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garg_bharat

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:facepalm: ITI ! its a worthless PSU filled with lazy sods worse than OFB . Gawd, this will never see the light of day. My father who worked in telecom sector in 80s told me that ITI made telephone equipment has the worst quality !
Don't be so negative. Things change.
 

12arya

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This Is Why India’s Smart Outreach To Myanmar Marks A Milestone In Country’s Diplomacy

by Jaideep Mazumdar - Oct 6, 2020 03:34 PM

This Is Why India’s Smart Outreach To Myanmar Marks A Milestone In Country’s Diplomacy

India’s foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla and army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane


Snapshot
  • This is the first time that the heads of India’s diplomatic and defence establishments undertook a joint visit to any country.
India’s foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla and army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane have just returned from a successful two-day ‘historic’ visit to Myanmar.

‘Historic’ because this is the first time that the heads of India’s diplomatic and defence establishments undertook a joint visit to any country. And this joint visit represents a paradigm shift in the thinking and approach of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA).

The decision to send the duo to Myanmar reflected pragmatism on part of the MEA, which acknowledged the ground realities prevailing in Myanmar where the army and the civilian administration share power.
Thus, Shringla and Naravane called upon Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, who is the de-facto head of the civilian administration, and the chief of the ‘Tatmadaw’ (as Myanmar’s military is called), Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.

The whole idea behind sending the foreign secretary and army chief to Myanmar was to give out a strong signal to the neighbour’s military and civilian leadership that India is keen on engaging with both on an equal basis.

That signalling was important since Myanmar’s military has often been criticised by many countries, especially in the West, as a power grabber.

India's gesture of according importance and respect to Myanmar’s generals has been deeply appreciated by the Tatmadaw, which shares power constitutionally with the civilian administration led by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD).

The NLD is expected to return to power in next month’s elections in that country. The meeting with the NLD chief on the eve of the elections also sent a strong message to Myanmar about New Delhi’s long-term commitment to cementing ties between the two countries.

The two-day visit by the Shringla-Naravane duo was, by all yardsticks, a successful one. India’s offer to set up a six billion dollar petroleum refinery in Myanmar was accepted by that country.
This will be India’s maiden foray into Myanmar’s energy sector which has, so far, been dominated by China which accounts for seventy percent of foreign investments in that sector.

A major part of the bilateral discussions centred around security along the 1640-kilometer India-Myanmar border.

A few insurgent outfits belonging to India’s Northeast had set up camps in the jungles of Myanmar near the international border. The Tatmadaw had busted these camps and had handed over 22 insurgents to India earlier this year, a move that has been deeply appreciated by New Delhi.

pen military-to-military ties between the two countries. India has offered to supply some military equipment, offer training, and help in vital capacity-building to the Tatmadaw.

The two sides upgraded a programme under which India would provide equipment, inputs, and expertise to enhance farm productivity in some areas of Myanmar, including the restive Rakhine province.
India and Myanmar also discussed the issue of repatriation of Rohingya refugees from India and Bangladesh to Myanmar.

The Indian delegation offered suggestions on making the repatriation process easy and impressed upon Myanmar to work closely with Bangladesh on this.

India has promised Bangladesh to leverage its (New Delhi’s) good ties with Myanmar to facilitate the return of the estimated 11 lakh Rohingyas in Bangladesh.

The status of two mega projects- Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway--was reviewed. Myanmar committed itself to ease out all bottlenecks to hasten the pace of work on the two projects that are crucial to Prime Minister Modi’s ‘Act East’ and “Neighbourhood First’ policies.

The two sides also held preliminary discussions on a possible time table for high-level visits between the two countries after the elections in November. Aung San Suu Kyi is said to be keen on visiting New Delhi early next year.

Suu Kyi last visited India in October 2016. Modi had visited Myanmar in September 2017. Visits by both the leaders to each others’ countries is due and will be scheduled after the pandemic is over.
 

12arya

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Defence Acquisition Procedure 2020
October 1, 2020
By Lt. General P.C. Katoch (Retd)


DEFENCE MINISTER RAJNATH SINGH RELEASED THE NEW DEFENCE ACQUISITION PROCEDURE (DAP) AT THE DEFENCE ACQUISITION COUNCIL (DAC) MEETING ON SEPTEMBER 28, 2020.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh released Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) 2020 on September 28, 2020 which is an improvement on the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) 2016. Releasing the document Rajnath Singh said, “Happy to unveil the new Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP)-2020 Document today... after incorporating comments and suggestions from a wide spectrum of stakeholders. The DAP 2020 has been aligned with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ and empowering the Indian domestic industry through ‘Make in India’ initiative with the ultimate aim of turning India into a global manufacturing hub…..” A new procedure has been included as a new chapter in DAP and structured as an enabling provision for Services to procure essential items through Capital Budget under a simplified procedure in a time bound manner. He also clarified that in the new DAP, only companies having more than 50 per cent Indian ownership will be allowed to participate in ‘Make in India’ categories of procurement including under Strategic Partnership, Make I and 2 and Indian Designed, Developed and Manufactured (IDDM) categories.

DAP 2020 aims at simplifying procurement process, enhancing ease of business and reducing time delays, is effective from October 1, 2020 and will be valid for five years. Together with the new Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policy, DAP 2020 has provisions to encourage FDI to establish manufacturing hubs both for import substitution and exports while protecting interests of Indian domestic industry. The induction of a separate chapter dedicated to acquisition of ‘Information and Communication Technology (ICT)’ systems is a good step given the changing nature of technology and battle conditions. DAP 2020 permits the military to take equipment on lease. Military equipment like light transport aircraft, land attack vehicles and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) could soon be taken on a lease basis, bringing down upfront costs and giving military the flexibility of operating systems at a time of its choosing.

Salient features of DAP 2020 include:

  • overall enhancement of indigenous content in all categories of procurement;
  • individual contract (IC) to be calculated on ‘Base Contract Price’- Total Contract Price less taxes and duties;
  • promotes indigenous military material and rewards vendors using indigenous raw material;
  • explores options for operating base applications like Fire Control System, Radars, Encryption, Communications etc on indigenous software in Buy (Indian- IDDM) and Buy (Indian);
  • rationalisation of trials and testing procedures and multiple measures to promote make and innovations, design and development, and addressing voids
  • ensures no equipment mentioned in the list is imported;
  • spares to be indigenised;
  • RFPs to explore willingness of foreign vendors to progressively undertake manufacture and setup an indigenous ecosystem at the spares/sub component level;
  • new category of Buy (Global – Manufacture in India) incorporates ‘manufacture of either the entire/part of the equipment, maintenance, repair and overhaul through its subsidiary in India
  • co-production facilities through inter-governmental agreement
  • buyers right to optimise costs and system through indigenous eco system;
  • mandatory setting up of Project Management Unit (PMU) to support contract management, facilitating advisory and consultancy support in specified areas to streamline acquisition process;
  • formulation of SQRs on verifiable parameters based on analysis of ‘comparative’ equipment available in world and domestic markets;
  • Long Term Perspective Plan (LTIPP) renamed Integrated Capability Development Plan (ICDP) covering 10 years instead of 15 years.

DEFENCE MINISTER Rajnath Singh unveils Defence Acquisition Procedure – 2020

The Offset guidelines have been revised, wherein preference will be given to manufacture of complete defence products over components and various multipliers have been added to provide incentive in discharge of Offsets. But the key change is waiving off the offset clause on government to government buys that will result in reducing acquisition costs. The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report tabled in Parliament on September 23 had severely criticised the government’s offset policy saying that foreign vendors made various offset commitments to qualify for the main supply contract but later, were not earnest about fulfilling these commitment, mentioning the Rafale deal too in which Dassault Aviation and MBDA defaulted in their offset obligations including by not providing engine technology for the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). CAG observed that from 2005 till March 2018, 46 offset contracts were signed with foreign vendors totaling 66,427 crore. Under these contracts, by December 2018, 19,223 crore worth of offsets should have been discharged by the vendors. However, the offsets claimed to have been discharged by them was only 11,396 crore, which was only 59 per cent of the commitment. Moreover only 48 per cent (5,457 crore) of these offset claims submitted by the vendors were accepted by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) which increases the offset default to 13,748 crore. So where was the oversight and why were these vendors not taken to task and penalised.

Over the years, successive Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) have been issued and each time the individual document is supposed to be the ultimate. No doubt enormous forethought and hard work has gone into defining DAP 2020 after interaction and inputs from all stakeholders but ultimately it is the implementation which matters or as they say the proof of the pudding lies in its eating.

Success of DAP 2020 will be contingent on the following:
  • one, degree of corporatising of Ordnance Factory Board where need is disinvestment and privatisation;
  • two, inclusion of users (military) in all levels of corporatising OFB;
  • three, shed continuing bias towards DRDO-OFB-DPSUs to provide real level playing field to private sector;
  • four, accountability and control of the bureaucracy over governmental defence-industrial complex – Army has pointed out to MoD that funds spent on faulty ammunition during 2014-2020 could have been used to buy 100 x 155mm artillery guns, and;
  • five, degree of engagement allowed to military – for example, DAP 2020 is supposed to help military in acquisitions through Capital Expenditure. But Capital Expenditure continues under the Defence Secretary, not under the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). So how much of the red-tape will get reduced only time will tell.

Finally one thing certain is that we need to modernise our military and build hard power in quick time faced with the increasing China threat. DAP 2020 needs to be earnestly implemented keeping this as the aim
 

12arya

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Boosting Combat Drones Capability
October 1, 2020
By Lt. General P.C. Katoch (Retd)
Photo(s): By GA-ASI, IAF, Twitter


MQ-9B Sea Guardian

As China remains hostile with its state media saying China does not recognise the Union Territory of Ladakh, established “illegally” by India, India is going in for boosting its combat drones capabilities. The Army, Navy and Air Force have collectively come to the conclusion that India should opt for a weaponised drone rather than the 22 x reconnaissance and surveillance Sea Guardian drones approved in 2017 by the US administration for supply to India. India had first expressed its interest in these General Atomics armed drones in 2015, and the procurement had been in the works since then. First, it was being processed as the purchase of 22 Sea Guardians for the Indian Navy till 2017 and was later converted into an acquisition for all three services, since the requirement was the same. Since then, the United States had approved the sale of these armed drones to India. With the India-China standoff, the Services now want the MQ-9B Sea Guardian, manufactured by General Atomics, USA, which has 40-hour endurance with a maximum altitude of 40,000 feet and payload or weapon carrying capacity of over 2.5 tonnes including air-to-surface missiles and laser-guided bombs.

Going by media reports, the plan is to procuring 30 x reconnaissance and attack unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) MQ-9B Sky Guardian. The price reportedly is $100 million per UAV but the same is under discussion. If the price remains at $100 million per UAV then the contract for 30 UAVs would come to $3 billion. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) reportedly plans to implement the contract in two stages. The first batch of 6 x MQ-9 Sky Guardian are to be purchased in the coming months, two each for operation by the Army, Navy and Air Force. The remaining 24 x MQ-9 Sky Guardian will be procured over the next three years - eight each for the three Services. Media has quoted an official from South Block (read MoD) stating on conditions of anonymity, “We are in negotiations with the Trump administration, which is willing to provide India with the latest armed drone technology. In this, it is the prohibitive cost of the system that is a hurdle, not the Trump administration.” Incidentally, Indian-American Vivek Lal is the Chief Executive of General Atomics Global Corporation since January 2020.



Heron UAV

Aside from the move to procure the MQ-9B Sea Guardian armed UAVs from the US, the Ministry of Defence had approved in August 2020 an upgrade programme for the Israeli Heron UAVs held by our military. India has already asked Israel to upgrade its existing Heron medium-altitude, long-endurance surveillance drone by upgrading its communication links. Presently, two Heron UAVs need to be flown in tandem with a time gap because they are not fitted with a satellite package. Without this package, information has to be relayed back to base through the second drone in case of long-range surveillance. Obviously when we acquired the Heron UAVs from Israel, the thinking was primarily for deployment against counter-terrorists and counter-infiltration operations. The type of long-range surveillance requirements that have come up with the Chinese aggression were not visualised because the requirements for offensive operations were not the focus. The upgrade sought from Israel now involves fitting the Heron drone with a satellite package so that the UAV links with the satellite above and information is sent on a real-time basis. The upgrade will allow the Heron to conduct long-range surveillance without the fear of losing contact with the base or go into no contact zone. With this upgrade in reconnaissance capabilities, the forces on the ground would also be able to get pin-point intelligence about hideouts in areas where men have to be involved in operations and enable the Armed forces' ground station handlers to operate these aircraft from far-off distances and control them through the satellite communication system. This would boost the capability to monitor enemy movement, keeping an eye on enemy locations and stations for taking action against them as and when required.

How much time it will take to upgrade the Heron UAVs held by our military is not known but presumably it will be on war footing considering the China threat.

News reports of August 2020 had also reported that amid border tension with China, the armed forces are pushing a case for arming their Heron UAVs with laser-guided bombs, precision-guided munitions and anti-tank missiles for taking out enemy positions and armoured units. The proposal, Project Cheetah, has been revived by the armed forces after being pending for a long time. Media quoted government sources stated, "Under this project, around 90 Heron drones of the three services would be upgraded to be armed with laser-guided bombs, air to ground and air-launched anti-tank guided missiles." These requirements projected by the Armed Forces were to be examined by a committee led by the Defence Secretary. Hopefully an early decision will be taken in this regard.



Burraq Drone


China has formidable capability of all type of drones and has also been practicing use of swarm drones in recent years while India is lagging far behind in this regard. China is exporting drones to Pakistan and is helping Pakistan develop indigenous drones like the ‘Burraq’ unarmed combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) developed by the National Engineering and Scientific Commission (NESCOM) in conjunction Pakistani air force. Satellite imagery has been picking up Chinese UCAVs parked in Pakistani airfields. In case of a two-front war, the combat drone threat from Pakistan could even include Chinese drones operated by Chinese ground controllers given the evil nexus between the two countries and presence of PLA in Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (POK). India has to be prepared against such threats.

The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) so far has provided the ‘Bharat’ surveillance drones to the Army for border surveillance, which presently may be barely meeting the operational requirements in Eastern Ladakh. Understandably, other drone programmes in DRDO are ongoing but these need to be speeded up. Considering the Chinese concept of swarm drones, we also require requisite number of anti-drone capability. Finally, considering the length of our borders with China and Pakistan, enemy capabilities and little hope of peace as indicated by China’s behaviour, we must aim for indigenous development under ‘Make in India’ to meet our combat drones requirements.
 

12arya

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Influencing the Indian Ocean

By Lt Gen Prakash Katoch
Date : 08 Oct , 2020


On September 24, 2020, Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa ordered termination of the US$1.5 billion (RM6.3 billion) Japanese-funded Light Rail Project (LRT) signed under the previous government. In March 2019, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) had loaned ¥30 billion to finance the first phase of the LRT. Japanese technology including rolling stock was to be used on the rail system, which included 16 stations over 15.7 km. Detailed planning and land acquisition for the project in Colombo had been completed and initial construction was already under way.

Sri Lankan official cite the reason for cancellation of the LRT project to not being “cost-effective solution” for the congested capital Colombo. But Japan has already funded sections of new expressways and a key bridge to reduce traffic congestion in and out of Colombo. Besides, the Japanese loan for the LRT project carries an interest rate of 0.1 per cent (way below market rates) and is repayable over 40 years with a 12-year grace period which is longer than the construction period. Therefore the excuse of the project not being cost effective is hollow, especially compared to loan taken by Sri Lanka from China’s Exim Bank for the Hambatota project on commercial rates. The LRT project will likely be awarded to China now. In 2018, China won a contract for over US$300,000 to build 40,000 houses Sri Lanka’s Jaffna district.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa is President of Sri Lanka since November 18, 2019. Closure of a major project like the LRT on which work was ongoing in Colombo could have been ordered much before. In all probability its abrupt cancellation now is China’s response to signing of the ‘Framework for US-Maldives Defence and Security Relationship’ on September 10, 2020, which was being hailed as a game changer in the region even though Maldives is still cumulatively owes China US$3.5 billion in terms of government-to-government loans, private loans and sovereign guarantees. Cancellation of the LRT project is direct fallout of US-China rivalry and the race to influence the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

China’s influence over Sri Lanka is not limited to Sri Lanka leasing China-built Hambantota Port to China for 99 years for US$1.12 billion in 2017.China helped Sri Lanka in its final battle with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and sided with Sri Lanka when accused by the US for human rights violations. China is Sri Lanka’s largest source of FDI and has provided loans for projects like the first four-lane expressway, new Colombo Port Terminal and a new National Theatre. Beijing owns 85 percent stake in Colombo International Container Terminals which is the only deep-water terminal at the port. China has gifted a P625 frigate to Sri Lanka and bilateral security cooperation between the two nations is strong.

Quite clearly Sri Lanka is firmly in China’s strategic sphere and China will draw it even closer if pressured more for human rights violations. The US and India may want Colombo to join the US-India-Japan-Australia Quadrilateral but Sri Lanka will unlikely agree unless Beijing wants an ‘insider’ in the Quad. With the Rajapaksa brothers allegiance to Beijing, China’s hold on Sri Lanka will only increase especially with Gottabayaseeking unprecedented powers through constitutional amendment. China may even advise Sri Lanka how to clamp down on its Tamil population with the Sinhala majority wanting scrapping of the 13th Amendment.

India’s Foreign Secretary and Indian Army Chief visited Myanmar recently and met State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, C-in-C of Myanmar Armed Forces besides other officials. The main focus of their visit was border area development. In 2012, both countries had signed a memorandum of understanding on ‘India-Myanmar Border Area Development’ in which India pledged US $5 million each year over a period of five years to Myanmar. The MoU was later extended till 2022. Multiple projects including roads and bridges, healthcare centres, schools and other infrastructure projects have been completed by India and identification of next phase of projects is underway. During the visit, India announced a grant of US$2 million for construction of a bridge to improve connectivity between Mizoram and Myanmar.

Both sides also discussed maintenace of security and stability in border areas, reiterating mutual commitmet not to allow respective territories for activities inimical to each other. Myanmar is handing over 22 Indian insurgents to India. India underscored its commitment to support safe, sustainable and speedy repatriation of displaced persons from Bangladesh to Rakhine State in accordance the Myanmar-Bangladesh understanding. India upgraded the Rakhine State Development Program (RSDP) while already providing assistance for development projects, health, education and agricultural through a grant-in-aid of US$5 million per year. Both sides discussed possible development of a petroleum refinery in Myanmar with an investment of US$6 billion. China currently accounts for almost 70 percent investments in the energy sector in Myanmar.

President Xi Jinping’s visit to Myanmar in January 2020 has given impetus to the China-Myanmar-Economic Corridor (CMEC). The CMEC terminates at Kyaukphyu Port resting on the Bay of Bengal that would help China avoid the Malacca Strait and counter the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy – akin to the CPEC terminating in Gwadar Port of Pakistan. In July 2019, China’s cumulative investment in Myanmar accounted for over 25 percent of Myanmar’s total foreign investment. Myanmar is third largest Chinese arms importer after Pakistan and Bangladesh. In 2019, Myanmar was part of 50 countries supporting China’s treatment of Uyghurs and other Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang region.

But the irony is General Min Aung Hlaing, C-in-C of Myanmar Armed Forces recently stating that terrorist groups active in the country were backed by ‘strong forces’ – obvious reference to China. China has been covertly supporting and arming insurgent groups in Myanmar like the ArakanArmy (AA), Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), United Wa State Army (USWA) and United Liberation Front of West and Southeast Asia (ULFWSEA). China has this sub-conventional ‘Sword of Damocles’ over Myanmar to see through the CMEC and not get too friendly with the US and allies.

Global pressure on Myanmar for human rights against Rohingya’s has helped China draw Myanmar closer – same way as Sri Lanka pressured for human rights violations against the LTTE. Overall Chinese investments in the CMEC are not known but the largest construction project along the route is the 431 km Muse-Mandalay Railway, a project estimated to cost US$9 billion connecting to Chinese railway network at Ruili in Yunnan province. How much China can debt trap Myanmar remains to be seen, but China’s grip on Myanmar will keep increasing given its strategic importance to China.

Of concern to India should be PLA presence in Myanmar under pretext development projects, followed by guarding the CMEC like it has happened in Pakistan. Both Myanmar and India are committed to not let their territory be used for activities against the other. But Myanmar has large tracts of difficult terrain and China will continue sub-conventional pressure on India and Myanmar through its proxies. Perhaps the security situation may have emerged more clearly in one-to-one closed door meeting between General Min Aung Hlaing and Indian Army Chief General MM Narvane.

President Xi Jinping recently said he stands ready with Bangladesh to better align both countries strategies and promote construction of his Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China’s investments in infrastructure projects in Bangladesh are over US$26 billion with another US$38 billion funding commitments, China has also offered zero-tariff treatment to 97 per cent of Bangladesh’s exports by adding 5,161 more items to the existing list of 3,095 duty-free products. Ports of Kyaukphyu in Myanmar, Gwadar in Pakistan and Hambantotoain Sri Lanka would give China immense influence over the Indian Ocean. A port under Chinese control in Bangladesh would add to Chinese clout in the region. With Nepal fully in its bag, China is focusing on Bangladesh and Bhutan to complete its hold over South Asia.

India is doing what it can to counter increasing Chinese influence but is constrained with limits of its economy and foreign policies of most countries are based on geo-economics. However, India needs to engage neighbours consistently rather than reacting to Beijing’s initiatives. Unlike China and Pakistan, India has also not developed sub-conventional muscle to counter Chinese and Pakistani proxies in their territories as also on foreign soil, even in a country like Afghanistan where possibilities existed. This is a big disadvantage in power play at geostrategic level. Finally, while China is hardening what is termed as ‘string of pearls’ around India, the fallout of greater Chinese influence over the Indian Ocean will directly affect rest of the world. Not recognizing this is de-stabilizing the ‘Indo’ part of the Indo-Pacific would be big folly.
 

samsaptaka

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Don't be so negative. Things change.
Yeah right ! Like how babus have changed over the past 70yrs since independence ? Right ? Right ?
 

12arya

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A must-read article by Levina.


Col Hunny Bakshi Versus Hamam, When the Intel Officer Escaped Death by the Skin of His Teeth



This article is part-4 in the series. You can read part-1, part-2 and part -3 in the links.
You can watch our video on this

Technical Support division, TSD, was the name given to the special Intel Unit that was created in 2010. General VK Singh, Chief of staff of Indian Army, chose one of his most trusted man, Colonel Hunny Bakshi, to head covert unit. In just 2 years, TSD had managed to shock Pakistan’s spy agency, ISI, and Pak-sympathising elements in India. Once the existence of this covert unit came to light, the Hamam decided to eliminate the threat. This is not the first time when an intelligence officer came on the crosshair of Hamam, let us say Col Hunny Bakshi and Col Purohit are few of the officers who have survived to tell us their stories.
But who was responsible for the attack? How did they track the officer down? Have other intel officers also faced similar attempts on their lives? This is an investigation into the lesser known perilous games played behind the curtains.

So what is Hamam?
An organized crime syndicate/mafia that runs a parallel government, law unto themselves; it has dropped its roots in every corner of the country. According to the Vohra committee (1993), this syndicate has developed links with and are being protected by Government functionaries and political personalities. It’s sphere of influence includes famous media persons, thespians and those holding position of power at various levels.
The “respectable” members of the decorous Hamam were not very happy with the fact that Indian army had produced a beast which was adept at carrying out covert operations anywhere in the world, leaving no trails behind, and putting an end to the espionages carried out within India by ISI. Afterall, a lot of funding that the Hamam received was through the ISI.

To make Indian Army toe the line, Hamam had decided to corner it. TSD was disbanded in August 2012, after it was accused of carrying out assumed “inappropriate” operations within the country. But the man who knew all the secrets was still around and was akin to a ticking bomb, who could expose the nefarious designs of the Hamam.

This graph is a proof of whittling down of terrorism between 2010 and 2012 when TSD was active and this is the reason why the inimical elements wanted TSD disbanded.

Terrorism in India - Wikipedia

Source: Wikipedia

The attack
On 28th December 2014, a low intensity blast took place outside Coconut Grove restaurant in Bangalore. It was an IED (improvised explosive device) filled with splinters that went off outside the restaurant, which injured 4 people and killed a woman. Interestingly, no terrorist group ever claimed responsibility for the attack.


So how do we know the target was Colonel Hunny Bakshi?
  • Terrorists usually attack a crowded place to cause maximum damage but Coconut Grove at Church street isn’t one of the most populated places in Bangalore.
  • It was a low intensity blast, again an indication that the blast was not meant to cause many deaths.
  • No terrorist group came forward to take responsibility of the attack, should ideally rouse one’s curiosity.
  • Police interrogated 2 suspects who were arrested for a blast in the Hunkar rally that took place in 2013. But nothing came out of the investigation.
Now the other side of the story which proves that the target could have been Colonel Hunny Bakshi– the officer was a regular at the restaurant, and was stationed in Bangalore till December 2014 after which he moved to Ladakh. It would have been impossible for the elements of Hamam to hurt him during his tenure in Ladakh as it would have been harder to keep a track of his movements. What really zaps one’s synapses is the fact the whereabouts of Military intelligence officer was published in a newspaper. The article was in great deets and it also mentioned the GPS position of the place where Colonel Hunny Bakshi resided with his family. This story was published at the peak of election campaign on the front page of the newspaper, albeit the internet version of the article now available has been pruned. When was the last time you saw a front page article dedicated to the deeds of an Indian Army officer? The Intelligence Bureau (IB) had confirmed that the officer deserved Z security as he was a target for the inimical elements as revealed by their sources. So under such circumstances, it is more than evident that Colonel Bakshi was the most probable target of the blast.

The next logical question that arises is– who leaked personal information of Colonel Bakshi? Of course, those within the establishment who interacted with the media and were aware of his whereabouts.
One-off case?

Was the attack on Colonel Hunny Bakshi a one-off case where an Intel officer came under attack? The answer is—NO. Everyone is aware of the plight of Col Purohit who had managed to infiltrate into terrorists groups like SIMI and Indian Mujahideen. Col Purohit in one of his letters said that within the establishment many wanted him eliminated—an indication that Hamam’s roots are spread everywhere.
Another attack was carried out on an intelligence officer who was instrumental in executing Operation Bakhpura. This was an operation carried out in 2003 to eliminate one of the dreaded terrorists in Kashmir valley who had masterminded execution of Nadimarg massacre— when 22 members of a Kashmiri Pandit family were butchered including a 3 year old toddler. The intelligence officer says –“ I was attacked 18 times, but out of them 4 attacks were deadly. But I escaped.”

It’s not uncommon for intel officers to come under attack when terrorist organizations sniff their presence. Two of the above attacks on intel officers took place while Indian national Congress party was in power at the center. But adding to the woes of Col Hunny Bakshi was the fact that despite India being ruled by a nationalist government headed by Narendra Modi, the media and myriads of entities from within the establishment continued to badger him for sometime. His communication to senior officers and minsters were leaked to the nimble footed media which was ready to pass a verdict on the officer.

Colonel Hunny Bakshi’s case is just one among the plethora of cases when an intelligence officer faced physical threat and psychological harassment for serving his country honestly. The enemy’s spy agency, ISI’s intentions are to subvert India, by weakening its defence forces, and disrupting peace in biggest democracy of the world. This is as clear as the blue sky. It is the insatiable desires of the Hamam, that lurks in the shadow, which India must fear, as an old aphorism forewarns—“ a thousand known enemies are better than an unknown enemy”.


An article by Levina
Copying the article or an excerpt without giving due credit to the website and author will be considered an infringement of copyright.
Read to know more about achievement of TSD— Did UPA Government shut Army’s special intelligence unit down to aide Pakistani proxy war in India?
Continue reading– Intel Officers involved in ops against ISI, are now on its Hitlist
 

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Indian Army’s Russian Dragunov sniper rifle could soon get long-awaited upgrade

The long-awaited upgrade of the legendary Dragunov sniper rifle, commonly known in the armed forces as DSR, could soon be a reality as an Indian private company has come out with an indigenous solution that gives the weapon night-firing capability, besides other new features. While the Russian manufacturer of the rifle, Kalashnikov, has also come up with an upgrade, the upgrade programme is mentioned in the negative import list put out by the defence ministry in August. The cut-off date mentioned in the negative import list is December 2020. Bangalore-based firm SSS Defence has come out with an upgrade, which also brings down the recoil, besides giving it a bipod. While the Northern Command has come out with a Request for Proposal for the upgrade of 90 pieces of the nearly three-decade-old rifle, the Army is estimated to have anywhere between 6,000-7,000 pieces. What are DSRs? Designed by a Soviet weapon designer, Yevgeny Dragunov, in the late 1950s, the DSR is a gas-operated short-stroke piston rifle. The weapon was put through exhaustive testing across environments before the former Soviet armed forces began inducting them. By the late 1970s, the weapon was used in combat in several countries across continents. The Indian Army has been one of the largest users of the DSR and its different versions have been supplied by Kalashnikov. While Army officers still swear by the ability of the DSR that has an effective range of around 800 metres, they say that mission criteria and nature of operations has changed over time. The weapons have largely not undergone any major modification except what is known as ‘Special Operations Modifications’. The DSRs in service with the Indian Army, for the most part, don’t have the ability to operate with an inline clip on day-sight and night-sight together. “In fact, the DSR does not offer a system to mount night vision at all. Even the sniper scopes that can be used in conjunction are limited to a 4x magnification and modern day sniper scopes can’t be mounted at all,” a source said. Also, the weapon can’t use stability-imparting accessories like a bipod, the source added. Older versions of DSRs, which populate the Indian Army’s arsenal, have wooden buttstocks and a recoil that affects accuracy and convenience of use. Why is the Army looking at upgrading DSRs? According to sources, the barrel of a DSR can easily fire up to 7,000 rounds and most have not done more than 3,000 each. “This means that the rifle still has a long life ahead. It may not be a sniper weapon in the present day, but it is still a decent squad ‘Designated Marksman Rifle’ or DMR. The Army will easily take a few years to acquire and induct a more lethal sniper weapon with effective ranges of 1.2 km and above,” a second source said. “The modern day sniper variants that the Indian Army plans to procure and have procured in limited numbers are intended for long-range targeting. Taking them into combat at intermediate ranges of 500m to 800m with expensive ammunition and high-trained snipers is the equivalent of taking a sledgehammer to crack a nut,” the source added. What does the upgrade of DSR mean? A DSR upgrade can help bridge the gap between the age-old precision weapon and demands of modern infantry warfare. According to SSS Defence, its upgrade significantly reduces recoil with a new tactical buttstock with a built-in monopod and adjustable cheek rest.
 

samsaptaka

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Indeed it is,
As it was posted by Chinar Corps itself
Zooming in, the Camo and rifle don't match that of IA, unless it is YACP (yet another camo pattern) of IA/RR !
 

Rudra7678

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How about cutting sops/facilities provided to the useless, inept, incompetent, callous, inefficient behemoth of a system that supports parasites, such as politicians and babus, funded by Indian taxpayers?
 

Bleh

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How about cutting sops/facilities provided to the useless, inept, incompetent, callous, inefficient behemoth of a system that supports parasites, such as politicians and babus, funded by Indian taxpayers?
Simple.

Compare India's condition in 1948 & 2020... Then compare India's map in 1948 & 2020. 😏
 

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