecution and human rights in China


This war is bigger than any one religion. CCP wants to kill all religion so that it replaces God as the ultimate totalitarian state. It also means the end of morality, similar to NAZI Germany. This is why Han Chinese ignore the organ-harvesting of Falun Gong practitioners or Xinjiang Muslims or Tibetan Buddhists, or mindlessly repeat whatever propaganda is fed to them by the Chinese Communist government.
 

xizhimen

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Why we rarely hear China persecuting Hui Muslims , the biggest Muslim group in China based in Ningxia province?
 

N4tsula67

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Why we rarely hear China persecuting Hui Muslims , the biggest Muslim group in China based in Ningxia province?
You guys are already trying that. You were trying to hide uighar muslim one you are hiding this as well but eventually people will realize about this as well.
 

N4tsula67

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This war is bigger than any one religion. CCP wants to kill all religion so that it replaces God as the ultimate totalitarian state. It also means the end of morality, similar to NAZI Germany. This is why Han Chinese ignore the organ-harvesting of Falun Gong practitioners or Xinjiang Muslims or Tibetan Buddhists, or mindlessly repeat whatever propaganda is fed to them by the Chinese Communist government.
You are right they are after every religion.
@Rassil Krishnan watch this
 

N4tsula67

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@johnq we need another thread about other persecuted group in china like Manchurian,buddhist etc.
 

xizhimen

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You guys are already trying that. You were trying to hide uighar muslim one you are hiding this as well but eventually people will realize about this as well.
LoL, China is so evil, how come Xinjiang and Ningxia develop so fast amid so called massive oppression? anywhere in the world experienced such fast development in the middle of great depression in the human history?
 

N4tsula67

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my disgust for true muzzies surpasses the disgust i have for china,infact it completely eclipses it.i only tolerate false muzzies of the highest order and i actively look for signs of true islam when i meet a muzzie.
Communism is like islam without God so put them in the same category. Also they too wanna destroy Hinduism.
 

N4tsula67

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LoL, China is so evil, how come Xinjiang and Ningxia develop so fast amid so called massive oppression? anywhere in the world experienced such fast development in the middle of great depression in the human history?
Building few buildings is not development dude. Anyway 50 cent troll how much you get paid to do this? Using native people as slave labor and replacing them with Hans we all know that.
 

xizhimen

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Building few buildings is not development dude. Anyway 50 cent troll how much you get paid to do this?
Of course not, povery alleviation is not only about buildings, but the overall standard of living, free healthcare and education, clean water, electricity, internet and everything.
 

Villager

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my disgust for true muzzies surpasses the disgust i have for china,infact it completely eclipses it.i only tolerate false muzzies of the highest order and i actively look for signs of true islam when i meet a muzzie.
Your feelings are understood but unhealthy for India's growth.
 

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Why so many Indian students study in Xinjiang if that place is so persecuted and suffocated?
People don't go to study where there is violation and oppression of human rights ?? I thought a Chinese would have better arguments even if biased.
 

johnq

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Don't fall for the Chinese propaganda videos created using Pakistanis. Here is the actual truth about discrimination against Uyghurs by Han Chinese in Xinjiang:
Social Media Videos Show Han Chinese Settling in Uyghur Regions
RFA Uyghur Service director Alim Seytoff says China’s government entices the settlers with free housing, free health care and free schooling for their children.
 
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johnq

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Han Chinese Immigrants and Army Attacking Uyghur
Han Chinese Immigrants are starting to Attack uyghur's residential area ,shops, apartment even innocent uyghur people on the street, It's good that Western Meida are there, This Chinese Communist can't Cover their ass.
 

johnq

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thediplomat.com


The Uyghurs and the Han: 1 World, 2 Universes
Both peoples inhabit the same land – Xinjiang in western China – but their lives could not be more different.
thediplomat.com
The Uyghurs and the Han: 1 World, 2 Universes
Both peoples inhabit the same land – Xinjiang in western China – but their lives could not be more different.


The Uyghurs and the Han: 1 World, 2 Universes



In this Nov. 4, 2017, photo, residents walk past a security checkpoint at the close of a open air market in Kashgar in western China’s Xinjiang region.

Credit: AP Photo/Ng Han Guan
Imagine a world where two separate peoples live side-by-side, but in parallel universes. One sets its clock to Beijing time and the other to Central Asian, two hours behind. The majority population is largely oblivious of and disinterested in the hopes, dreams, and aspirations of the other. The cultural and social backgrounds of the two groups are governed by principles so diverse that it has become impossible to live together in peace and thus the government has decided that the only way to achieve its objectives is to clamp down and imprison anyone it deems a threat to the status quo.

This is Xinjiang, a Muslim, so-called autonomous region in the far west of China. The Turkic, largely Islamic people of Xinjiang – most notably the Uyghur minority group — have more in common with their Islamic neighbors in the five Central Asian countries to the west than with atheistic and quasi-Confucian Beijing, which has stepped up an across-the-board sinicization drive under President Xi Jinping. A vocal and sometimes militant Uyghur independence movement has also complicated relations with Beijing and estranged the majority Han, who see Xinjiang as an inalienable part of China.

After a proliferation of Uyghur-executed violent incidents, which have escalated over the past four years, Chen Quanguo — fresh from the success quelling the native people of Tibet with draconian policies — was brought in as Communist Party secretary of Xinjiang to stem the tide. His arrival in August 2016 has been heralded as a dramatic “success” by the government. Since his inauguration, “peace and stability” has been restored to the troubled province — by extrajudicially incarcerating more than 1 million Uyghurs within the past year and terrorizing those who remain. This has set Chen on a collision course with human rights activists and world opinion, but not enough to make a dent in his efforts to “eradicate the tumors and exterminate the viruses” of Islamic fundamentalism and “splittism,” which the government claims have plagued the province.

For those Uyghurs still at liberty, those who have managed to remain under the all-intrusive and all-pervasive radar, life has become a process of survival and dodging the surveillance bullets until they themselves fall foul of the Orwellian regime. No one, it seems, is exempt from the cull as university professors, road sweepers, surgeons, and shopkeepers alike are rounded up and heard of no more.


The most bizarre side to all this, however, is that while Uyghurs tremble at footsteps on the landing at night, cross the road to avoid the all pervasive phone checks, and speak in code to their friends, it is pretty much business as usual for their Han compatriots in Xinjiang.


Standing in a queue at a Kazakhstan airport, half a plane load of Han Chinese holiday-makers, clutching their Dubai airport duty-free bags, were waiting to board the flight home to Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang. This seemingly normal sight is shocking when considered in juxtaposition with the situation of their Uyghur compatriots. Not only have all Uyghurs been deprived of their passports these days, but should any of them dare to even utter the word “Dubai,” admit they have been or want to go there, or receive a text or phone call from a family member living there, within minutes there would be a knock on the door and they would disappear. Dubai is among 26 destinations “of interest” to the Chinese government; a visit to these places by a Uyghur, or simply having a relative living there, would result in an immediate trip to re-education camps – or worse. If any Uyghur, having escaped the initial passport confiscation drive, dared to return home on this very same flight from any country on “the list,” they would never make it out of Urumqi airport without being taken aside, interrogated in a special room, and being marched to re-education. There would be no court case, no legal representation, no call to their family, no chance to appeal or ask why.

The gulf between ordinary Uyghurs minding their own business and the Han Chinese is growing daily. What for the Han would be a seamless commute across town is a lengthy journey for a Uyghur in the south of the province. Being pulled off public buses, ID and phone checks, nerve-wracking moments wondering whether the arrest of a relative has also given them a black mark – these experiences are par for the course for a Uyghur on their journey to work. Uyghurs on motor scooters are hauled to one side, their IDs scrutinized and their luggage compartments examined. Even entry to their own homes necessitates facial recognition cameras and further ID analysis and bag checks. Meanwhile, the Han breeze through without a backward glance.

When questioned about the disparity, many Han express a sneaking feeling that there is no smoke without fire and that arrests made are usually justified. They swallow the government line that inconveniencing the few has brought calm to the region and that in the unlikely event of inadvertent wrongful arrests, these would soon be put right.

Greater prosperity among the young and the possibility of traveling for fun means that young Chinese are flexing their wings to see the world. Some even take solo trips to far-flung places and return with tales to make their friends envious; opportunities their parents would have barely dared dream of. But while young Han boast animatedly about their recent trips to Europe and Southeast Asia, their Uyghur compatriots sit and listen — unable to say a word, but filled with hopelessness as they hear about countries they will never see. Worse, if a young Uyghur so much as expresses a desire to visit such exotic locales, it could result in re-education or worse.

Before the mass roundups began, there had been a trend among many Uyghur parents to remove their children from atheistic state schooling altogether. Parents threw all their children’s eggs into the foreign language basket and hoped their offspring would eventually escape to the West. With the door to foreign education closed, these youngsters are now marooned in a no-man’s land of illiteracy in their second language — Mandarin Chinese — and no school diploma to fall back on. Others, despite running the gauntlet of an ideological education, hoped one day to escape overseas for a master’s or doctoral program. But all Uyghurs are effectively stranded following the confiscation of their passports and these days even expressing a desire to travel overseas or learn a foreign language has been enough to see thousands of aspiring youths in re-education.

Mixed gatherings of Han and Uyghur, where Chinese students enthusiastically peruse a smorgasbord of opportunities overseas, are a tantalizing specter for those who, but for the accident of birth, also could have been sharing in the feast.

The discrepancies between Chinese Han and Uyghur Muslims grow by the day. Uyghur Muslims alone have been trawled for their DNA, blood types, iris scans, and facial characteristics. Uyghurs alone are visited several times a week by armed police, their homes scoured for religious literature, Islamic script of any kind adorning trinkets or pictures, and the QR codes on the back of their doors scanned for irregularities. Only Uyghurs have to keep a notebook detailing visits by not only their friends and relatives, but those of neighbors in their street, the content of the conversations, and the time and date of arrival and departure. In Beijing, officials no longer claim that the opposition is composed of a small number of extremists. “It’s impossible to tear out weeds one by one,” said one party official in Kashgar. “We need chemicals that can deal with all of them at once.” No one is exempt.

Every Uyghur is under a microscope of surveillance. They are forced to install satellite navigation in their cars and to install the special Jingwang Weishi app on their phones, which sends the police an identification number for the device, its model, and the telephone number of its owner before monitoring all the information that passes through the telephone, warning the user when it finds content that the government deems dangerous. Failure to carry your phone, refusal to use a smartphone, turning it off completely for long periods, or even restoring your phone to its factory settings can be deemed suspicious.

Uyghur homes belonging to the “disappeared” are being repossessed and padlocked. Children who have had both parents taken away are being brought up in state orphanages hurriedly being built for the purpose. All Uyghurs are waiting in fear for the knock that might come to their doors.

The Han and the Uyghurs of China inhabit the same land but two very different universes. Whilst the majority of Han cope with the problems of life common to mankind, of waking up every day and making sense of their existence, their Uyghur countrymen and women are coping with an extraordinary assault on their humanity, their right to carve out a life for themselves and their children, and their very existence itself. The situation in Xinjiang is reminiscent of Europe in the late 1930s and we all know the outcome of that.
 

johnq

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www.amnesty.org

Witness to discrimination: Confessions of a Han Chinese from Xinjiang
Witness to discrimination: Confessions of a Han Chinese from Xinjiang
www.amnesty.org
www.amnesty.org
Witness to discrimination: Confessions of a Han Chinese from Xinjiang

16 June 2020, 13:33 UTC


By Cha Naiyu, former Xinjiang resident
Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities face systemic repression and discrimination in the Chinese region of Xinjiang, but what’s it like to live there as a Han Chinese person?

The two Uyghur boys were much stronger than me. They taught me to flip on parallel bars every day after school. We shared the same bag of snacks, drank from the same bottle of water. When I was growing up in Xinjiang, it didn’t matter that I was Han and they were not. But that Xinjiang has all but disappeared.
In other parts of China, Xinjiang is synonymous with trouble and stigma and with being remote and backward. But many people in Xinjiang tell me it’s the safest place in the country – they are proud of it.
I moved away several years ago. Every time I go back home, I feel the atmosphere has become heavier as the government’s control has increased. Enter any building – restaurant, shopping mall, cinema, hospital, supermarket – and it’s the same: security check, bag check, swipe ID card. Compared to the place I remember from my childhood, it feels like being in a science fiction film.
When I returned to Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, during the Spring Festival one year, police cars were lined up outside the train station. I discovered that ethnic minority people from outside Urumqi needed a letter of guarantee from their local relatives or employer just to leave the train station.
Meanwhile people arriving from southern Xinjiang, which until recently was predominantly Uyghur, were assigned jobs on arrival by official “work units” that would closely monitor their performance and behaviour. Those who did not smoke or drink for instance, or were perceived to have strong religious leanings, would face particular scrutiny. Muslims who performed poorly in their new jobs would be sent to a place to "learn".
A friend told me that in 2017, around the time of the Chinese Communist Party’s 19th National Congress, an important political event in Beijing, many ethnic people (mainly Uyghurs) from their work unit disappeared suddenly. Even their friends and families didn’t know where they were until a few days later, when it emerged they had been arrested.
There were various reasons given: they did not cooperate with security inspections; they made inappropriate remarks; some were arrested simply for having a previous criminal record. Whatever the official line, it was clear the arrests were connected to the 19th National Party Congress.
Muslims who performed poorly in their new jobs would be sent to a place to "learn".
I have no personal experience of these kinds of things, but I witness them all with my own eyes. The question is how we as Han Chinese respond.
Under the "visit-assist-unite" program, Han people are sent to live in the homes of people from minority ethnic groups. They eat with them, "cultivate national feelings" and "learn" together. Another friend of mine was assigned by his company to take part. In other words, he didn’t have a choice.
When I tell my family and friends that I do not understand these measures, they simply sigh: "This is Xinjiang." In the time I’ve lived away, people have got used to this level of control and it disturbs me.
For many years, the Xinjiang people on state TV’s Spring Festival Gala were mainly Uyghurs who could sing and dance. Similarly, ethnic minority delegates will always wear their traditional costumes at the National People’s Congress in March every year.
My older Han relatives in Xinjiang like this traditional dance very much, but they never seem to associate the Uyghurs who dance with the Uyghurs who live around them. These stereotyped images prevent people from understanding the Uyghurs’ real living conditions and their true social status.
In the time I’ve lived away, people have got used to this level of control and it disturbs me.
I heard a relative of mine say the ethnic minorities at the factory where he works pick things up too slowly. He felt they were not as smart as the Han people. Another friend who worked in a state-owned enterprise said their unit had no ethnic minority members, and were not planning to recruit any. Another classmate mentioned that she hated "meeting Uyghurs" when taking the train because they were "noisy, smelly and dirty".
On one train journey home, I got talking to a man who worked for the Xinjiang regional government. He told me the policy now being implemented is to "sacrifice a generation", with social stability and counter-terrorism policies expected to cause Xinjiang’s economic development to stagnate. A generation of ethnic minorities and Han people will have to live through this ruthless transition, but tough measures now will supposedly build unity for the next generation.
One year, on a whim, I decided to go back to my school. The walls were all fenced with barbed wire. If you didn’t know it was a school, you might assume it was a prison. I wondered what today’s students will think when they grow up and see other places that aren’t surrounded by barbed wire. Would they feel unsafe, or free?
I thought of my Uyghur friends, and I was reminded of the time one of my Han classmates told me he was studying the Uyghur language, and my reaction was: “What's the use in that?" It occurs to me now that I was part of this prejudiced social structure, and always have been. I don’t know what those friends are doing now, but it’s increasingly clear that the boundaries between us were destined to override our connection.
 

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