Comparision between Pakistan and Bangladesh: Basket case - Pakistan or Bangladesh?

pmaitra

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ECONOMY AND WELFARE

Given the widespread gun-culture, sectarian violence, presence of terrorists, terrorist attacks, drone attacks, I wonder if as of 2010, the Average Life Expectancy in Pakistan is better than that of Bangladesh.
 

ejazr

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Well even if the same growth rates continue (Pakistan -2% Bangladesh -6%), it will take around 15 years for Bangladesh to overtake Pakistani inGDP nominal.

However, seeing the population growth rates, we might see Bangladesh really pick up in HDI and GDP percapita indicators much more quickly.
 

Pintu

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With due respect to everybody and sincere apology , I am humbly to state that this thread will be resumed as it was being done, from very first time.

Regards
 

ejazr

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Bangladesh: The better case : HindustanTimes (Blog)

Henry Kissinger, in 1971, dismissed Bangladesh as a nation blighted at its very birth by calling it an "international basket case".

Kissinger's "basket case" is now eyeing 8% growth (from 5.8% in the year ended June 30); has pioneered a unique loan model for the poor; is one of the few Muslim-majority nations to pocket the Nobel Prize and last year picked up an award for work on the UN's Millennium Development Goals. Oops! Sorry about the long sentence. I'd rather blame the long list of laurels instead.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh need not heave a sigh at 25% of Bangladeshis being opposed to India, if the rest 75% offers hope.

Turkey is often the Muslim country the world cites as a possible model for others. Bangladesh is an unsung hero we have much to learn from.

There are many upsides that looked impossible 40 years ago. Bangladesh's population is rising less slowly than it did; it has achieved almost universal gender parity in primary education and reduced under-5 mortality impressively, according to the UN.

Bangladesh was in 2005 named among 11 developing countries that Goldman Sachs Group Inc. said had the greatest potential for long-term economic success. In an April 2007 report, JP Morgan Chase & Co. named Bangladesh one of the "Frontier Five" markets.

Bangladesh's garments export totalled $12.3 billion last year, making it fourth in the world. Gerry Weber International AG, Germany's second-largest maker of women's clothing, moved production from China to Bangladesh. In March, Florida-based women's clothier Chico's FAS Inc. permanently moved some of its sourcing to Bangladesh.

According to The Economist Intelligence Unit, inflows of remittances from Bangladeshis working overseas stood at US$4.5bn in the second half of 2008, representing an increase of 31.1% compared with the year-earlier period.

Bangladesh also ranked 130 among 139 countries for its network of roads, power and ports, according to the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report 2010.

It's unfortunate when the West lampoons Bangladesh as "bang-the-dish" and we in India think Bangladesh owes its existence to us.

There was a time when Bangladesh fed eastern India, with its fish and food. It was once the Golden Bengal, where Tagore and poet laureate Kazi Nazrul Islam were born. Then, people from undivided India would migrate to the more fertile and prosperous east Bengal.

The odds are stacked still. Bangladesh, which has seen three major coups and two-dozen violent uprisings since its birth, has had underpinnings by vendetta politics and radical Islam. But few countries have shown the resolve to confront terror and embrace plurality.

Last July, the Supreme Court overturned a 31-year-old constitutional amendment and restored Bangladesh's founding status as a secular republic. This June, Bangladesh High Court demanded an explanation from the government the legal grounds of keeping Islam as the country's state religion, amid demands to restore the secular character of 1972 constitution. The two-member bench from which the notice came was symbolic in its composition; it comprised judges Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik and Gobinda Chandra Tagore, a minority Hindu.

Overall, Bangladesh is a place where remarkable progress has been made. But it is also a country where much progress remains to be made. This needs our appreciation and recognition. Far from being the basket case Kissinger made it out to be, Bangladesh is earnestly trying to emerge as the better case.
 

Dark_Prince

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Hey not fair, comparing a country which is striving for development (Read: Bangladesh) with a textbook trademark Failed State full of savages, beggars, terrorists and "wannabe" Bedouin barbarians (i.e. pakistan)....not fare....how would you like if our country was compared to a failed wretched shameless state? :)
 

ejazr

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Not directly related, but a comparison of how the US administration saw Pakistan and Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) in the 70s

Kissinger's "Bangladesh transcripts"
JAN 22: In the Nixon White House, Henry Kissinger served first as national security adviser and later as secretary of state. His telephone transcripts reveal a man of great intellect, wit and charm. But they also show his cold calculation regarding affairs of the day, most vividly in a hands-off approach toward a bloody South Asian crisis in 1971.

In December 1970, Pakistan held its first free, democratic election for its National Assembly, with an East Pakistan political party winning most of the seats. The loss of West Pakistan's traditional power prompted its leader, military dictator and U.S. ally Gen. Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, to postpone Parliament's opening and inspired huge street protests by the Bengali East Pakistanis.

In March 1971, Yahya's military began a brutal crackdown in East Pakistan. It is believed that about 10,000 civilians were killed within three days and that the eventual toll was a stunning 3 million. An estimated 10 million Bengalis fled across the border into India.

Yahya was a Nixon administration favorite for several reasons, notably for his role in secret approaches the U.S. made to the People's Republic of China. This relationship helps explain the unsympathetic response Kissinger, then Nixon's national security adviser, gave to diplomatic cables from Archer Blood, a Chicago native who was U.S. consul general in Dhaka, East Pakistan [now Bangladesh]. Blood sent a series of messages to the State Department describing carnage and decrying the brutality of Yahya's military.

By the time Kissinger and Nixon spoke March 28, 1971, Blood's first cable had arrived, saying in part, "We are mute and horrified witnesses to a reign of terror by the Pak military. . . . We should be expressing our shock, at least privately, to GOP [government of Pakistan], at this wave of terror directed against their own countrymen by Pak military."

Kissinger and Nixon were suspicious of Foreign Service officers such as Blood, seeing them as "bleeding-heart liberals" who sympathized too greatly with the nations to which they were posted. They also believed that claims of atrocities in Pakistan were exaggerated.

What follows are excerpts from telephone conversations secretly monitored and transcribed by a Kissinger secretary with occasional spelling and grammatical errors that were never corrected.

Kissinger: . . . We've had a bleeding cable from our Consul in Dacca [Dhaka] who wants us to put out a statement condemning what the West Pakistanis are doing. But of course we won't consider it.

Nixon: Oh for Christ's sake.

Kissinger: Well, he's just one of these pansies.

Nixon: And he says `condemning them?'

Kissinger: Yeah, for genocide.

Nixon: Well, now remove him. I want him out of the job. You understand. You get that over to. . . . Who's in charge of that one? That's Sisco [Joseph Sisco, an assistant secretary of state].

Kissinger: Right.

Nixon: That man's to be out of there. That kind of fellow with that kind of lack of balance and so forth. . . . He's obviously in there joining one side or the other. He's supposed to stay out of this goddamned war.

Kissinger: That's right. If we do that we're going to have anti-American riots in West Pakistan.

Nixon: That's right. I don't want that kind of fellow there and I want his background checked immediately. I want to know who he is and so forth. Then kick him the hell out of there.

Kissinger: Right.

Nixon: Move him some place else.

Kissinger: Right.

Nixon: Isn't that awful. Jesus Christ, I mean I wouldn't put out a statement praising it, but we're not going to condemn it either.

Kissinger: No matter what we think of . . . . Even if we didn't have that relationship with Yahya, this is just not . . . there's nothing we can say that isn't going to get us more trouble than it's worth, for either side.

Nixon: That's right. Well, boy! Isn't that something. Shows you what those career guys would have us do virtually every time. You know, they get over there, they get involved . . . .

Kissinger: Exactly.

Nixon: Par for the course . . .

Consul Blood and U.S. diplomatic colleagues sent an April 6, 1971, cable declaring, "Our government has failed to denounce the suppression of democracy. Our government has failed to take forceful measure to protect its citizens while at the same time bending over backwards to placate the West Pak dominated government and to less likely and deservedly negative international public relations impact against them." It states that "unfortunately, the overworked term genocide is applicable."

That same day Kissinger talks to Secretary of State William Rogers, whom he sparred with regularly. The president was preparing a major speech for the next evening, to announce what he would call the success of so-called Vietnamization after major military operations in Cambodia and Laos.

Rogers: I wanted to talk about that goddam message from our people in Dacca [Dhaka]. Did you see it?

Kissinger: No.

Rogers: It's miserable. They bitched about our policy and have given it lots of distribution so it will probably leak. It's inexcusable.

Kissinger: And it will probably get to Ted Kennedy.

Rogers: I am sure it will.

Kissinger: Somebody gives him cables. I have had him call me about them.

Rogers: It's a terrible telegram. Couldn't be worse/says we failed to defend American lives and are morally bankrupt.

Kissinger: Blood did that?

Rogers: Quite a few of them signed it. You know we are doing everything we can about it. Trying to get the telegrams back as many as we can. We are going to get a message back to them.

Kissinger: I am going in these two days to keep it from the President until he has given his speech.

Rogers: If you can keep it from him I will appreciate it. In the first place I think we have made a good choice.

Kissinger: The Chinese haven't said anything.

Rogers: They talk about condemning atrocities. There are pictures of the East Pakistanis murdering people.

Kissinger: Yes. There was one of an East Pakistani holding a head. Do you remember when they said there were 1000 bodies and they had the graves and then we couldn't find 20?

Rogers: To me it is outrageous they would send this.

Kissinger: Unless it hits the wires I will hold it. I will not forward it.

Rogers: We should get our answers out at the same time the stories come out.

Kissinger: I will not pass it on. . .

Blood was reassigned to the State Department's office of personnel. "I paid a price for my dissent," he told The Washington Post in 1982. "The line between right and wrong was just too clear-cut." Blood was given posts as acting ambassador to Afghanistan and as charge d'affaires in New Delhi before retiring in 1982. He died last year.
 

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