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Naval Warfare in ancient India
By Prithwis Chandra Chakravarti
The Indian Historical Quarterly
India has an extensive sea-board, being bounced on three sides of her borders by the sea. She has a net-work of large and navigable rivers, free from the freezing effects of a severely cold climate. She has also a wealth of forests, abounding in strong timber which might be readily utilised for the construction of ships and boats. These natural advantages--coupled with the steadiness in the direction of the monsoons over the Indian Ocean and China sea--aided the Hindus to acquire that nautical skill and enterprise for which they were justly famous in the ancient world.
The history of Indian shipping and maritime activities goes back probably to the early times of the Rgveda (I, 48, 3 and I, 116, 5). The Jatakas, the Greek and Roman authors, the early Tamil poems as well as a host of archaeological discoveries in India and abroad--all go to prove that long before the birth of Christ the Hindus had acquired a fair knowledge of the art of navigation and that they plied their boats not only on the inland rivers but also on the high seas. There were ports and harbours all along the coast-line, such as Tamralipti,Kaviri-pattanam, Bharukaccha and Surparaka; and it was practicable to attain to any of them starting from up the Ganges, not only from Campa (Bhagalpur)but even from Benares. The Samudda-vanija Jataka (iv.159) relates how a settlement of wood-workers, failing to carry out the orders for which pre-payment had been made, made a 'mighty ship' secretly, and emigrated with their families, shipping down the Ganges, by night, and so out to the sea, till they reached a fertile island. The Mahajanaka Jataka (vi,34) tells us that prince Mahajanaka set out for Suvannabhumi from Campa. And according to the Vinaya(iii, 338) Mahinda travelled by water from Patna to Taimalitti, and to Ceylon. Not only were coasting voyages round India frequent, but distant over-sea journeys were also carried out with equal boldness and alacrity. The Baveru-Jataka indicates "that the Vanijas of Western India undertook trading voyages to the shores of the Persian Gulf and of its rivers in the 5th, perhaps even in the 6th century B.C. just as in our own days." The author of the Periplus of the Erytlhraean Sea saw Hindu merchants settled down in the desert island of Socotra off the coast of Africa.Tacitus refers to "some Indians who sailing from India for the purpose of commerce had been driven by storm into Germany." Euxodus speaks of the famished Hindu sailor who piloted the Greeks across the Arabian sea to the Malabar coast.
There were obvious risks attending sea-voyages.Sanskrit and Pali literature contains inumerable allusions to vessels wrecked on the high seas so much so that we seem to hear across the ages the piteous wailings of souls lost in the ocean. But nothing could daunt the people into passivity. Love of adventure and wealth stimulated them to defy death;and in storm and tempest these early navigators and their comrades learned the art and craft of the sea.They established commercial relations not only with Burma and the islands of the Indian Archipelago on the east but also with Mesopotamia, Arabia, Phoenicia and Egypt on the West. And the same volkerwanderund,which had impelled the primitive Aryans to move out of their original home, found expression in the colonial empire which their descendants built up in southern Asia. Ceylon was colonised before the 3rd century B.C., and Burma and Siam not much later. The colonial movement went on apace, and by the 2nd century A.D. Hindu soverignty and Hindu culture dominated almost all the lands and islands, which constitute the Indian Archipelago.
It is not the purpose of the present writer to attempt anything like a history of the art of navigation in ancient India, nor even of the colonial activities of that distant past--however fascinating such a study might be--but to limit himself to the less ambitious subject of navy, meaning thereby ships and vessels employed for military and police purposes.
II
Early traces in literature
That the art of employing boats and ships for military purposes was known and practised in very remote days is testified to by the ancient literature of India. The Rgveda retains the echo of a naval expedition, on which Tugra, the Rsi king,commissioned his son Bhujyu. Bhujyu, however, was ship-wrecked on the ocean,"where there is no support,no rest for the foot or the hand," but was rescued by the twin Asvins in their hundred-oared galley (Rv. i. 112, 6;116, 3; 117, 14-15; 119, 4; iv. 27, 4; vi, 62, 6).The Mahabharata relates how the Pandavas, ingeniously escaping from the 'house of lac' by a subterranean passage, came upon the Ganges and got on board a vessel, which 'was provided with machinery and all kinds of weapons and was capable of defying storms and waves': sarvavatasaham navam yantra-yuktam patakinim (Adi Parva, ch. 15). Elsewhere in the same work we read how Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pandava brothers, continued his march of conquest till he reached several islands in the sea (no doubt with the help of ships) and subjugated the mleccha inhabitants thereof.(1) In the Santi Parva there is a verse which specifically refers to the navy as one of the angas of a complete army(2). In the Ramayana we have a picture of the preparations made by a Nisada chief for an impending naval encounter with Bharata.Finding the huge folIowing of Bharata from a distance, the tribal chieftain thus ordered his retinue:
tisthantu sarvadasas ca Gangam anvasrita nadim/
balayukta nadirakasa mamsamulaphalasanah//
navam satanam pancanam kaivartanam satam satam/
sannadhanam tatha yunam tisthatv ity abhyacodayat //(3)
Naval warfare was also well-known in the days of Manu, for he had laid it down that boats should be utilised for military purposes when the theatre of hostilities abounded in water (VII, 192). A very much later work, the Yuktikalpataru, specifies a class of boats called agramandira (because they had their cabins towards their prows) as eminently adapted for naval warfare (rane kale ghanatyate).(4)
1 Sabha Parva, ch. 31, vv. 66-8,
2 Ratha naga hayas caiva padatas caiva Pandava /
Vistir navas cras civa desika iti castanam // Ch.
59. v. 41.
3 Ayodhya Kanda, ch. 84, vv, 7-8,
2 Yuktikalpataru (Calcutta Oriental Series, No. 1),
p. 228.
[/I]
III
From the 4th Century B.C. to the 7th Century A.D.
So far as our information goes, it was in the time of Candragupta Maurya that the first real attempt to build up a royal navy of any magnitude was made. Megasthenes states that Candragupta's war-office was divided into six boards, of which the first was "associated with the Chief Naval Superintendent".
The fact that a committee of five members was appointed to, co-operate with the admiral of the fleet probably indicates that the number of war-boats maintained. by the Maurya emperor was not altogether insignificant. The Arthasastra of Kautalya (Bk. II, ch. 28), in agreement with Megasthenes, speaks of an official called Navadhyaksa or the superintendent of ships.This officer had manifold duties to perform. For instance, he examined "the accounts relating to navigation, not only on oceans and mouths of rivers but also on lakes, natural or artificial, and rivers in the vicinity of sthaniya and other fortified cities". He was required to maintain the customs of commercial ports (panyapattna-caritra) and the regulation of the port superintendent (pattanadhyaksa nibandha); he was also enjoined to show "fatherly consideration"to vessels in distress, and to allow to pass on half toll (sulka),or exempt altogether,merchandise damaged by water.In addition to these functions, he had to provide state ferries for the fording of all rivers in the kingdom, for which a graduated system of tolls was laid down and realised.It has been contended that the Navadhayaksa of Kautalya, whose duties thus appear to be mainly civil and commercial in character, cannot correspond to the "Naval Superintendent" of Megasthenes. In the first place, it is to be clearly understood that the functions assigned by Kautalya to other adhyaksas of this category, such as asvadhyaksa, hastyadhyaksa, rathadhyaksa etc., partake of the same nature; and in fact throughout the whole section on Adhyaksa-pracara Kautalya deals with the duties of officers as they were, or as they should be, in times of internal tranquillity and external peace. In the second place,it may be pointed out that Megasthenes' admiral, like the Navadhyaksa of Kautalya, had certain civil functions to perform-functions relating to the letting out of ships on hire for the transport both of passengers and merchandise (Strabo, XV, 1,46).Lastly, it should be noted that Kautalya does not altogether shut out of sight the military aspect of Navadhyaksa's functions. In one place he says:
"Himsrika nirghatayet, amitra-visayatigah
panyapattanacaritropaghatikas ca.
Himsrikah mean pirate ships, and the Navadhyaksa had to see that they were pursued and destroyed whenever they were found. The same regulation applied to ships and boats of an enemy's country when they crossed its territorial limit(1), and also to vessels which violated the customs and rules enforced in port towns. Now the pursuit and destruction of pirate vessels as also of ships belonging to the enemy's country could only have been adequately affected by war galleys belonging to the state, and as this duty devolved on the Navadhyaksa, it cannot be reasonably held that he was a purely civil official. In fact, like the Asvadhyaksa, Hastyadhyaksa and Rathadhyaksa who were concerned with horses,elephants and chariots used both for war and peace, the Navadhyaksa was as much concerned with armed vessels as with state boats which were used for peaceful traffic.
1 Dr. Shamasastry takes 'amitra-visayatigah' to mean
"vessels which were bound for the country of an
enemy". (Kaut. trans.,
The Maurya navy created by Candragupta probably continued to the end of Asoka's reign. We learn from the XIIIth Rode Edict of Asoka that the emperor maintained diplomatic relations not only with Ceylon (Tamraparni) but with the Hellenistic monarchies of Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia and Epirus. We agree with Dr, V. A. Smith when he states that diplomatic relations with such distant powers presupposes the existence of a "sea going fleet as well as an army".(1)
With the dissolution of the Maurya empire probably fell the great navy which the genius of Candraguta and his successors had reared up. But the naval traditions which the Mauryas had built up were kept alive in at least some of the kingdoms which sprang up on the ruins of their empire. This is evident from certain pieces of Andhra or Satavahana coins, belonging to the reign of Pulumayi and bearing the figure of a two-masted sailing ship.(2)
________________________
p. 153). Pandit Ganapati Sastri (vol. I, p. 308)
suggests the same interpretation: amitra-visayatigah
satrudesayayinih". This is probably not quite
correct, for atiga means 'going beyond limits', The
meaning suggested by these learned scholars would
have been all right if we had abhigah instead of
atigah.
1 Edicts of Asoka, Introd., p.viii.
2 In his article in Z. D. G. (1903, p.613) as well as
in his Early History (4th Ed., p. 223) V, A. Smith
refers these coins with the 'ship' type to the
reign of Yajna Sri. Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri in his
'Political History of Ancient India' does the same.
But Prof. Rapson, who has made a special study of
Andhra coinage, remarks that on the solitary
specimen on which the traces of the coin-legend
admit of any probable restoration "the inscr.
appears to be intended for Siri-pu (luma) visa (No,
95, p, 22; Pl. V.). This restoration is
These 'ship' coins probably suggest that Pulumayi was accompanied in some of his campaigns by a fleet of war-boats, and they were issued to commemorate a naval victory over the people who inhabited Tondamandala region, in which the coins were found. This nference will be considerably strengthened if we remember the fact that the coast-region in question was inhabited in ancient times by a people who were known to Tamil literature as the Tiraiyar (lit. sea-people).
In the succeeding centuries, the Coromandel coast appears to have been converted into a naval base by the Pallavas of southern India, That the Pallavas maintained a naval force may be inferred, firstly,from the 'ship' type coins, which have been attributed, though doubtfully, to them, and secondly,from the Kasakudi Plates, which tell us that king Narasimhavaman of this dynasty conquered Lanka or Ceylon. The conquest of an island situated far into the sea could only have been effected with the help of a fleet of ships.
Naval warfare was not altogether unknown in Gupta India. In the Allahabad Prasasti,Harisena states that Samudragupta's suzerainty was accepted, along with others, "by the people of Simhala and all other dwellers in islands".(1) It is not unlikely that this statement of the royal penegyrist merely makes a covert allusion to the embassy sent by Meghavanna (Meghavarna), the Buddhist king of Ceylon; but if it may be taken more literally, we may well credit Samudragupta with the possession of a naval force.The Aphasad inscr. probably refers to a naval victory won by Mahasena Gupta over the contemporary Kamarupa monarch, Susthitavarman. "The mighty force of Mahasena Gupta", says the epigraph,"marked with the honour of victory in war over the illustrious Susthitavarman, (and) white as a fullblown jasmine-flower or water-lily, or as a pure necklace of pearls pounded into little bits(? ), is still constantly sung on the banks of the river Lohitya,the surfaces of which are (so) cool, by the Siddhas in pairs, when they wake up after sleeping in the shade of the betel plants that are in full bloom".(2)
The Deo Baranark inscription refers to the
"victorious camp" of Jivita Gupta II as "invincible
_______________
not altogether satisfactory; but there is no doubt
about the first syllable of the name Pu-, and, as the
next syllable may well be -lu-, it is almost certain
that the coin was struck by Pulumayi" (Catalogue of
the Indian Coins, Introd. ixxxi-ixxxii).
1 C.I.I., vol. III, p.14.
2 C.I.I., vol. III, p.206.
through (its) equipment of great ships and elephants
and horses and foot-soliders".(1)
In the seventh century A.D. king Harsa of Kanauj must have possessed a certain number of war-boats which accompanied him in his distant expeditions. His inscriptions always refer to his victorious camp as "furnished with ships, elephants and horses":
'mahanau- hastya-sva-jaya-skandhavarat'.
At about the same time, the Calukya princes of the South appear to have maintained a considerable naval force. In the Nilgunda Plates of Vikramaditya VI, it is stated that king Mangalisa of the western Calukya dynasty fitted out a grand fleet, which captured the island of Revati. The epigraph runs as follows:
sarva-dvipakramana-mahaso yasya nau-setu-bandhair ullamghy
abdhim vyadhita prtana Revati-dvipa-lopam.(2)
From the Aihole inscription we learn that with a fleet of hundred fighting vessels Pulakesin II attacked Puri, which was the mistress- of the sea,and reduced it to submission.(3) The Kendur Plates of Kirtivarman II tells us that Pulakesin's grandson, Vinayaditya, sailed out to Ceylon, humbled its king and compelled him to pay tribute.(4)
..Contd
By Prithwis Chandra Chakravarti
The Indian Historical Quarterly
India has an extensive sea-board, being bounced on three sides of her borders by the sea. She has a net-work of large and navigable rivers, free from the freezing effects of a severely cold climate. She has also a wealth of forests, abounding in strong timber which might be readily utilised for the construction of ships and boats. These natural advantages--coupled with the steadiness in the direction of the monsoons over the Indian Ocean and China sea--aided the Hindus to acquire that nautical skill and enterprise for which they were justly famous in the ancient world.
The history of Indian shipping and maritime activities goes back probably to the early times of the Rgveda (I, 48, 3 and I, 116, 5). The Jatakas, the Greek and Roman authors, the early Tamil poems as well as a host of archaeological discoveries in India and abroad--all go to prove that long before the birth of Christ the Hindus had acquired a fair knowledge of the art of navigation and that they plied their boats not only on the inland rivers but also on the high seas. There were ports and harbours all along the coast-line, such as Tamralipti,Kaviri-pattanam, Bharukaccha and Surparaka; and it was practicable to attain to any of them starting from up the Ganges, not only from Campa (Bhagalpur)but even from Benares. The Samudda-vanija Jataka (iv.159) relates how a settlement of wood-workers, failing to carry out the orders for which pre-payment had been made, made a 'mighty ship' secretly, and emigrated with their families, shipping down the Ganges, by night, and so out to the sea, till they reached a fertile island. The Mahajanaka Jataka (vi,34) tells us that prince Mahajanaka set out for Suvannabhumi from Campa. And according to the Vinaya(iii, 338) Mahinda travelled by water from Patna to Taimalitti, and to Ceylon. Not only were coasting voyages round India frequent, but distant over-sea journeys were also carried out with equal boldness and alacrity. The Baveru-Jataka indicates "that the Vanijas of Western India undertook trading voyages to the shores of the Persian Gulf and of its rivers in the 5th, perhaps even in the 6th century B.C. just as in our own days." The author of the Periplus of the Erytlhraean Sea saw Hindu merchants settled down in the desert island of Socotra off the coast of Africa.Tacitus refers to "some Indians who sailing from India for the purpose of commerce had been driven by storm into Germany." Euxodus speaks of the famished Hindu sailor who piloted the Greeks across the Arabian sea to the Malabar coast.
There were obvious risks attending sea-voyages.Sanskrit and Pali literature contains inumerable allusions to vessels wrecked on the high seas so much so that we seem to hear across the ages the piteous wailings of souls lost in the ocean. But nothing could daunt the people into passivity. Love of adventure and wealth stimulated them to defy death;and in storm and tempest these early navigators and their comrades learned the art and craft of the sea.They established commercial relations not only with Burma and the islands of the Indian Archipelago on the east but also with Mesopotamia, Arabia, Phoenicia and Egypt on the West. And the same volkerwanderund,which had impelled the primitive Aryans to move out of their original home, found expression in the colonial empire which their descendants built up in southern Asia. Ceylon was colonised before the 3rd century B.C., and Burma and Siam not much later. The colonial movement went on apace, and by the 2nd century A.D. Hindu soverignty and Hindu culture dominated almost all the lands and islands, which constitute the Indian Archipelago.
It is not the purpose of the present writer to attempt anything like a history of the art of navigation in ancient India, nor even of the colonial activities of that distant past--however fascinating such a study might be--but to limit himself to the less ambitious subject of navy, meaning thereby ships and vessels employed for military and police purposes.
II
Early traces in literature
That the art of employing boats and ships for military purposes was known and practised in very remote days is testified to by the ancient literature of India. The Rgveda retains the echo of a naval expedition, on which Tugra, the Rsi king,commissioned his son Bhujyu. Bhujyu, however, was ship-wrecked on the ocean,"where there is no support,no rest for the foot or the hand," but was rescued by the twin Asvins in their hundred-oared galley (Rv. i. 112, 6;116, 3; 117, 14-15; 119, 4; iv. 27, 4; vi, 62, 6).The Mahabharata relates how the Pandavas, ingeniously escaping from the 'house of lac' by a subterranean passage, came upon the Ganges and got on board a vessel, which 'was provided with machinery and all kinds of weapons and was capable of defying storms and waves': sarvavatasaham navam yantra-yuktam patakinim (Adi Parva, ch. 15). Elsewhere in the same work we read how Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pandava brothers, continued his march of conquest till he reached several islands in the sea (no doubt with the help of ships) and subjugated the mleccha inhabitants thereof.(1) In the Santi Parva there is a verse which specifically refers to the navy as one of the angas of a complete army(2). In the Ramayana we have a picture of the preparations made by a Nisada chief for an impending naval encounter with Bharata.Finding the huge folIowing of Bharata from a distance, the tribal chieftain thus ordered his retinue:
tisthantu sarvadasas ca Gangam anvasrita nadim/
balayukta nadirakasa mamsamulaphalasanah//
navam satanam pancanam kaivartanam satam satam/
sannadhanam tatha yunam tisthatv ity abhyacodayat //(3)
Naval warfare was also well-known in the days of Manu, for he had laid it down that boats should be utilised for military purposes when the theatre of hostilities abounded in water (VII, 192). A very much later work, the Yuktikalpataru, specifies a class of boats called agramandira (because they had their cabins towards their prows) as eminently adapted for naval warfare (rane kale ghanatyate).(4)
1 Sabha Parva, ch. 31, vv. 66-8,
2 Ratha naga hayas caiva padatas caiva Pandava /
Vistir navas cras civa desika iti castanam // Ch.
59. v. 41.
3 Ayodhya Kanda, ch. 84, vv, 7-8,
2 Yuktikalpataru (Calcutta Oriental Series, No. 1),
p. 228.
[/I]
III
From the 4th Century B.C. to the 7th Century A.D.
So far as our information goes, it was in the time of Candragupta Maurya that the first real attempt to build up a royal navy of any magnitude was made. Megasthenes states that Candragupta's war-office was divided into six boards, of which the first was "associated with the Chief Naval Superintendent".
The fact that a committee of five members was appointed to, co-operate with the admiral of the fleet probably indicates that the number of war-boats maintained. by the Maurya emperor was not altogether insignificant. The Arthasastra of Kautalya (Bk. II, ch. 28), in agreement with Megasthenes, speaks of an official called Navadhyaksa or the superintendent of ships.This officer had manifold duties to perform. For instance, he examined "the accounts relating to navigation, not only on oceans and mouths of rivers but also on lakes, natural or artificial, and rivers in the vicinity of sthaniya and other fortified cities". He was required to maintain the customs of commercial ports (panyapattna-caritra) and the regulation of the port superintendent (pattanadhyaksa nibandha); he was also enjoined to show "fatherly consideration"to vessels in distress, and to allow to pass on half toll (sulka),or exempt altogether,merchandise damaged by water.In addition to these functions, he had to provide state ferries for the fording of all rivers in the kingdom, for which a graduated system of tolls was laid down and realised.It has been contended that the Navadhayaksa of Kautalya, whose duties thus appear to be mainly civil and commercial in character, cannot correspond to the "Naval Superintendent" of Megasthenes. In the first place, it is to be clearly understood that the functions assigned by Kautalya to other adhyaksas of this category, such as asvadhyaksa, hastyadhyaksa, rathadhyaksa etc., partake of the same nature; and in fact throughout the whole section on Adhyaksa-pracara Kautalya deals with the duties of officers as they were, or as they should be, in times of internal tranquillity and external peace. In the second place,it may be pointed out that Megasthenes' admiral, like the Navadhyaksa of Kautalya, had certain civil functions to perform-functions relating to the letting out of ships on hire for the transport both of passengers and merchandise (Strabo, XV, 1,46).Lastly, it should be noted that Kautalya does not altogether shut out of sight the military aspect of Navadhyaksa's functions. In one place he says:
"Himsrika nirghatayet, amitra-visayatigah
panyapattanacaritropaghatikas ca.
Himsrikah mean pirate ships, and the Navadhyaksa had to see that they were pursued and destroyed whenever they were found. The same regulation applied to ships and boats of an enemy's country when they crossed its territorial limit(1), and also to vessels which violated the customs and rules enforced in port towns. Now the pursuit and destruction of pirate vessels as also of ships belonging to the enemy's country could only have been adequately affected by war galleys belonging to the state, and as this duty devolved on the Navadhyaksa, it cannot be reasonably held that he was a purely civil official. In fact, like the Asvadhyaksa, Hastyadhyaksa and Rathadhyaksa who were concerned with horses,elephants and chariots used both for war and peace, the Navadhyaksa was as much concerned with armed vessels as with state boats which were used for peaceful traffic.
1 Dr. Shamasastry takes 'amitra-visayatigah' to mean
"vessels which were bound for the country of an
enemy". (Kaut. trans.,
The Maurya navy created by Candragupta probably continued to the end of Asoka's reign. We learn from the XIIIth Rode Edict of Asoka that the emperor maintained diplomatic relations not only with Ceylon (Tamraparni) but with the Hellenistic monarchies of Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia and Epirus. We agree with Dr, V. A. Smith when he states that diplomatic relations with such distant powers presupposes the existence of a "sea going fleet as well as an army".(1)
With the dissolution of the Maurya empire probably fell the great navy which the genius of Candraguta and his successors had reared up. But the naval traditions which the Mauryas had built up were kept alive in at least some of the kingdoms which sprang up on the ruins of their empire. This is evident from certain pieces of Andhra or Satavahana coins, belonging to the reign of Pulumayi and bearing the figure of a two-masted sailing ship.(2)
________________________
p. 153). Pandit Ganapati Sastri (vol. I, p. 308)
suggests the same interpretation: amitra-visayatigah
satrudesayayinih". This is probably not quite
correct, for atiga means 'going beyond limits', The
meaning suggested by these learned scholars would
have been all right if we had abhigah instead of
atigah.
1 Edicts of Asoka, Introd., p.viii.
2 In his article in Z. D. G. (1903, p.613) as well as
in his Early History (4th Ed., p. 223) V, A. Smith
refers these coins with the 'ship' type to the
reign of Yajna Sri. Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri in his
'Political History of Ancient India' does the same.
But Prof. Rapson, who has made a special study of
Andhra coinage, remarks that on the solitary
specimen on which the traces of the coin-legend
admit of any probable restoration "the inscr.
appears to be intended for Siri-pu (luma) visa (No,
95, p, 22; Pl. V.). This restoration is
These 'ship' coins probably suggest that Pulumayi was accompanied in some of his campaigns by a fleet of war-boats, and they were issued to commemorate a naval victory over the people who inhabited Tondamandala region, in which the coins were found. This nference will be considerably strengthened if we remember the fact that the coast-region in question was inhabited in ancient times by a people who were known to Tamil literature as the Tiraiyar (lit. sea-people).
In the succeeding centuries, the Coromandel coast appears to have been converted into a naval base by the Pallavas of southern India, That the Pallavas maintained a naval force may be inferred, firstly,from the 'ship' type coins, which have been attributed, though doubtfully, to them, and secondly,from the Kasakudi Plates, which tell us that king Narasimhavaman of this dynasty conquered Lanka or Ceylon. The conquest of an island situated far into the sea could only have been effected with the help of a fleet of ships.
Naval warfare was not altogether unknown in Gupta India. In the Allahabad Prasasti,Harisena states that Samudragupta's suzerainty was accepted, along with others, "by the people of Simhala and all other dwellers in islands".(1) It is not unlikely that this statement of the royal penegyrist merely makes a covert allusion to the embassy sent by Meghavanna (Meghavarna), the Buddhist king of Ceylon; but if it may be taken more literally, we may well credit Samudragupta with the possession of a naval force.The Aphasad inscr. probably refers to a naval victory won by Mahasena Gupta over the contemporary Kamarupa monarch, Susthitavarman. "The mighty force of Mahasena Gupta", says the epigraph,"marked with the honour of victory in war over the illustrious Susthitavarman, (and) white as a fullblown jasmine-flower or water-lily, or as a pure necklace of pearls pounded into little bits(? ), is still constantly sung on the banks of the river Lohitya,the surfaces of which are (so) cool, by the Siddhas in pairs, when they wake up after sleeping in the shade of the betel plants that are in full bloom".(2)
The Deo Baranark inscription refers to the
"victorious camp" of Jivita Gupta II as "invincible
_______________
not altogether satisfactory; but there is no doubt
about the first syllable of the name Pu-, and, as the
next syllable may well be -lu-, it is almost certain
that the coin was struck by Pulumayi" (Catalogue of
the Indian Coins, Introd. ixxxi-ixxxii).
1 C.I.I., vol. III, p.14.
2 C.I.I., vol. III, p.206.
through (its) equipment of great ships and elephants
and horses and foot-soliders".(1)
In the seventh century A.D. king Harsa of Kanauj must have possessed a certain number of war-boats which accompanied him in his distant expeditions. His inscriptions always refer to his victorious camp as "furnished with ships, elephants and horses":
'mahanau- hastya-sva-jaya-skandhavarat'.
At about the same time, the Calukya princes of the South appear to have maintained a considerable naval force. In the Nilgunda Plates of Vikramaditya VI, it is stated that king Mangalisa of the western Calukya dynasty fitted out a grand fleet, which captured the island of Revati. The epigraph runs as follows:
sarva-dvipakramana-mahaso yasya nau-setu-bandhair ullamghy
abdhim vyadhita prtana Revati-dvipa-lopam.(2)
From the Aihole inscription we learn that with a fleet of hundred fighting vessels Pulakesin II attacked Puri, which was the mistress- of the sea,and reduced it to submission.(3) The Kendur Plates of Kirtivarman II tells us that Pulakesin's grandson, Vinayaditya, sailed out to Ceylon, humbled its king and compelled him to pay tribute.(4)
..Contd