Indian defence industry exports watch

Rahul Singh

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Oman army all set to use India's INSAS rifles.

Oman army all set to use India's INSAS rifles

HT Correspondent
Email Author
Kolkata, April 22, 2010

Assault rifle INSAS (Indian Small Arms System), built by the state-run Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), will soon be used by the Royal Oman Army.
The indigenously built rifle was sent to Muscat in March and is currently undergoing trial for the Oman army.
"Oman has informed us that the rifles have successfully passed the trial run. INSAS will, in all likelihood, be the standard assault rifle of the Royal Oman Army," said an OFB deputy director-rank official, who spoke on condition of anonymity as he is not authorised to speak to the media.

The rifles were subjected to endurance tests for extreme desert temperatures and sandstorms and performed well in both conditions, sources in OFB and Ministry of Defence told Hindustan Times.

Developed in OFB'S Ishapore factory, 45 km north of Kolkata, in 1998, it has three variants — an assault rifle, a light machine gun and a carbine.

India will be supplying the 5.56 mm assault rifle to Oman.

The weapon has been sent as part of the India-Oman comprehensive defence agreement of 2003.

"If a deal is struck with Oman, the quantity and size of the deal will not be made public," said Major General V.K. Narula, additional director general (public relations) of the Indian Army.

Equipped with 20 or 30-round transparent magazines, the rifle has an effective range of 450 metres. The loaded weapon weighs around four kilograms.

INSAS is currently the standard infantry weapon of the Indian armed forces.

In 1999, it served the army against Pakistan in the Kargil confrontation.
 

youngindian

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Oman confirms orders for Insas Rifles from India

Oman has become the Second country to order INSAS Standard rifle (5.56 mm) has a standard assault rifle of the Royal Army of Oman , INSAS went to mass production in 1997 and became standard rifle in Indian Army and Indian Paramilitary , Its real test came in Kargil war soon in 1999 and while rifle was reported of minor snags in extreme high mountainous warfare was liked by soldiers for its ruggedness . soon Indian Government provided more then 25 thousand INSAS Standard rifles to Royal Nepal Army for a special price to fight moists .

Oman has still not disclosed the numbers of the guns to be ordered but it will be one of the largest order to be placed by a country ,three to four times more then ordered by Royal Nepal Army , Oman is still evaluating its requirements for the rifles to be ordered .

INSAS performed extremely well and passed all the test conducted under harsh dessert condition of oman .

http://idrw.org/?p=2060#more-2060
 

SHASH2K2

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Oman has become the Second country to order INSAS Standard rifle (5.56 mm) has a standard assault rifle of the Royal Army of Oman , INSAS went to mass production in 1997 and became standard rifle in Indian Army and Indian Paramilitary , Its real test came in Kargil war soon in 1999 and while rifle was reported of minor snags in extreme high mountainous warfare was liked by soldiers for its ruggedness . soon Indian Government provided more then 25 thousand INSAS Standard rifles to Royal Nepal Army for a special price to fight moists .


Oman has still not disclosed the numbers of the guns to be ordered but it will be one of the largest order to be placed by a country ,three to four times more then ordered by Royal Nepal Army , Oman is still evaluating its requirements for the rifles to be ordered .

INSAS performed extremely well and passed all the test conducted under harsh dessert condition of oman .

http://idrw.org/?p=2060#more-2060
Hope we will be able to keep the momentum going and try to export more and more weapons . More we export more embarrassing it will be for IA to ignore home made weapons.
 

ramakrishna.addanki

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Oman army all set to use India's INSAS rifles.

Any latest news on this?

Has the order been placed? If so when is OFB planning to start the production?
 

Yatharth Singh

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INSAS is not a rejected rifle. Our Army and paramilitary has been using it for almost a decade. Its a very good rifle that can work both in hot and frozen weather(these were the negetive points of INSAS earlier but they have been overcome years back ago). INSAS is perfect for the Oman army as our they have to operate mostly on desert lands. BSF has been using INSAS because of its effective range and accurate hit.
 

neo29

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Oman wants INSAS rifles. Then why is our Indian Army not happy with it and wants something else ?
 

luckyy

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INSAS has been around for over 10 years now ,
in 10 years arjun-mbt which was initialy rejected by army can outperform T-90 .....
 

Agantrope

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Oman wants INSAS rifles. Then why is our Indian Army not happy with it and wants something else ?
Insas perform good in war scenario, but it falls short of requirement in the COIN operations thats the problem with that rifle. Otherwise it is a good rifle for any soldier
 

SATISH

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Actually I prefer the 7.62 mm round over the 5.56mm any day. COIN requires hit-to-kill efficiency of the round and the brute stopping power of a 7.62 mm round. Or atleast the 5.45mm round must be used. The 5.56 mm round was developed because it will slow down the people as it tends to main most of the time rather than kill thus creating a huge psychological effect. In COIN it is not of much use as terrorists come ready to die.
 

Rahul Singh

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Made in India weapons and defence systems are far from getting its well deserved place in world market. This INSAS rifle is one but our range of ground based radars is another which is of great potential yet entirely untouched. Reason to it looks very simple to me which to my believe is lack of a dedicated body like ROSOBORONEXPORT or NORINCO for looking into everything that takes to make weapons a good export success. And what hurts is that today even pakistan exports more defense armaments than us and what hurts even more is the fact that all most all the weapons pakistan exports are stolen, painted etc...
 
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edkaini753

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But what about that propaganda that is going on that India's ammunition & weapons is obsolete...???
 

SHASH2K2

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Made in India weapons and defence systems are far from getting its well deserved place in world market. This INSAS rifle is one but our range of ground based radars is another which is of great potential yet entirely untouched. Reason to it looks very simple to me which to my believe is lack of a dedicated body like ROSOBORONEXPORT or NORINCO for looking into everything that takes to make weapons a good export success. And what hurts is that today even pakistan exports more defense armaments than us and what hurts even more is the fact that all most all the weapons pakistan exports are stolen, painted etc...
you are absolutely right . Even Iran has procured some RADARS and was looking for some more. I think India rejected that due to pressure from Israel and America. They were looking for those radars to protect their military installation so radars must be good .
 

SHASH2K2

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As Asian Nations work towards integrating familiar areas of mutual interests, defence cooperation by and large, serves as a significant tool that complements diplomatic enterprise. Collaboration in the realm of defence is widely considered a visible manifestation of a strategic relationship thereby fostering bilateral ties including political and economic relations and specific national security interests, crucially counting military capabilities. Of all the controversies that have surrounded Iran of late, specifically the debate surrounding Tehran's nuclear programme, India has made lucid efforts to project the Iranian case as symbolic of the sovereignty of New Delhi's foreign policy orientations. The complexities of Indo-Iranian ties could be attributed to the 'American angle' that looms large over this equation as New Delhi walks a tightrope whilst its ties with the United States (US) burgeon. In addition, fostering a close relationship with Israel also proves to be a litmus test for New Delhi vis-à-vis Tehran.
Iran holds particular importance for India as it provides unique access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, two theaters in which India seeks to project greater influence.1 As New Delhi promulgates a "look-east" policy to develop and sustain a multifaceted presence in the greater Middle East, Iran unquestionably is an instrumental player in this set up.2
Defence and Military-to-Military Collaboration
India and Iran's strategic partnership has significantly put in place military and energy deals estimated over $25 billion. The wide-ranging cooperation involving all three military services is quite a turnaround in the existing strategic situation in Southern Asia especially since the last two decades. In fact, the 2005-06 Annual Report of the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi claimed that Indo-Iranian cooperation had "acquired a strategic dimension flourishing in the fields of energy, trade and commerce, information technology and transit."3
The establishment of the Indo-Iran Joint Commission in 1983 was instrumental in so far as forging New Delhi's defence and military ties with Tehran. As the protracted Iran-Iraq war drew to a close in 1988, Tehran felt the need to rebuild its conventional arsenal and for this purpose initiated the process of purchasing tanks, combat aircraft and ships from Russia and China. Further, Iran reportedly solicited Indian assistance in 1993 to help develop new batteries for three Kilo-class submarines it had purchased from Russia. The submarine batteries provided by the Russians were ill-suited to the warm waters of the Persian Gulf, and India possessed substantial experience operating Kilo-class submarines in warm water.4 In addition, Iran remains inclined to acquire Indian assistance for other upgrades to Russian-supplied military hardware, which includes MiG-29 fighters, warships, subs, and tanks.
Defence ties between India and Iran further evolved post signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence cooperation in 2001. It was in the same year that India's Defence Secretary, Yogendra Narain, met his Iranian counterpart, Ali Shamkani, and supposedly discussed arms sales to Iran including Indian Konkurs anti-tank guided weapons and spare parts.5 India and Iran are hopeful that New Delhi will become a source of conventional military equipment and spare parts for Iran, provide expertise in electronics and telecommunications and hold joint training exercises with Iranian armed forces. Tehran also seeks New Delhi to provide combat training for missile boat crews as well as simulators for ships and submarines and purportedly anticipates that India provide midlife service and upgrades for fighters, warship, and subs in Indian dockyards.6
Also Read India-China Relations: Some Reflections
Bilateral defence and security ties received a boost as Iranian President Hojjatoleslam Seyyed Mohammad Khatami paid a state visit to India in January 2003 where he was the guest of honour at India's Republic Day. In a landmark accord, the two nations agreed upon future Iranian access to Indian military technology. According to the New Delhi Declaration:
The Republic of India and the Islamic Republic of Iran are resolved to exploit the full potential of the bilateral relationship in the interest of the people of the two countries and of regional peace and stability"¦ with a vision of a strategic partnership for a more stable, secure and prosperous region and for enhanced regional and global cooperation"¦ Explore opportunities for cooperation in defence in agreed areas, including training and exchange of visits.7
The declaration called upon the two states to broaden their strategic collaboration in third countries-a clear reference to Afghanistan. Significantly, the New Delhi Declaration, apart from expressing discomfort with mounting US military presence in Persian Gulf, sought to upgrade defence cooperation between India and Iran specifically in the following areas:
Sea-lane control and security.
Indo-Iran joint naval exercises.
Indian assistance to Tehran in upgrading its Russian made defence systems (yet to fructify).
Establishment of joint working groups on counter-terrorism and counter-narcotics.
According to reports, India would purportedly be given access to Iranian military bases in the event of a war with Pakistan.8 India reportedly hoped that the 2003 New Delhi Declaration would pave the way for upgrades of Iran's Russian-made conventional weapon systems by India. While Indo-Iranian deals along these lines have not yet materialized, Iran has sought Indian advice in operating missile boats, refitting Iran's T-72 tanks and armored personnel carriers, and upgrades for MiG-29 fighters.9 Although there was a clear mention of military ties expanding further, the US State Department expressed concern but dismissed any anxiety over the developments stating that New Delhi had reassured Washington that the agreement "doesn't involve military and technical assistance."10
Two months after President Khatami's visit to India, in March 2003, Tehran and New Delhi conducted their first joint naval maneuvers in the Arabian Sea. Sea-lane control and security, as well as discomfort with the emerging US presence in the Persian Gulf, were partially responsible for this exercise. Another exercise was held in March 2006. Defence cooperation beyond this, however, has been sporadic and low-level.11 The timing of the second naval exercise in March 2006 was crucial as it overlapped with President George Bush's visit to Afghanistan, India and Pakistan. Given its timing, the conduct of the exercise signaled to Tehran and Washington alike that Washington will not dictate India's foreign policy.12 As a matter of fact the joint naval drill in 2006 prompted US Congressional criticism, but both the Bush Administration and Indian officials insisted the exchange emphasised mutual sport activities rather than military techniques13-in what was an obvious effort to play down the growing spotlight over this development.
According to reports appearing in September 2007, Iran is negotiating with India to purchase advanced radar systems designed for fire control and surveillance of anti-aircraft batteries. Iran is seeking an unspecified number of Upgraded Support Fledermaus radar systems from the Indian state-owned Bharat Electronics Ltd (BHEL). The deal could touch a staggering $70 million and mark the first major defence agreement between New Delhi and Tehran. However, New Delhi faces intense pressure from Washington to not to sell the radars to Iran, as it is convinced that the request is part of Iran's military effort to protect its nuclear weapons facilities in question. The upgraded Super Fledermaus is a monopulse radar used in 35-mm air defence batteries and designed to detect low-flying objects, such as unmanned air vehicles (UAVs). The digital system contains a built-in simulator as well as a signal jammer. Crucially, BHEL has gone on record and confirmed Iran's request for these upgraded radars. Executives at the plant stated that Iran sought the same fire control and surveillance radar that the company upgraded for the Indian Army way back in 2001.
Also Read Military Power
Adding on to the nascent military ties, India has also developed intelligence outposts in Iran, including the Indian consulate in Zahedan and a relatively new consulate in Bandar Abbas, which will permit India to monitor ship movements in the Persian Gulf.14 The two countries have not only undertaken to cooperate in space research but collaborate as well.15 Moreover, India can also offer medium-technology weapons such as medium-range howitzers, and more prominently, jointly train with the Iranian forces.


As India assists Iran to construct railway spurs linking its rail network to that of Central Asia, the process considerably reduces Pakistan's strategic leverage over these landlocked states thus providing them alternative corridors to the sea. New Delhi has undertaken vital development of Iranian port facilities along with the construction of road and rail links. Indian engineers have contributed immensely towards the upgradation and development of the Iranian port of Chahbahar. In fact, India's Ministry of External Affairs has claimed: "New Delhi and Tehran have agreed to 'join hands' in the reconstruction of Afghanistan and to support the development of 'alternative access routes' to that country (bypassing Pakistan) via Iran's Chahbahar port."16 This shall presumably facilitate trade and is part of a larger Indian Ocean to North Sea initiative involving Russia and others, and mainly centered on the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas. Moreover, India is developing Chahbahar and is laying railway tracks to connect it to Zaranj in Afghanistan, proclaiming that this would be a commercial port. Additionally, India has constructed the 218 kms long Zaranj-Delaram highway that now links Afghanistan to the Iranian port of Chahbahar as part of the Afghan circular road that connects Herat and Kabul via Mazar-e-Sharif in the north and Kandhar in the south- thereby providing easier access to Afghanistan and possibly even further, to Central Asia via Iran.17
Attaining Strategic Congruence through Defence Cooperation
Defence cooperation proves critical in facilitating regional security and further cementing alliances with nations in the extended neighbourhood. Defence cooperation with Iran would go far so as to project India's role in the regional security structural design. Assessing the opportunities available for military cooperation with Iran, it is evident that Tehran is searching for sustained support in modernisation of its armed forces which have been suffering from lack of access to advanced technology, maintenance and spares support. Developing early stakes in the process would be a major advantage for India. For this purpose, commencing a defence dialogue could be envisaged, which could be progressed based on international and regional developments, providing opportunities for greater cooperation with Iran without necessarily impinging upon India's relations with other states in the region or with the United States.18 The band of opportunities is not necessarily sequential or time constrained and could be envisaged in the following fields:
Assistance in modernisation of defence forces to include supply of arms and equipment as per India's national policy from time to time
Defence research and development (R&D) assistance
Strategic defence dialogue
Training and exercises
Courses
Defence infrastructure development
ITisation of the armed forces
Maintenance assistance, supply of spares and ancillaries.19
It would also be evident that there are very limited reverse spin offs that would be accrued to the Indian military. However, defence cooperation would very effectively serve the larger aim of building a strategic relationship with Tehran as and when such an opportunity becomes visible or is envisaged. Being situated on Pakistan's western borders, Iran provides significant politico-strategic advantage for India. This provides a strong congruence of Indo-Iranian interests in ensuring a moderate regime in Kabul that is not a client of Pakistan. Afghanistan is critical to India's security and Iran can provide a major stabilising influence there. Accordingly, engagement of Iran implies an engagement with its armed forces and the need for fostering military-to-military relations. This could translate into sharing of intelligence regarding terrorist groups operating out of Afghanistan and curbing the activities of narcotics smugglers and drug traffickers. India and Iran have a major stake in keeping the Gulf waterways open for trade and energy flows. Towards this end, India and Iran envisaged naval cooperation for sea-lane control and security. Indo-Iranian naval exercises such as the ones held in March 2003 and 2006 need to be resumed in future. Furthermore, bilateral naval exercises could also encompass anti-piracy operations and cooperation.20 As far as Army-to-Army cooperation is concerned, it could entail the following:
Joint anti-terrorist exercises.
Provision of course vacancies for Iranian officers at the National Defence College (NDC) and Defence Services Staff College (DSSC).
Provision of training for UN peacekeeping operations.
Training in English language and IT skills for Iranian armed forces personnel.
Offer assistance in training as well as maintenance and repair of key Russian equipment like Kilo submarines and MiG-29 fighters.
Maintenance and repair and training support for Iranian T-72 Tanks, BMP infantry carrier vehicles [BMP-I and BMP-II] and Russian origin artillery equipment (105 mm, 130 mm and 122 mm towed Artillery Field Guns).
Provision of spares would be a major component of military ties.
India could consider selling Advanced Light Helicopters (ALH) and jet trainer aircraft.
Despite these many forms of collaboration, more than a few constraints are likely to curtail the extent to which India might reach out to Iran in defence association. Assistance in these areas would be contingent upon scaling down of Iran's hostility levels with the US and Israel. India receives major quantities of cutting edge equipment from Israel and as such cannot be seen as undermining its security by upgrading the perceived threat from Iran. New Delhi's camaraderie with Iran especially in the field of defence collaboration incessantly carries a potential risk of putting it at odds with simultaneous improvement in ties with Israel and the US. The field of defence cooperation is subjected to close scrutiny and sensitivity as it comes under the scanner of the US and Israel. Nevertheless, refuting to view international relations as a zero-sum game, India's Ministry of External Affairs stated in January 2005: The United States has its relationship with Pakistan, which is separate from our own relationship with them"¦ Our relationship with Iran is peaceful and largely economic. We do not expect it to affect our continuing good relations with the United States.
Also Read Extended South Asian Region
During an April 2006 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was inquired about New Delhi's relationship with Tehran. Of immediate interest to some Senators was an American press report on Iranian naval ships visiting India's Kochi port for "training." Indian officials downplayed the significance of the port visit, and Secretary Rice challenged the report's authenticity.21 Secretary Rice did however, sent a message across when she stated, "The US has made very clear to India that we have concerns about their relationship with Iran."22 Furthermore, Israel has also raised concerns vis-à-vis New Delhi's defence ties with Iran resting upon apprehension that India could divert Israeli military technology to Iran-a nation it describes as the "epicenter of terrorism." During Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's visit to India in September 2003, Sharon was reported to have demanded explicit guarantees from India that it would not transfer any technology acquired from Israel to any third country, especially Iran.23
Yet another episode that established India's autonomous foreign policy approach came in March 2007 when Washington conducted its war games in the Persian Gulf-its largest show of force in the region since the 2003 intervention in Iraq involving USS Eisenhower and USS Stennis. This coincided with the visit of the Iranian Naval Chief to India-a reflection of the importance that Iran attached to its growing defence ties with India.24 Additionally, a naval cadet training ship visited India, and in 2007, the Indian government allowed a limited number of Iranian officers to participate in joint training courses with officers from several other countries.25
Conclusion
India will have to compete for influence in Iran and military-to-military ties would go a long way in cementing relations with Iran. Iran lies at the core of the world's energy heartland formed by the Middle East and Central Asia. As such, enlightened self-interest demands that India should engage Iran in a constructive manner to safeguard its significant geopolitical and energy security stakes.
Also Read Nuclear Deal versus Nuclear Capability
As of now, defence cooperation between the two countries appears low and patchy with ample scope for gaining momentum. Closer ties between New Delhi and Tehran especially in the realm of defence cooperation shall be of critical significance to both nations even as it might impact upon the West Asian politico-strategic dynamic. Despite the fact that resisting unvarying US pressure towards keeping its diplomatic and political channels open vis-à-vis Tehran, New Delhi should maintain an independent line while strategizing its foreign policy sans any threads binding the same. Thus, in a move that could radically alter the geopolitics of the region, Indian and Iranian defence cooperation could well prove to be an essential tool of foreign policy thereby strengthening mutual trust and enhancing security and stability in the region. It shall further be a significant pointer towards the emerging strategic calculations in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea.

http://www.indiandefencereview.com/2010/05/india-iran-defence-cooperation.html
 

Agantrope

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Made in India weapons and defence systems are far from getting its well deserved place in world market. This INSAS rifle is one but our range of ground based radars is another which is of great potential yet entirely untouched. Reason to it looks very simple to me which to my believe is lack of a dedicated body like ROSOBORONEXPORT or NORINCO for looking into everything that takes to make weapons a good export success. And what hurts is that today even pakistan exports more defense armaments than us and what hurts even more is the fact that all most all the weapons pakistan exports are stolen, painted etc...
Problem is people are employed by the governement. so they will do the development job.

For Instance Western do marketing as an art. Thats why there mediocre/good product got into the market soon. Also we cant afford the Kickbacks to be payed
 

ramakrishna.addanki

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But what about that propaganda that is going on that India's ammunition & weapons is obsolete...???


Let them think....do a big propagonda...etc.
But ultimately they will be surprised to see performance of these weapons in wars.:happy_2:

We will never fight back with those who say India's LCA, MBT Arjun, Dhruv, LCH, INS Arihant are all failed projects.
If they are in fantacy , let them be in. Rest of the world has the knowledge of what India has achieved and what it can achieve.
People are not fools to do JVs with India on so many projects. Investing in India and trying to make it a manufacturing hub for defence equipment.
They have very well understood that their R&D costs and manufacturing costs will be far less than in their countries. And they also cannot ignore Indian Defence sector which is in boom.
 

Yatharth Singh

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Its all about Oman. We have to also keep in mind the economy of Oman before cross questioning the products for sale. Oman is not an very rich nation. and for its budget, Insas is very good.
 

Yusuf

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Its all about Oman. We have to also keep in mind the economy of Oman before cross questioning the products for sale. Oman is not an very rich nation. and for its budget, Insas is very good.
Its not as poor as you think either. It is used to western wares. Insas will make it for what it is and not its price alone.
 

wild goose

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Its all about Oman. We have to also keep in mind the economy of Oman before cross questioning the products for sale. Oman is not an very rich nation. and for its budget, Insas is very good.
Sultanate of Oman can provide its Army with western or American weapons if they had wanted. And the west is more than willing to convert their petro-dollars to weapons.
It could be the reliability of Insas in sandy desert conditions that might have prompted the Oman to go for it.
Moreover, in a country like Oman infantry weapons are the most important weapons.
 

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