PM Modi meets Barack Obama: 9 big developments that make this meeting ultra important

Discussion in 'Indian Air Force' started by WolfPack86, Jun 9, 2016.

  1. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    Washington: Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet US President Barack Obama for the 7th time. This meeting is considered very important. It is being expected that India and the US may enter many defense agreements. However, attention would be on whether the United States would be able to eliminate hurdles created by China against India’s entry into Nuclear Suppliers Group.

    Here are the 9 developments

    1) This would be PM Narendra Modi’s 4th visit to the United States. For the first time, PM Modi would not address Indian Diaspora on a grand scale. This would be Modi’s last bilateral dialogue with Barack Obama
    2) For India, the biggest catch this visit would be United States’ support for India’s entry into Nuclear Suppliers Group. 48 countries are currently part of this group. These countries control the trade of technology related with nuclear energy.
    3) The biggest hurdle to India’s entry into the group is China. China is batting for Pakistan to be the part of this group. However, the United States is unlikely to support India openly. But it can help undermine China’s sway in the matter.
    4) India and the United States had agreed upon Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement. Both the parties can sign the agreement.
    5) With this agreement, the United States fighter planes would be able to land in India for repair, replenish and restoration.
    6) Pakistan also has a keen eye on this visit. United States can include India on MTCR group. If this happens, India would get the ultra modern missile technology.
    7) India and the United States might enter agreement on the purchase of F-16 and F-18 fighter planes. After this agreement, these fighter planes would be manufactured in India.
    8) Nuclear Missile Aircraft Carrier agreement is also included in the tour. This carrier can carry more than 100 aircraft. This carrier is not even with China.
    9) Modi and Obama can also agree upon opening up of 6 nuclear plants to be constructed in India.
    LETHALFORCE and HariPrasad-1 like this.
  3. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    This Relentless Focus On Modi-Obama's Bromance Comes At A Price
    Narendra Modi lands in Washington DC with a long to-do list.

    There’s a Logistics Exchange Memorandum Agreement India and USA are negotiating. There’s a proposed deal with Westinghouse to build a nuclear plant. India wants US support for its membership of the Nuclear Supporters Group. The US wants India to ratify the Paris Climate Agreement. There’s talk about an agreement to purchase F-16 and F-18 fighter planes which would be manufactured in India.

    And yet so much of the coverage is about the personal chemistry between the two leaders.
  4. ezsasa

    ezsasa Senior Member Senior Member

    Jul 12, 2014
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    Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, India
    If anybody has read the joint statement.

    India has access to technologies owned by pentagon without license fee. One I know is Colt M4A1 , pentagon has bought from the company in late 2014 I think.
  5. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    PM Modi and Barack Obama Issue Joint Statement
  6. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    From tackling terror to NSG inclusion, Modi - Obama make headway on a range of issues
    After Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s discussion on Tuesday with US President Barack Obama in Washington, a joint statement described what it billed as their “third major bilateral summit”, after earlier meetings in September 2014 and January 2015.

    The statement noted a new military logistics agreement, made common cause in the South China Sea, revealed growing American involvement in helping India build an indigenous aircraft carrier, and announced additional co-development projects for defence equipment. There is a new agreement for sharing terrorist-related information. India will be buying six 1,000 MW nuclear power plants from Toshiba-Westinghouse, with the contract to be signed in 2017. And Washington has thrown its full weight behind India’s candidature for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
    Asia-Pacific cooperation

    US officials privately lament New Delhi’s poor follow-up of strategic agreements. This joint statement pins India down to specific action, announcing “a roadmap for cooperation under the 2015 US-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region, which will serve as a guide for collaboration in the years to come.”

    In a subtly-worded statement that takes the US-India partnership beyond the 2014 Vision Statement and 2015 Declaration of Friendship, Modi and Obama “resolved that the United States and India should look to each other as priority partners in the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region.”

    The leaders also welcomed last month’s inaugural meeting of the US-India Maritime Security Dialogue, which was instituted in April during US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter’s visit to New Delhi.

    In an indicator last week that New Delhi was shifting closer to Washington in its confrontation with China in the South China Sea, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, had hardened his tone against China’s unilateralism and bellicosity.

    The long expected announcement about a US-India logistic agreement duly came, with the statement noting “the finalization of the text of the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA).” The actual signing will take place shortly at a lower official level.

    Washington will be delighted with an indication that New Delhi is open to other agreements, such as the Communication and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement, which it has so far resisted. The statement noted that Modi and Obama “expressed their desire to explore agreementswhich would facilitate further expansion of bilateral defense cooperation in practical ways.”

    Defence technology

    Washington has promised to ease the transfer of defence technology to India, a pledge it has made earlier in less explicit terms. The joint statement says: “United States hereby recognizes India as a Major Defense Partner…

    The United States will continue to work toward facilitating technology sharing with India to a level commensurate with that of its closest allies and partners.”

    Without mentioning specifics, Modi and Obama said they had “reached an understanding under which India would receive license-free access to a wide range of dual-use technologies, in conjunction with steps that India has committed to take to advance its export control objectives.”

    The statement also welcomes “the establishment of new DTTI [Defence Technology and Trade Initiative] working groups to include agreed items covering Naval Systems, Air Systems and other Weapons Systems.” During Obama’s 2015 visit to India, four “pathfinder projects” were announced for co-developing systems, but these have made little headway. It remains unclear what the new projects are, or how they will be structured.

    There are clear indications that the Indian Navy has approached Washington for assistance in building its second indigenous aircraft carrier. The joint statement “announced the finalization of the text of an Information Exchange Annex under the Joint Working Group on Aircraft Carrier Technology Cooperation.”
    In another announcement that will be welcomed in America, Modi told Obama he would support the location and repatriation of bodies of World War II US pilots who crashed in the Eastern Himalayas while flying supplies from Assam for Chiang Kai-Shek’s Kuomintang forces fighting the Japanese in China. During Carter’s visit to Delhi in April, one pilot’s remains were despatched to the US.


    Taking the already close counter-terrorism cooperation forward, Modi and Obama “applauded the finalisation of “an arrangement to facilitate the sharing of terrorist screening information.”

    The joint statement also called for Pakistan to prosecute those behind the 2008 Mumbai and 2016 Pathankot terrorist attacks.

    India’s acceptance into NSG, MTCR

    Highlighting Washington’s strong support for India’s entry into the four global non-proliferation agreements, the joint statement looked forward to “India’s imminent entry into the Missile Technology Control Regime.” Further, the US “re-affirmed its support for India’s early membership of the Australia Group and Wassenaar Arrangement.”
    The statement said: “President Obama welcomed India’s application to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and re-affirmed that India is ready for membership. The United States called on NSG Participating Governments to support India’s application when it comes up at the NSG Plenary later this month.”

    Modi is making a last-ditch attempt on his on-going five-country tour to marshal support for India’s membership of the NSG from two reluctant members: Mexico and Switzerland. At the end of his visit to Berne, Switzerland announced its support. If Mexico too drops its resistance when Modi visits on Thursday, Obama would urge China to not be the lone objector.

    On UN reform the statement affirmed support “for a reformed UN Security Council with India as a permanent member… The leaders are committed to continued engagement on Security Council reform in the UN Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN on Security Council Reform.”

    Nuclear power generation

    Billed as a clean energy project that would fulfil “the promise of the US-India civil nuclear agreement”, Modi and Obama “welcomed the start of preparatory work on site in India for six AP 1000 reactors to be built by Westinghouse and noted the intention of India and the US Export-Import Bank to work together toward a competitive financing package for the project.”

    The statement referred to “the announcement by the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd and Westinghouse that engineering and site design work will begin immediately and the two sides will work toward finalizing the contractual arrangements by June 2017.”

    Stating that the US “supports the Government of India’s ambitious national goals to install 175 GW of renewable power which includes 100 GW from solar power,” the joint statement said the two countries would jointly launch an initiative for off-grid solar energy at the founding conference of the International Solar Alliance in India in September.

    1 India and US to be “priority partners” in the Asia-Pacific
    Text finalised of logistics agreement (LEMOA)
    Additional defence agreements like CISMOA possible
    High technology sharing with “major defence partner” India
    Additional projects to be taken up under DTTI
    US cooperation for designing indigenous aircraft carrier
    India to assist in repatriating WWII US pilots’ remains
    Counter terrorism: arrangement for sharing information
    US support for India’s entry into global non-proliferation agreements, most immediately Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
    Easy US finance for six nuclear power projects; contracts by 2017
  7. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    Fighter Jets
    Modi now wants technology to build up India’s local defense manufacturing as he spends $150 billion to modernize its military by 2027. The U.S. and India agreed to explore sharing technology for aircraft carriers and jet engines, and both Lockheed Martin Corp. and Boeing Co. are competing for a new order that could surpass 100 fighter jets.

    “My sense is this visit will have a significant component of defense cooperation," said Neelam Deo, a director of Mumbai-based think tank Gateway House and a former consul general for India in New York.

    Yet despite the progress, constraints remain. India has long valued its strategic autonomy, limiting its cooperation with the U.S. in countering China. Although India routinely stresses the need for freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, it has refrained from joining U.S. patrol missions in the disputed waters.
  8. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

    Oct 20, 2015
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    5 Takeaways on US-India Relations After Modi's Meeting With Obama
    Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets Obama for the seventh–and possibly final–time.
    Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in the United States on Monday evening, his fourth stop on a whirlwind five-day, five-country tour that began with stops in Afghanistan, Qatar, and Switzerland. On Tuesday, he met U.S. President Barack Obama for what will probably be the last time in the context of a state visit. Modi’s meeting with Obama is the seventh overall between the two leaders, who’ve been known to hug it out and generally show a good personal rapport between them. While Modi’s a globe-trotting diplomat, eager to pitch India to the world, that this is his fourth trip to the United States is a significant marker of the priority he affords New Delhi’s relationship with Washington.

    On Tuesday, Modi and Obama released a joint statement, outlining the main bilateral deliverables of this state visit. On Wednesday, Modi will address a joint session of U.S. Congress, becoming the first Indian prime minister to do so since his direct predecessor Manmohan Singh in 2005. The bilateral joint statement is a lengthy and detailed document, spanning 50 paragraphs. (The length, roughly corresponding with similar statements in 2014 and 2015, speaks to the breadth of the bilateral under Modi and Obama.) Below, I’ve highlighted some of the major takeaways of this visit based on the joint statement, though my look here is far from an exhaustive look at the many granular outcomes of this visit.

    Nuclear dividends, paying out more than a decade later. In 2005, India and the United States signed a watershed agreement on civil nuclear cooperation. That agreement was ratified in the United States in 2008, but had yet to yield any serious dividends amid U.S. concerns about harsh Indian liability laws for nuclear suppliers. Last year, when Obama visited India in January, both countries reached an understanding on the liability impasse. This year, nearly 11 years after the original signing of the civil nuclear agreement, Obama and Modi outlined in their joint statement the first major U.S. nuclear project in India:

    Culminating a decade of partnership on civil nuclear issues, the leaders welcomed the start of preparatory work on site in India for six AP 1000 reactors to be built by Westinghouse and noted the intention of India and the U.S. Export-Import Bank to work together toward a competitive financing package for the project. Once completed, the project would be among the largest of its kind, fulfilling the promise of the U.S.-India civil nuclear agreement and demonstrating a shared commitment to meet India’s growing energy needs while reducing reliance on fossil fuels.

    It may have taken more than a decade to get here, but the civil nuclear agreement is set to begin paying dividends for U.S. nuclear suppliers. For India, the benefits have been long known: the agreement cleared a path for India’s effective normalization as a nuclear weapons state outside the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, with Washington’s backing. (Modi’s been counting on Washington’s continued backing for India’s accession to the Nuclear Suppliers Group–though that’ll hinge largely on the support of China and other countries at a plenary later this month.)

    India becomes a ‘Major Defense Partner.’ As I noted after their meetings in 2014 and 2015, India and the United States are seeing a steep period of convergence on defense issues, fostered in part by U.S. desires to set up a network of security partners in the broader Asia-Pacific amid China’s increasingly assertive behavior and facilitated by the change of government in New Delhi in 2014. Today, Washington designated New Delhi a “Major Defense Partner.” The joint statement outlines what that means:

    • The United States will continue to work toward facilitating technology sharing with India to a level commensurate with that of its closest allies and partners. The leaders reached an understanding under which India would receive license-free access to a wide range of dual-use technologies in conjunction with steps that India has committed to take to advance its export control objectives.

    • In support of India’s Make In India initiative, and to support the development of robust defense industries and their integration into the global supply chain, the United States will continue to facilitate the export of goods and technologies, consistent with U.S. law, for projects, programs and joint ventures in support of official U.S.-India defense cooperation.
      Interestingly, though the designation denotes a new level of depth to the partnership, expanding on the scope of the 10-year defense framework that U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter and Indian Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar finalized last year, there’s a level of ambiguity built into the title. To my knowledge, the United States hasn’t used this precise ‘Major Defense Partner’ designation to define its relationship with any other country, suggesting that this is a bespoke arrangement for India, which has its own limitations and anxieties about bilateral convergence with Washington. Moreover, given the poorly defined contours of this status, Obama’s successors will have leeway to shape the relationship according to future realities.

      The joint statement moreover acknowledges the ongoing U.S.-India joint working group on aircraft carrier technology. As India looks to construct its second indigenous aircraft carrier, the INS Vishal, a 65,000-tonVikrant-class carrier, it’s interested in considering advanced U.S. technologies, including General Atomics’ Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) and even nuclear propulsion. While the latter may remain a pipe dream for New Delhi, the odds of India gaining access to sensitive U.S. carrier tech becomes a lot more likely with the new designation.

      A Logistics Exchange agreement appears on the horizon. Another deliverable that became apparent on Tuesday is the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), which had been agreed to in principle between Carter and Parrikar in April. Obama and Modi confirmed that the text of the agreement has been finalized and will be signed soon. This agreement is one of three so-called “foundational” agreements that stands to grease the wheels of U.S.-India military cooperation and interoperability in practice. Two other agreements, on communications and information security (CISMOA) and on targeting and navigational data sharing (BECA), remain underway.
    • Global pull-back. While reading the statement, I was struck by the decision by both sides to omit global issues. Specifically, where previous statements in 2014 and 2015 have included references to North Korea’s nuclear program, the ongoing insurgency in Afghanistan, and tensions in the South China Sea, this year’s bilateral statement seems to trade global scope for bilateral depth.

      For Diplomat readers curious about the South China Sea, where both the U.S. and India have important interests, the statement does include an affirmation in favor of freedom of navigation and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), but does not mention the disputes specifically. India has made a habit of calling out the South China Sea regularly in bilateral statements, but, with China’s upcoming vote at the Nuclear Suppliers Group plenary session later this month critical to potential Indian accession, New Delhi may have been willing to forgo a mention this time around, assuming that its position is widely known. Still, given India’s somewhat perplexing decision to sign onto a trilateral statement with China and Russia that voiced support for resolving the disputes through “negotiations and agreements between the parties concerned,” contradicting previous Indian statements favoring international arbitration of the disputes, Modi could have taken this opportunity to crystallize an Indian position. This would have been all the more welcome with the looming decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in Philippines v. China on the horizon later this summer.

      The bilateral statement does include two paragraphs dedicated to the respective U.S. and Indian relationships with African states. Modi and Obama “reflected that the United States and India share a common interest in working with partners in Africa to promote prosperity and security across the continent.”
    • A joint stand against terrorism. U.S.-India joint statements in recent years have included strong statements on terrorism, calling out Pakistan-based terror groups by name. Indeed, Washington recognizes the sensitivity of this issue for New Delhi. This year, the two sides continued this tradition and included a call “for Pakistan to bring the perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai” attacks to justice. Notably, alongside Mumbai 2008, this year’s statement including the January 2016 Pathankot attack (more on that here). The Pathankot attack crushed what little bonhomie Modi and his Pakistani counterpart had established in late-2015, derailing any possibility of bilateral peace between Islamabad and New Delhi ths year. For the United States, the past few months have also seen a precipitous falling out with Pakistan, the U.S. ally that’s “really no ally at all.” With thedisintegration of a proposed sale of U.S. F-16 fighters to Pakistan and the recent drone strike against the Taliban’s former leader in Balochistan, U.S.-Pakistan ties aren’t in the best spot. The strong stance on terrorism in this joint statement with India, with an added mention of Pathankot, could serve to further strain that relationship.

      There’s a lot more to the joint statement that I haven’t highlighted here, including important advances on economic ties, energy cooperation, climate change, and even cybersecurity. (On economic ties, the White Househas a helpful and detailed fact sheet on deliverables.) Overall, this latest summit emphasizes continued convergence between New Delhi and Washington. If I had to identify a theme, the finalization of LEMOA and the announcement of the first U.S. nuclear supplier project in India point to the realization of deliverables that have been percolating for a while in this bilateral. Seasoned observers of the U.S.-India relationship have learned to temper their expectations regarding sharp and swift inflection points; the big deliverables take a while.

      Despite the big announcements this time around, there remains a lot to look forward to in the U.S.-India relationship. When he addresses Congress on Wednesday, Modi is expected to offer an updated Indian vision for the future of this relationship. Modi’s proven himself to be an adept and enthusiastic emissary for India, the world’s largest democracy and, lately, the fastest growing emerging economy. He’d do well to highlight the remarkable convergence between the United States and India in the last two years while charting a realistic path forward.
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