North East Security Watch

SpeltAsStrength

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The Meiteis, who make up about 60% of the population, currently reside in only 10% of the land area in Manipur, while the remaining regions, consisting of hill districts, belong to the tribal communities, mainly the Kukis and Nagas. However, the conflicts in Manipur reveal deeper divides beyond ethnic tensions. These include divisions between the valley and the hills, shifting and settled agriculture, state and non-state entities, and the perceived dichotomy between "civilized" and "anarchist" societies.

Anthropologist James C Scott, in his work "The Art of Not Being Governed - An Anarchist History Of Upland Southeast Asia," explains how state formation in valleys creates sections categorized as "non-state" that inhabit the hills. The key factor distinguishing state and non-state communities is the concept of "surplus." Communities practicing shifting agriculture in the hills, relying on frugal produce lasting from season to season, were excluded from the state formation process and designated as "non-state."

Historical examples demonstrate how settled rulers in indigenous societies maintained peace with hill tribes. For instance, the Ahom kings in Assam implemented the Post system, where villages provided essential goods to tribes during lean seasons in exchange for peace. The logic behind this system was that both parties would suffer in case of a raid, discouraging aggression and maintaining peace between the valley and the plains.

However, with the arrival of the British, the distinction between the state and non-state realms became more pronounced. The British categorized communities based on their perceived level of "civilization" and aligned them with British culture, governance, and society. The monetization of indigenous systems, such as replacing goods provided to tribes with cash, further deepened the divide between the state and non-state realms. Tribal chiefs were forced to engage with bureaucracy and become part of the "civilized" channels of administration.

The conflicts in Manipur reflect a complex interplay of historical, economic, and social factors. The clash between the Kukis and Meiteis goes beyond ethnic tensions, highlighting divisions rooted in land ownership, agricultural practices, and the historical imposition of state structures. Addressing these underlying issues is crucial for fostering reconciliation and long-term stability in Manipur.
 
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Suryavanshi

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Level the Kuki militant villages if you don't want to risk soldiers on the ground.

But, I guess our leadership's morality comes into play to use such tactics.
Mate there has been no democracy that has killed people en mass.
You know it's not possible so why keep on suggesting such measures.
 

Vinash

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Mate there has been no democracy that has killed people en mass.
You know it's not possible so why keep on suggesting such measures.
Are you saying all 6 Lakh Kukis are Militants?

I said level the "Militant" villages.
 

Vinash

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Lot of braindead bhakt posters having no idea about the real problem here and only blame religion.

The Meiteis, who make up about 60% of the population, currently reside in only 10% of the land area in Manipur, while the remaining regions, consisting of hill districts, belong to the tribal communities, mainly the Kukis and Nagas. However, the conflicts in Manipur reveal deeper divides beyond ethnic tensions. These include divisions between the valley and the hills, shifting and settled agriculture, state and non-state entities, and the perceived dichotomy between "civilized" and "anarchist" societies.

Anthropologist James C Scott, in his work "The Art of Not Being Governed - An Anarchist History Of Upland Southeast Asia," explains how state formation in valleys creates sections categorized as "non-state" that inhabit the hills. The key factor distinguishing state and non-state communities is the concept of "surplus." Communities practicing shifting agriculture in the hills, relying on frugal produce lasting from season to season, were excluded from the state formation process and designated as "non-state."

Historical examples demonstrate how settled rulers in indigenous societies maintained peace with hill tribes. For instance, the Ahom kings in Assam implemented the Post system, where villages provided essential goods to tribes during lean seasons in exchange for peace. The logic behind this system was that both parties would suffer in case of a raid, discouraging aggression and maintaining peace between the valley and the plains.

However, with the arrival of the British, the distinction between the state and non-state realms became more pronounced. The British categorized communities based on their perceived level of "civilization" and aligned them with British culture, governance, and society. The monetization of indigenous systems, such as replacing goods provided to tribes with cash, further deepened the divide between the state and non-state realms. Tribal chiefs were forced to engage with bureaucracy and become part of the "civilized" channels of administration.

The conflicts in Manipur reflect a complex interplay of historical, economic, and social factors. The clash between the Kukis and Meiteis goes beyond ethnic tensions, highlighting divisions rooted in land ownership, agricultural practices, and the historical imposition of state structures. Addressing these underlying issues is crucial for fostering reconciliation and long-term stability in Manipur.
Kukis + Nagas who are 40% have access to 90% of land in Manipur.

It's not a complex issue.

Meiteis have access only to 10% of Manipur land. Kukis are triggered because if Meiteis get ST status, Meiteis will gain access to the 90% tribal land.

There's only 1 party at fault here and it's Kukis.
 

Cheran

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Lot of braindead bhakt posters having no idea about the real problem here and only blame religion.

The Meiteis, who make up about 60% of the population, currently reside in only 10% of the land area in Manipur, while the remaining regions, consisting of hill districts, belong to the tribal communities, mainly the Kukis and Nagas. However, the conflicts in Manipur reveal deeper divides beyond ethnic tensions. These include divisions between the valley and the hills, shifting and settled agriculture, state and non-state entities, and the perceived dichotomy between "civilized" and "anarchist" societies.

Anthropologist James C Scott, in his work "The Art of Not Being Governed - An Anarchist History Of Upland Southeast Asia," explains how state formation in valleys creates sections categorized as "non-state" that inhabit the hills. The key factor distinguishing state and non-state communities is the concept of "surplus." Communities practicing shifting agriculture in the hills, relying on frugal produce lasting from season to season, were excluded from the state formation process and designated as "non-state."

Historical examples demonstrate how settled rulers in indigenous societies maintained peace with hill tribes. For instance, the Ahom kings in Assam implemented the Post system, where villages provided essential goods to tribes during lean seasons in exchange for peace. The logic behind this system was that both parties would suffer in case of a raid, discouraging aggression and maintaining peace between the valley and the plains.

However, with the arrival of the British, the distinction between the state and non-state realms became more pronounced. The British categorized communities based on their perceived level of "civilization" and aligned them with British culture, governance, and society. The monetization of indigenous systems, such as replacing goods provided to tribes with cash, further deepened the divide between the state and non-state realms. Tribal chiefs were forced to engage with bureaucracy and become part of the "civilized" channels of administration.

The conflicts in Manipur reflect a complex interplay of historical, economic, and social factors. The clash between the Kukis and Meiteis goes beyond ethnic tensions, highlighting divisions rooted in land ownership, agricultural practices, and the historical imposition of state structures. Addressing these underlying issues is crucial for fostering reconciliation and long-term stability in Manipur.
Likewise a lot of braindead darbari kumbhakt jamati choirboy apptards in SM frame this as a Hindu majoritarian attack against innocent Christians.
 

Azaad

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I don't get why don't members here at least post whatever they can on threads of importance or simply write THREAD !! if they're faced with a paucity of time so that people reading the post would head to Twitter for the rest of the thread.
 

tomthounaojam

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I knew it somewhere that James Scott will come in, before I jump into it.
Just having an opinion doesn't make one braindead, one opinion may clash with another and may not mix at all but that doesn't means one should not refrain from sharing one view. That is what the forum is all about, you rant and perhaps on the way learn something new. I bet you and I learned many things through this flare-up in Manipur.
 

Cheran

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I had posted this in the political thread as a response to another member -

1685368675552.png


**


Manipur: Security Forces Finalise Counter Strategy Even As Militants Seek To Keep Ethnic Pot Boiling In State

Alleged Kuki armour

1685368810391.png


Why they fire

1685368843609.png


1685368891239.png


ALARMING development below:-

1685369025259.png


This means that they have received a go ahead from SOMEWHERE

300 Meitei houses burned triggering retaliation

1685369087196.png


Kukis denying (So how did 300 Meitei houses get burned?)

1685369144027.png


1685369198203.png


**

1685369220875.png

1685369233086.png


Bridge damaged by militants being repaired.
 

mist_consecutive

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Lot of braindead bhakt posters having no idea about the real problem here and only blame religion.

The Meiteis, who make up about 60% of the population, currently reside in only 10% of the land area in Manipur, while the remaining regions, consisting of hill districts, belong to the tribal communities, mainly the Kukis and Nagas. However, the conflicts in Manipur reveal deeper divides beyond ethnic tensions. These include divisions between the valley and the hills, shifting and settled agriculture, state and non-state entities, and the perceived dichotomy between "civilized" and "anarchist" societies.

Anthropologist James C Scott, in his work "The Art of Not Being Governed - An Anarchist History Of Upland Southeast Asia," explains how state formation in valleys creates sections categorized as "non-state" that inhabit the hills. The key factor distinguishing state and non-state communities is the concept of "surplus." Communities practicing shifting agriculture in the hills, relying on frugal produce lasting from season to season, were excluded from the state formation process and designated as "non-state."

Historical examples demonstrate how settled rulers in indigenous societies maintained peace with hill tribes. For instance, the Ahom kings in Assam implemented the Post system, where villages provided essential goods to tribes during lean seasons in exchange for peace. The logic behind this system was that both parties would suffer in case of a raid, discouraging aggression and maintaining peace between the valley and the plains.

However, with the arrival of the British, the distinction between the state and non-state realms became more pronounced. The British categorized communities based on their perceived level of "civilization" and aligned them with British culture, governance, and society. The monetization of indigenous systems, such as replacing goods provided to tribes with cash, further deepened the divide between the state and non-state realms. Tribal chiefs were forced to engage with bureaucracy and become part of the "civilized" channels of administration.

The conflicts in Manipur reflect a complex interplay of historical, economic, and social factors. The clash between the Kukis and Meiteis goes beyond ethnic tensions, highlighting divisions rooted in land ownership, agricultural practices, and the historical imposition of state structures. Addressing these underlying issues is crucial for fostering reconciliation and long-term stability in Manipur.
Listen here you liberal retard.

This is the 21st century, and the world is in the information age. It's better for the tribal hill communities to try to settle down and assimilate into the bigger society. If they have a certain nomadic lifestyle or life rules, fair enough, but integrating into the society and respecting Indian rules and law is a must.

The time for the unga-bunga tribal lifestyle where village heads are governing small clans independently and refuse to accept the state law is gone. Either come under the umbrella of India or practice your unga-bunga life somewhere else in Myanmar.

Kukis and Nagas act like they own the forests. No, you don't, you can live or sustain from them, but you can't just "declare" it your land and rule over it like a micro-kingdom.

👆 Might be offensive to some people but this is true. Either be part of India's growth story, get educated, grow rich, and live a peaceful life, or go make your mud huts and gun-toting dictatorship somewhere else, not in my country.
 

jai jaganath

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Guys I having few doubts and multiple sources are also confusing me
I know kuki militants are causing havoc and army containing them
My question is what's the status of meiteis and their armed group
Bcoz what I am hearing is that they are giving a tough fight to these kukis but they don't have sophisticated weapons like kukis so they are also helping army in controlling kuki militants other than fighting them separately in certain villages
I might be wrong bcoz I am damn confused
@tomthounaojam if u can pls clear the doubts
 

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