Pakistan News & Discussions

Bangalorean

Ambassador
Joined
Nov 28, 2010
Messages
6,233
Likes
6,854
Country flag
^^ You just can't make up this crap. For a moment I thought it was an article from fakingnews or something. :hitwall:

Sharia-compliant innerwear? Sharia-bras? Devils rest on padded bras and use them as cushions? Damn, you really can't make this up!
 

Zaki

Regular Member
Joined
Apr 26, 2010
Messages
401
Likes
68
Country flag
Naik said he would personally sign and send the first of these Shariah-bra to starlet Veena Malik and television host Ali Saleem, best known by his alter ego Begum Nawazish Ali. (ANI)
hahahaha that was nice hahahaha

Ali Saleem definitely need some bra's :lol:
 

Daredevil

On Vacation!
Super Mod
Joined
Apr 5, 2009
Messages
11,615
Likes
5,772
That was hilarious. But I think these mullah are taking Islam too seriously and taking into personal and intimate lives of the muslims. This is totally not done. How can these mullahs have such haraam thinking about women's bra's and inner wear. Perverts.:lol:
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
A dangerous narrative


PAKISTAN today is a nation tearing itself apart, idea by idea. Whatever one thinks of the `two-nation theory` it was this idea that made Pakistan a reality. Likewise, the slow dissolution of our national consensus has the ability to rend this nation asunder.

But most people are not ideologues; they do not work for change based on some deep philosophical commitment. Rather, most people feel inspired by a `narrative`. Grand ideas of the type that build and destroy nations are supported by simplistic narratives that are easily digested by the masses. Narratives do not have to be true, they merely have to resonate.

The narrative behind the two-nation theory stressed the perils Muslims would face living as a minority in India. It is the narrative that provides glamour to an idea, making it attractive for young people to follow. And the narrative gaining most traction in Pakistan today is the very one suffocating this nation — the view that the end goal of Pakistan is the establishment of an Islamist state, and that the West is at war with Muslims over this very point. If progressive change is to come to Pakistan it can only come through the challenging of this narrative.

Islamism is not Islam. Islamism is the idea that seeks to implement one interpretation of Islam over the rest of society by law. Some Islamists seek to do this through politicking and others through violence. By violating a Muslim`s divine right to choose which ijtihad they wish to follow, Islamism`s primary victims are Muslims themselves. Born of Islamism and nourishing it regularly is the narrative that the West hates Islam and Muslims. Popularising such a narrative feeds the Islamists` power struggles by providing a war-like pretext for their autocratic designs and a justification for their witch-hunting and international isolationism.

The true measure of success for any idea is when its narrative is adopted by its enemies, as it thus gains independent validation and works to continuously nourish its parent ideology. After the recent spate of Islamist-inspired assassinations in this country, if we are left wondering how Pakistan got to where it is today we need look no further than our own culpability.

Through our misguided attempts at checking the rise of extremism in Pakistan, we have all been collectively yet inadvertently reinforcing the Islamist narrative for decades. And before anyone objects to my `self-righteousness`, let me first clarify that having helped set up an Islamist group in Pakistan during my 20s, I include myself first and foremost in this indictment.

We see many activists today locked in an unwinnable war on the assumption that they can take on extremism by challenging Islamic religious tradition head-on. Rather than focusing on Islamism as defined above, some liberals, humanists and leftists nebulously define extremism as religious practice itself. They then proceed to denounce conservative Muslims — who harm no one by merely choosing to wear a headscarf or grow a beard — as a sign of growing extremism in Pakistan.

The way in which the blasphemy debate has been framed is a case in point. This debate should not have been pitched as Islamic `law` versus human rights, but as one of medievalism and `closing the doors of ijtihad` on the one hand versus reform and keeping ijtihad open on the other.

What is often forgotten is that Europe`s Reformation against state Catholicism was sparked by none other than Martin Luther, a Protestant religious fundamentalist. By sympathising with the polarising French-model of secularism we play directly into the Islamist narrative. What better validation is there that `West-loving heretics` are conspiring to attack Islam as a faith than our own anti-religion posturing? No prizes for guessing who`s winning this debate then.

And as for governments, it`s no good insisting that the Islamist narrative is false while making one of the most monumental political blunders in recent memory. While those challenging extremism in Pakistan are out on the field daily debunking conspiracy theories that seek to blame everyone but ourselves for our faults, the Raymond Davis case is dealt to them like an oil spill over a neighbourhood litter-collection effort.

Through this one incredibly stupid incident enough fuel has been handed to the Islamist narrative to last it well into the next decade. Add to this continued drone attacks and a losing war in Afghanistan and the Islamist narrative is being nourished daily. Are we still expected to wade through oil spills in order to hand-pick street-litter?

Market-driven media empires fiercely competing for advertising revenue appear schizophrenic in their coverage. Among our bilingual media outlets we witness a `linguistic apartheid` that panders to moderation and reason for its English readership, while at the same time fuelling all sorts of misogyny and bigotry for an Urdu readership. This is sometimes done through the very same author.

Such a `linguistic apartheid` further alienates the intelligentsia from Pakistan`s conservative masses (though the masses being conservative is a fact that certain liberals feel uncomfortable acknowledging), thus reinforcing the vicious cycle of mutual dehumanisation taking place in Pakistan. That was until the Islamists began importing in English-speaking cadres in order to infiltrate the elite too.

By obsessing over madressahs, the vast majority of which pose more of a socio-economic problem than they do a political problem, we ignore the fact that almost all political Islamists are university educated and socially mobile. Punjab University is no madressah, and we all know what goes on there.

Even when considering violent factions, we refuse to see that their leaders are from well-established families. The notorious Pakistani accused of masterminding the 9/11 attacks, Khalid Sheikh Muhammad , is an engineer. The man accused of killing Daniel Pearl in Karachi, Omar Sheikh, studied at the prestigious London School of Economics.

The madressah students who do become violent extremists are used as cannon fodder to serve objectives set by people from our own class, not theirs. This denial culture again serves to reinforce Islamism by directing attention to the symptoms while under our own patronising gaze fashion icons, rock stars and former military associates thrive while spouting paranoid bigotry in the name of Islam and the caliphates of old.

All this is not to say that our policies should be held hostage to Islamist demands for fear of reinforcing their narratives. Rather, it is an appeal to all those who wish to see a truly stable and democratic Pakistan. Surely blunders and strategic approaches designed to challenge Islamism which only end up serving the Islamist cause are self-defeating?

It is time to see this struggle for what it truly is: a propaganda war. But those of us interested in winning against the Islamist narrative have been very late off the starting blocks. Is it any wonder then that while the Arab world heads towards democratic change, Pakistan stands alone in witnessing popular support for wresting away our democratic rights?

The writer is founder of Khudi, a counter-extremism social forum in Pakistan.
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
Faiz fetes Iqbal —Elf Habib


Faiz had exalted socialist thought to the niche of the most cherished idol that had pervaded the Urdu and Persian literature for centuries. He had imparted it the beauty of the beloved, with its maddening magic of long hair, eyes, cheeks, stature, style and grace

In the lush vast manicured paradise expanse, cooled by the shades cast by the floating clouds and sprawling majestic oaks overhanging the limpid honey, milk, wine and water streams, were seated the two most illustrious and revered scions of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Dr Allama Muhammad Iqbal, enthusiastically acknowledged as the poet pioneering the idea of an exclusive land of the pure on this planet, had come to grace the centenary celebrations of Faiz Ahmad Faiz, idolised for his fight against tyranny, dictatorship, deprivation of the oppressed and the downtrodden and denial of the dignity and decent living to the toiling masses. The wide-eyed voluptuous houris and cup bearing Hermes hovered around in utter awe, admiration and wonder. They had been almost incurably mesmerised by the scintillating splendour, beauty, mood and style of their verses and serenades. Both icons also had some other stunning similarities, like being born at Sialkot and studying at the same institution at Lahore. Both imbibed the marvelous spirit and substance of the original Arabic and Persian sources. Both transformed the traditional Urdu and Persian ghazal from its genetic mode and matrix of beauty and romanticism to the thematic expressions generally elicited in nazm based almost on revolutionary psalms and charters. Both emphasised struggle and change and yet their thoughts, message and the mantra, despite their similarities, had been separated by the cataclysmic years of the Second World War, liberation and nationalist movements and the apocalypse that had rattled the old world notions and ideologies.

Their conversation following the cursory cordial congratulations had in fact stumbled to the same divergence. Iqbal wondered why Faiz had not followed his clarion call of waging a revolution by first becoming a true momin (believer), the ultimate paragon of faith, knowledge, piety, purity, valour, justice and obedience, and creating a corps of kindred superhumans imbued with the same intellect and intuition capable to command the change. Faiz explained the rather impossible mission of breeding the superhuman momins. Many undoubtedly acclaimed momins had, in fact, miserably flubbed in grooming even their own scions into their coveted ideals. He lightheartedly reminded him of a popular perception that his famous verses, bemoaning that the pure breed eaglet was spoiled by associating with the crows (Kharab ker gai shaheen bacchay ko suhbat-e- zagh), actually reflected Iqbal's pain and disenchantment with his own children. Even if those apotheosised incarnates could somehow be created, the world had moved away from obeying the super genre elites, preferring more participatory and inclusive egalitarian polities devoted to the mundane problems of the common folk. Even the most organised and regimented structures, like Hitler and Mussolini's, moulded on the supremacy and invincibility of their nations and ideologies and the strength of their men and machines, had miserably mouldered. Hosni Mubarak, Gaddafi and Kim were now similarly crumbling. Faiz also lightly mused over the surprising resemblance of Iqbal's moustache to Mussolini's.

Iqbal heaved an audible sigh, spewing sadness, and revealed how he had also once been intoxicated with the spirit, struggle and success of the communist revolution. This tickled the love, romance and realities to the very innards in Faiz. Iqbal continued how he had nonchalantly heralded it by announcing the demise of capitalism together with all its juggleries by declaring that Gia daur-e-surmayadari gia (The era of capitalism is gone). Yet, he craved for fusing the concept of the Creator into communism, in order to bring it closer to his idealised Islamic elixir. But now he felt dismayed as the role of religion in the state and international policies had been fast eclipsing.

Faiz was carried away by this discussion, as he had also devoted his entire life and energies to this marvellous human endeavour to extirpate the power and influence of wealth for exploitation and the miseries caused by its misdistribution and control. He had exalted socialist thought to the niche of the most cherished idol that had pervaded the Urdu and Persian literature for centuries. He had imparted it the beauty of the beloved, with its maddening magic of long hair, eyes, cheeks, stature, style and grace. Yet, he was grieved, for capitalism had been far more flexible and shrewd to incorporate some of the quintessential socialist features and thus tame the thirst for sudden change and revolution. Both agreed how the impact of revolutions, despite their romance, ravages, gory trail and heavy toll, had not been that long lasting. The straitjacket ideologies, both of Faiz and Iqbal, had been yielding to pluralism and the world had been turning more towards evolution and rapid and requisite reforms.

Evolution momentarily led them to Darwin and the power and expanse of his thought in reshaping human thought, approach and customs. They analysed how the changes had even penetrated poetic symbolism. Iqbal wondered how Faiz had entirely reversed and downgraded his concept about the power, majesty, swift rise and sweep of shaheen, the falcon. Iqbal emphasised its ascent, agility and aversion to low mundane necessities like food and shelter, and repeatedly exhorted the Muslim youth to emulate its glorified attributes. The bird actually enamoured the Romans and other ancient emperors and still fascinates the ambitious, fighters, hunters, Arab sheikhs and even adorns the great US seal. Faiz, however, in his love for the lowly and contempt against the crowned glories, turned it into a symbol of oppression and exploitation that swoops to extract even the barest minimum from the poor. Iqbal was rather more concerned about verses like "Faqa muston key nawalon peh jhapputay hain uqab/ Per tolay hooway, mundlatay huway atay hain" (The eagles snatch at the morsels of the starved/ They come with wings spread, hovering in the air). The reference to the deprived and the destitute rather depressed Faiz, who as usual felt a sudden fire leaping across the entrails as he expressed in his verse: "Ik aag see seenay main reh reh kay ubalti hai nah pooch" and could never control his heart at the thought or sight of the oppressed. Iqbal had also noticed this sudden incipient sombre introspection.

The evening shades had now quite lengthened and Iqbal began to depart with a promise to call again. Faiz also promised to visit him in April to celebrate Iqbal's ascent to his seraphic abode. The houris and the attendants retreated in reverence, marvelling at the wondrous luck of the compatriots of this rarest duo. Nonetheless, they were also utterly amazed at their bitter failure to grasp or pursue the real core and context of their thought and crusade.

The writer is an academic and freelance columnist. He can be reached at [email protected]
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
Faiz's unfinished agenda and the new generation — II —Babar Ayaz


The disconnect between Faiz's message and the teacher/student of today is because, when he was alive, the establishment incarcerated him and forced him to live in exile

Last Tuesday, I briefly touched upon the relevance of Faiz's poetry and lamented that his social agenda remains unfinished. Perhaps today he would have been more tormented at a time when freedom of expression is seriously endangered. It has been 27 years since he left the baton of social change in our hands, but, unfortunately, we have not been able to further his cause.

From the presidential houses of Pakistan and India to the workers' katchi abadis (squatter camps), his 100th birthday is being celebrated in the country and abroad. Though Faiz was one of the greatest poets of the last century, the younger generation has not been initiated in the works of Faiz in schools and colleges. Many who are now attempting to understand him and his work, I am afraid, are likely to misinterpret the message of Faiz. Let me give you one such example: a few days back, a club in Karachi undertook a good initiative to organise an evening to celebrate his centenary. The main speaker was my friend who can today be called a hafiz of Faiz. Schoolgirls from a government school presented a tableau on Faiz's anthem Hum Daikhain Gay. The teachers and children did well but, unfortunately, they had taken Faiz's poetry too literally. As much of the Urdu poetry is influenced by the Islamic diction, the hazards of its misinterpretation are many. So the teachers took the line "Jab arz-e-Khuda kay ka'bay say/sab but uthwa-e-jaaingay" (The day when all idols/ Will be thrown out of this sacred world), a flag with Islamic icons removed the girls who played the but (idols). And when Faiz says, "Utthay ga Anul-Haq ka na'ra" (The cry 'I am Truth'/ Will rend the skies), the tableau shows children dressed as Arab warriors with swords in their hands chanting, "Allah-o-Akbar" (God is great).

Now this interpretation of Faiz, who believed in a pluralistic, secular society and that his poetry was for all, breaking the barriers of religion and geography, is a distortion of his humane philosophy of life. The children and teachers who worked hard cannot be blamed for this because, in these times, religious extremism and revivalism are rising in our country. The disconnect between Faiz's message and the teacher/student of today is because, when he was alive, the establishment incarcerated him and forced him to live in exile. His poetry and prose were never included in the curriculum. Since his death, Faiz has been sung but that is all. What should be done is the inclusion of his selected poetry at various levels in the Urdu curriculum along with articles on his life and message.

Faiz was not a man without an ideology on life. He joined the Progressive Writers Association (PWA) and was the first secretary of Punjab in 1938. He was deeply involved with the Communist Party of Pakistan and was the first Editor of Pakistan Times and other progressive papers of the group. He was also the president of trade unions and was not a poet who believed that his task ended after writing beautiful verses. He participated in the struggle for the dispossessed throughout his life. As for himself, he said, "Poetry should include artistic qualities and a social message." He once wrote, "A completely good verse is the one which fulfils not only the quality of art but should also meet the quality of life" (the quotes are translations from Urdu).

This is the message that the progressive writers gave in 1936 when the movement was launched in Lucknow by Sajjad Zaheer and many other leading writers, keeping in line with the international movement. This message influenced writers of all languages around the world and is valid even today. The role of progressive writers is to contribute, through their works, in dealing with the realities of life and helping in hastening the process of human progress. On the other hand, there has always been a view that art has to be for art's sake, without accepting any social responsibility.

It is because of this commitment to progressive thought that the PWA was banned along with the Democratic Students Federation and Communist Party. Faiz was jailed much before that by the government, which wanted to please the Americans by showing that they had cracked down on the socialist movement in the country. After a few years of his release, he launched the Awami Adabi Anjuman with one of the most respected Marxists, Dr M R Hassan, who was also his vice-principal at the Abdullah Haroon College. This college is located in the old Karachi Lyari area and it gave many progressive writers and activists to society. Awami Adabi Anjuman's manifesto is perhaps the only document that was signed by the writers of all the languages of Pakistan like Sheikh Ayaz, Ajmal Khattak and Gul Khan Naseer. The manifesto was also an important document because, for the first time, writers declared that provincial languages should have the status of national languages and Urdu the status of lingua franca. The courage to float such a document obviously attracted the wrath of the writers in the official fold and the Writers' Guild ran a newspaper campaign claiming that the progressives were weakening the process of "Pakistani nation building".

This remains an unresolved issue even today. This year, many national language writers held seminars and rallies in support of their respective national languages. The fact is that because our basic education is not in our respective mother tongues, many children are left behind in education and in understanding completely what they are taught. The need is that basic education and official correspondence should be in the national languages and Urdu and English should be compulsory.

Faiz was a clear-headed intellectual, a fact that is reflected in the views expressed by him on various national issues in his articles and speeches. Let us strive for his universal and humane messages and thoughts to be passed on in their true spirit. The government has declared 2011 as 'Faiz Year' but that should not be all. I reiterate that a committee of scholars on Faiz and academicians be formed to decide which poem or article on him should be included at what stage. Otherwise, once the year is over, the fervour will die down and Faiz will be hijacked by the very elements he struggled against.
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
Passionate Pakistani takes climbing to new heights


Nazia Parveen is a record holder and winner of the last five local climbing competitions. -Photo credit: rockclimbing.pk
ISLAMABAD: Nazia Parveen, a climber of Adventure Club – Pakistan, has said that climbing is getting popular in the country but still needs support from the government.

Pakistan offers some of the world's best rock-climbing and mountaineering opportunities in the form of the mountain ranges of the Karakoram, Hindukhush and the Himalayas.

Parveen, record holder and winner of the last five local climbing competitions told APP that there are as many girls involved as there are boys in climbing.

"We have to change this kind of thinking that certain sports are for girls and certain sports are for boys. In the last competition, there were more than 100 girls taking part in this activity so I believe it's very feasible for girls as well."

In March 2011, Parveen participated in the 5th Pakistan Open Climbing Competition and was awarded with a special trophy for her record-breaking performance. In another wall-climbing competition, she won a gold medal for best female climber.

"There are very few people in this sport and we hardly have any interactions with other clubs. However, our Club is focusing on training and conducts practice and training sessions for beginners.

"We have some good instructors in the Club and I take care of the female section but the Federation should focus on that as training is a basic requirement for any game," she said.

"It is just the beginning in Pakistan but we are confident of competing anywhere with more training, hard work and determination.

"We have a good number of young climbers as well, so I feel we are headed in the right direction and will perform well for Pakistan in the future."

However, she said that the government's support is required for the sport so that better accomplishments in climbing can be made in the future.
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
THINKING ALOUD: The return of jahiliyah —Razi Azmi


With the known 'infidels' out of the way, religious fundamentalists needed new enemies to keep their fires stoked and their hateful hunger satiated. So they turned on themselves, creating a whole new set of heretics, apostates, blasphemers and infidels

At a time when enlightenment is seeping through the Islamic heartland in the Middle East, jahiliyah (stubborn arrogance) is taking Pakistan by the throat. If the founder of the country, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, were alive today, he would live in fear, like the millions of others who share his secular ideology.

Murderous thugs control the country in the name of Islam, from Khyber to Karachi and from Lahore to Lasbela. This is no accident; it has been a long time coming. The chain of actual events and the process of constitutional and mental regression that have led to this can be traced back to Pakistan's beginnings.

Intolerance and bigotry first began to creep rather innocuously into Pakistan's body politic with the passage of the Objectives Resolution under Liaquat Ali Khan. It gathered pace under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's politically expedient concessions to the Islamists. Ziaul Haq's constitutional amendments and propaganda on the pretext of Islamisation turned it into a fearsome juggernaut.

At the mundane level, followers of a religion that means 'submission' and 'peace' and preaches tolerance first systematically got rid of the Hindus and Sikhs who chose to live in Pakistan after partition. Then they began to bay for the blood of Ahmedis, a minority sect of Islam at the time, and did not rest until they were put at par with infidels or worse.

With the known 'infidels' out of the way, religious fundamentalists needed new enemies to keep their fires stoked and their hateful hunger satiated. So they turned on themselves, creating a whole new set of heretics, apostates, blasphemers and infidels.

The Wahabi/Deobandi sect, organised variously as Jamaats, Jamiats, Taliban and Lashkars, went after Shias, Christians and Barelvis. Now it is the Barelvis, organised as Tehriks, Jamiats, etc, who have vowed to physically liquidate all real and alleged blasphemers — Sunnis, Christians, Hindus, Shias and Ahmedis. Only Allah knows where and when this will end.

Secular minded, peaceful and tolerant people, even if they constitute the majority, are no match for these fanatical, armed marauders when the state itself cowers before them. Not that the majority can claim to be totally blameless in the acceleration of this descent into mayhem. As long as Pakistan's blasphemy laws were primarily directed against non-Muslims, the majority did not care and even welcomed these laws. But soon it turned into a Frankenstein ready to devour its own creators. Over half of the nearly one thousand persons charged under the blasphemy laws are mainstream Sunni Muslims. Some accused have been killed in jail or outside the court. Many rot in jail for years before they are released without a conviction, only to be killed later.

A qari (cleric) was burned alive some years ago after being thrown out of a police station where he had taken refuge to escape a lynch mob. A doctor has recently been arrested for trashing the business card of a medical salesman, part of whose name happened to be Muhammad. Even as I write, a Muslim who had been aquitted by a court about a year ago after being accused of blasphemy, has been shot dead near Rawalpindi.

Leaders of mainstream Islamic parties represented in the federal and provincial parliaments and cabinets openly extol murderers and suicide bombers, government ministers and security officials blame the 'foreign hand', and Urdu newspapers and TV anchors rant against the West.

It has to be admitted that the so-called silent majority is in general agreement with them as far as the 'vile' West is concerned, somewhat ambivalent on the issue of suicide bombings since it began to hit home, a little embarrassed about the harassment of our poor Christians but in total agreement on the persecution of Ahmedis and the physical liquidation of alleged blasphemers.

One recoils even to think that in the country founded by Jinnah, tens of thousands of people would join processions led by politico-religious parties demanding the death sentence for a Christian mother of four for some words she is alleged to have uttered but which she denies, and that lawyers would applaud the cold-blooded murderer of a provincial governor as a hero.

Contemporary Muslims, one and all, like to boast about the contribution of earlier Muslims to science and civilisation. Not many know that the Muslim scientists who give them a sense of pride in their past were invariably secular minded rationalists who were able to pursue their chosen interests under enlightened caliphs or kings.

A London-based Wahabi journal has denounced them for precisely that: "The story of the famous Muslim scientists of the Middle Ages, such as Al Kindi, Al Farabi, Ibn al Haytham and Ibn Sina shows that, aside from being Muslims, there seems to have been nothing Islamic about them or their achievements. On the contrary, their lives were distinctly un-Islamic. Their achievements in medicine, chemistry, physics, mathematics and philosophy were a natural and logical extension of Greek thought."

Add to the list the name of Al Razi, called the "most brilliant genius of the Middle Ages" for his contribution to medicine, and that of Ibn Rushd, the great rationalist Muslim philosopher. All the above-mentioned suffered persecution at the hands of fundamentalist rulers and religious bigots.

In India itself, the brightest periods of Muslim rule are associated with secular emperors like Akbar and Shah Jahan. The decline of the Mughal Empire commenced when Aurangzeb began to push orthodoxy, punishing free thinkers and persecuting minorities.

There is a famous statement attributed to Pastor Martin Niemöller that tries to explain how the Nazis were able to purge all who opposed them one by one, while everyone who was not immediately affected remained silent. It goes like this:

"First they came for the communists; and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a communist. Then they came for the trade unionists; and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews; and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for me; and there was no one left to speak out for me."

Unless the majority immediately and forcefully speaks out against the religious inquisition and witch-hunting, for the acceptance of religious diversity, and in support of tolerance of dissenting and minority viewpoints, Pakistan is fully on course to push itself into the dark pit of jahiliyah.

The writer can be contacted at [email protected]
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
The Azazel of ignorance


READING all the news and views coming out of and about Pakistan, I am reminded of a 1998 film, Fallen.

The storyline concerns a malevolent fallen angel, Azazel, that 'possesses' people and causes them to do evil. Azazel could switch bodies through any sort of fleeting contact — a hand brushed against another, an accidental bump on the sidewalk.

The idea behind the conception of Azazel could be used as a metaphor for Pakistan, if the demon were to be viewed as a compendium of extremism, bigotry, intolerance and violence. Frighteningly, Pakistan's Azazel doesn't just switch from one body to another; it replicates itself, apparently endlessly. What started with a malevolence that was the hallmark of just a few criminals and terrorists seems over the years to have become a dominant societal characteristic. Everyday, the demon appears to infect more and more people, turning them into clones of itself and mockeries of humanity.

Evidence that the metaphorical demon is spreading its malice to greater or lesser extents can be found in rising levels of terrorism, in the increasing incidences of mob violence and lynching, in those who have not committed murder yet admire the work of Mumtaz Qadri, and in those who start their sentence with 'but' while a discussion is under way on the need to review laws that lend themselves to misuse.

What motivates the demon that stalks Pakistan? In terms of the Taliban and their cohorts, the answer is relatively simple in concept: power, and the desire to spread their influence as far as possible through any means possible, thus altering the basic nature of the state as it currently exists.

This was established by the manner in which matters played out in Afghanistan during the 1990s and more recently in Swat during the brief period when the Taliban held sway.

Why, however, does intolerance and extremism seem to infect increasing numbers of 'ordinary' people?

My use of Azazel is only a metaphor, obviously. Some part of the answer can be found in Aldous Huxley's observation that "At least two-thirds of our miseries spring from human stupidity, human malice and those great motivators and justifiers of malice and stupidity, idealism, dogmatism and proselytizing zeal on behalf of religious or political idols."

Much of this applies to Pakistan, where the "proselytizing zeal" is a characteristic of a society that is increasingly ignorant, even where not totally uneducated. Conventional wisdom says that education and enlightenment go a long way towards preventing extremism. Educated people are generally less desperate people.

Amongst Pakistan's problems is the fact that we have idealism of various sorts and to various extremes, but no ideas — and consequently hardly any tools — to come up with a way to alter the current narrative. And this lack will only become increasingly dangerous in a country whose demographic is skewed heavily towards the young and that yet does nothing to save its collapsing education system.

According to a recently released study, we have seven million children out of primary school and another three million that will never enter a classroom. And when children make it to school, and later even college, studies have shown that the quality of 'education' imparted is abysmal.

Education is important not just because of the future employment prospects it provides. It is crucial for the generation of ideas and fostering the open-mindedness that is usually the characteristic of peaceful societies where it is more difficult for extremism or bigotry to find space. A society with relatively more access to education in its true sense, the real education that leads to creative thinking and enlightenment, is less prone to indulging in the sort of malice and stupidity to which Huxley referred.

To get back to the Azazel metaphor, the situation in Pakistan is such that the country keeps producing replicas where intolerance, in most cases fuelled by ignorance and lack of knowledge of the 'other', spreads like wildfire. The education system is complicit in this regard, where mischief-making syllabi instil divorced-from-reality notions of history, religion, world affairs or international relations.

A student who has gone through the full educational cycle, emerging at the other end with a BA degree, has the same notions of India, America, minorities or human rights as most of his compatriots, whether educated or not. His education makes him conform to Pakistan's regressive thinking, and thus it spreads, leaving minds to be filled by extremist ideals and ideologies.

Education could save Pakistan even now. The task is difficult but, with sufficient political will, can be accomplished. The first step would lie in achieving literacy, and there are models available for that.

The Brazilian theorist Paulo Freire, who wrote the very influential Pedagogy of the Oppressed, set up in 1962 a project for adult literacy on an urgent basis — literacy was at that time a requirement for voting in Brazil's presidential elections. Through his methods, 300 sugarcane workers learned to read and write in just 45 days. The 1964 military coup put an end to that project but the effort to educate Brazilians continued.

Today, Brazil's literacy rate is estimated around 90 per cent. More recently, an additional 2.5 million children were taught to read in two years in India's Madhya Pradesh.

Conventional wisdom becomes conventional because it most often proves true. And conventional wisdom says that educated societies are less prone to espousing extreme views. A key solution to Pakistan's ills — one that is being entirely ignored by the state — is education, first literacy and then the fostering of ideas that can change society and alter its current trajectory.

To quote Freire, "Education either functions as an instrument which is used to facilitate integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity or it becomes the practice of freedom, the means by which men and women deal critically and creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world."

The writer is a member of staff.

[email protected]
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
Karachi: the good, bad and the ugly


Ali K Chishti
Another conflict between the PPP and the MQM would not just be devastating for Sindh, but for Pakistan's democracy as well

The Lyari controversy: Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Sindh Vice-president Zulfiqar Mirza, the controversial home minister, did something unthinkable at Abdullah Murad Saheed's death anniversary: he publicly announced the merger of Lyari Amn Committee formed by an infamous gangster, Rehman Dakait, and now headed by Uzair Baloch with the PPP. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) which had for long been angry about the release of those allegedly involved in Shershah killings (some members of Lyari Amn Committee, which according to the MQM, is behind the recent spate of killings) made an issue out of it and in, a strange move, decided to give yet another ultimatum to the PPP.

Why MQM is upset? "The MQM for long has been kept in a state of limbo and the promises made by the President and PPP have never materialised, including the local bodies elections and other things we have discussed from time to time," a senior co-ordination committee member of the MQM confirmed to the TFT. The frustration within the MQM against the PPP had been brewing for over couple of years especially with regard to a certain nationalist faction within the PPP which has actively supported the Awami National Party (ANP). This faction has influence in ministries, which MQM wants to control; and micro-manages the Karachi and Hyderabad city governments where MQM had been in control for over two decades. While the jobs quotas in police, health and education promised to the MQM by the PPP have not been fulfilled, Zulfiqar Mirza has been recruiting the Lyari Amn Committee members in the police. According to an unnamed source, the PPP inducted over 1100 members in the Health Department of Sindh, on an ad-hoc basis without actually informing Dr. Sagheer Ahmed, the provincial Health Minister, who belongs to the MQM. Then there is the outstanding issue of local bodies' election. The minister for local government Agha Siraj Durrani has made it a point to delay elections and has stopped city government's funding to administrators. Meanwhile 40 members of the MQM have been killed in Karachi alone since January this year which has put enormous pressure on the MQM to part from its ally.

Bilalwal House and the PPP anger: The post-Benazir PPP in Sindh has undergone an evolution whereby "friends of the President" like Mirza and Durrani have sidelined the traditional PPP leadership consisting of Nisar Khuhro, Manzoor Wasan and Pir Mazhar. Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah officially remains the chief executive of the province but it is the powerful team of Faryal Talpur and Zulfiqar Mirza that calls the shots. The PPP has long wanted a militant wing of its own like other political parties and the whole idea of owning the Lyari Amn Committee (without which no-one could win elections in Lyari) was for this purpose alone. The litmus test was the complete closure of Karachi for the first time by the PPP during a strike last week, called against judiciary, in which MQM, quietly, supported the PPP. Zulfiqar Mirza thinks the MQM should be engaged from a position of strength to keep them under 'control' and Mirza and Talpur are also concerned about MQM's flirtation with a certain member of the PPP whom the MQM wants to promote as chief minister of Sindh. It is because of this reason that Qaim Ali Shah supports anti-MQM faction within the PPP.

Interestingly during the Sindh Assembly session, which the MQM boycotted, Zulfiqar Mirza was cheered by the PPP and Pakistan Muslim League-Functional (PML-F) and also by the opposition members belonging to Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q). It was the PML-Q members who branded Zulfiqar Mirza as "Sher-e-Karachi" (Tiger of Karachi).

Negotiations and the Cupid: When Interior Minister Rehman Malik "the cupid" was ignored by his own party, the MQM Chief, Altaf Hussain, refused to meet him in London. Rehman Malik was later allowed by MQM's powerful, central co-ordination committee to meet "Bhai" after he assured MQM of the re-opening of Shershah cases against the Lyari Amn Committee and of compliance with previous commitments made by the President. The MQM has agreed "on principle" not to leave the government. Interestingly, the PPP, as a confidence building measure towards MQM, restored membership of Nabeel Gabol in the central executive committee of the PPP.

All's well that ends well: While the nationalists in Sindh (except Bashir Qureshi Group of Jeay Sindh) were totally exposed as playing establishment's game, it is important for both the PPP and the MQM to remain united. In the end both political parties should understand that their alliance is integral and natural as both are historically progressive and secular forces representing a smaller province at the federal level. In doing so, both parties need to seriously introspect while respecting each other's mandate, as another conflict between the two would not just be devastating for Sindh, but for Pakistan's democracy as well.

Ali Chishti is a writer based in Karachi. He can be reached at [email protected]
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
What do you mean?


Gemma Sharpe
reviews artist Hasnat Mehmood's latest show

"Le Roi est mort, vive le Roi", or so the phrase goes. Translated into English it means: "The King is dead. Long live the King". Such was the declaration historically vocalized – particularly in France and England – when the head of a monarchy changed, thus immediately speaking into place a successor, as the last had expired, and effectively closing the gap in power that briefly opened up. The structure of this little idiom has been repeatedly adapted into discourse ever since: "The author is dead. Long live the author", "credit is dead. Long live cash", and more recently, "the ipad is dead. Long live ipad 2", are some of the more memorable examples.

At the end of his statement associated with a recent solo exhibition at Poppy Seed Gallery in Karachi, Hasnat Mehmood proclaims: "Art is dead; long live Art!" It seems to be a joke that nods both towards discourses that describe an "end of art" after modernisms' turn towards conceptual practice, and also towards the issue of cultural succession and lineage within art practice – or the sequential replacement of the (proverbially) "dead" creator for a living one.

The literary criticism of poet T.S. Eliot bears consideration here, particularly as presented in his essay 'Tradition and the Individual Talent' (1922). In this text Eliot articulates the nature of an artist or poet's creative debt to her predecessors – a debt that, rather than rendering a poet restricted by tradition, allows a past (or series of pasts) to fuse with the particular present. The best kind of poet, Eliot suggests, is one who writes with knowledge of those who have come before her, and who at the same time will readjust the larger canon by simultaneously casting a new light on it and by carrying its development.

In Mehmood's exhibition, the political, literary, cultural and personal canon of a body of artists – cumulatively representing a specifically Pakistani cultural class – is illustrated by a series of sculptural portraits and mixed media assemblages.

At the core of the exhibition are nine Perspex-enclosed shelves that hold small cloth-bound books. The spines of these books are printed with the names of people ("writers, visual artists, poets, directors, musicians or anybody else") that have influenced or inspired the artist labeled beneath each shelf. These little assemblages form a single artwork that 'represents' the following artists: Risham Syed, Naiza Khan, Anwar Saeed, Ahsan Jamal, Ayaz Jokhio, Ayesha Jatoi, Atteqa Ali, Quddus Mirza, Imran Channa and Umer Butt. The final artist – better recognized for his practice as a gallerist – is perhaps for this reason not "allowed" his own shelf of books. Umer Butt's list of names are instead fixed directly onto the white gallery wall – an intervention that will follow the nine other shelves to the home or specific site of anyone who acquires the composite work.

Along with this piece, three more installations utilize these crafted little books. A large array of those objects fill a series of wooden shelves and spill onto the floor of the gallery in the work 'Portrait: Do it Yourself'; and two other pieces see these petite little objects displayed on low plinths, and decorated with cut-up bank notes. In one, entitled 'Manipulating Jinnah', a number of the books' spines are marked with terms of art-making that include, for example, Portraiture, Miniature and Printmaking. Each 'volume' is covered with a portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah that has been cut from a rupee bank note. Within the frame of this exhibition Jinnah therefore appears like a specter haunting Pakistani art; an affective actor within the cultural flux of this country's cultural output. In another series of books, titled 'Note book Series', dollar and rupee notes have been dissected and alienated from their function as carriers of fiscal value and reduced to pictures and numbers that decorate these petite tomes.

One could spend many words speculating on what the artworks within this exhibition collectively say. However, examining the non-sculptural works within the exhibition, a number of problems arise around the character of the entire show and leave me reticent to lend these artworks the conceptual reading that they had begun to imply. Also involving cut-up rupee bank notes, a number of works on large sheets of waasli include the triptych 'Inflation Design', which sees rupee notes forming the word 'Religion' on one panel and 'Pleasure' on another, while a middle panel is covered with an intricate pattern design. The finish of these works is quite unforgivably complacent. Nail-holes mark the corners; smears of glue stain the waasli; the contents are off-centered; and un-erased pencil marks are scattered across the works. Similarly, on the boards titled 'Flirting with Bank Notes', in which rupee notes have been cut apart and rearranged such that Jinnah's face begins to lengthen, shorten or distort, a lack of care in the work's execution only leaves us exasperated.

In the case of the text pieces, it would be a very generous reading of these works to say that because they resemble the text-based work of a number of early conceptual artists, they are a 'play' on the problem of influence and canon-formation that the show generally appears to articulate. The less-generous reading that I would encourage is that these are aesthetic plagiarisms, replicating such works as John Baldessari's early text paintings. ('Pure Beauty' [1966-1968], for example.) And returning to the problem of finish, the clunky and cack-handed delivery of these artworks cannot and should not be justified according to any logic of 'functional ugliness' or artistic rebellion – in this case a miniature artist trained to treat each mark with superlative diligence and 'breaking out' from that net of practical tradition. It would also be over-generous to say that these artworks constitute an activistic comment on the 'loss' of craftsmanship in contemporary art by making it apparent, because arguably, craftsmanship is far from lost within the spectrum of art practice today.

Rather, these smears, blotches and inconsistencies appear slack and petulant. The artist resembles a dodgy workman trying to talk your new kitchen into functionality, though its wiring is dodgy and stray plaster marks have permanently stained your expensive new surfaces. Spelling mistakes that one notices in the names of 'influential' people listed on the spines of Mehmood's little books extend the theme of complacency that runs through the exhibition. Looking at it like this, suddenly the edges of the Perspex boxes appear shoddy, and the wooden shelves that hold the hundreds of books in the 'Portrait: Do it Yourself' installation – being untreated and rickety – show a lack of commitment to both the object(s) in hand and an imagined future owner.

Furthermore, while the object nature of the book is being appropriated here, one should question what exactly is achieved by this appropriation and these essentially 'dud' little books. Contemporary artists' treatment of the book form – through Sophie Calle to Carl Andre, Eduardo Paolozzi, Martin Kippenberger and Lawrence Weiner, to name just a few – arguably constitutes a significant body of practice within modern and contemporary art history. Yet unlike Mehmood's drastically over-simplified treatment of the book-object, many of these artists have demonstrated a critical and an argumentative approach to the book, both as a physical thing and as a carrier of meaning. Take for example John Latham's 1966 'performance' of literally chewing a copy of Clement Greenberg's 'Art and Culture' into a pulp with a class of students, fermenting it into a liquid over the following months and returning it to the St Martins library in a bottle. Or Simon Popper's 2006 project of rearranging all the words of Joyce's 'Finnegan's Wake' into alphabetical order; a project that literally rearranged the canon, rather than laying it out for us to ogle and applaud.

These core works in Mehmood's exhibition unravel not just because they have been poorly executed, but also because the artists' conception of influence and cultural oeuvre – a rich field of enquiry – is so uninvolved. Mehmood's project is at best uncritical, and at worst, part of a performance of navel-gazing and congratulatory back-tapping that arrogates its participants into the spectacle. The deceptively mundane materiality of the book-object is treated with a severe lack of criticism here, and thus an unwitting contradiction arises. While the books' implications of learning and cleverness are naively fetishized on the one hand, its ideologically loaded nature is overlooked on the other. The covers of Mehmood's little tomes are indeed marked; but I would guess that all the pages have been left absolutely blank.

Gemma Sharpe is an art critic
 

ajtr

Tihar Jail
Banned
Joined
Oct 2, 2009
Messages
12,038
Likes
723
A story of hope




After the longest strike in the history of Bahauddin Zakariya University (BZU), the students of the Multan College of Arts were forced back into the classrooms on Monday, March 16, 2011. They had stood united for 21 days while facing harassment and threats of expulsion by the administration, and threats of physical violence from politically-backed student groups. They continued to stand and peacefully protest after disappointment followed disappointment in meetings with the highest-level officials in the Punjab Government. The core of what they were fighting for was truth, justice and a proper education. In the end, none of their goals were achieved.

It is not without irony that I write a tale that can be construed as another damning story in the long legacy of the horrendous politics of this nation. I, who arrived in Karachi in December of 2006 with sole purpose of celebrating the people, places, and incredible history of land that I had fallen in love with on my four previous trips to Pakistan at the turn of this century.

How can this story be negative for me though, when these students were in fact attempting, through their pure and peaceful actions, to keep me, their Assistant Professor Richard Seck, in their college where I have given all I had give for the last two-and-a-half years in an attempt to fill the many voids in their education. They have seen my sleepless nights, the three miraculous Design Department Thesis Exhibitions, the successes of those who have graduated and have moved on to higher education in Pakistan and abroad, or into the marketplace in a position exactly suited to their passion and skill sets. And how I bashed my head against the wall for six months; seemingly tirelessly marching, again and again, to the Vice Chancellor's office to get funding for the most basic requirements of the college. They have witnessed how I pushed to get additional help from the Indus Valley School of Art and Architecture, by bringing one of its graduates to set up a much-needed, proper, integrated foundation year programme, and typography courses for the design department. When the administration, who were apparently blind to this effort (or worse yet, not), sent me a text message on February 19, 2011, that my contract would not be renewed, the students, upon hearing this, immediately shut the college down in protest of my dismissal. Their determination was further fueled by an illegal dismissal letter that simply stated that "my services are no longer required". The students knew very well that there was no legitimate reason for my dismissal and cited that this was simply based on the biased agenda of the administration.

The story of these brave and determined students is the story I want the world hear about Pakistan. The fact that they could hold out as long as they did and get their message to a wider audience is nothing short of a miracle under the crushing pressure that they faced. For me, it is a story of hope for the future of this incredible country. These are the stories that I want to convey about the Pakistan that I love and have come to call my home.

PAKISTAN ZINDABAD!



Richard Seck, at the time of writing this blog (March 17), is awaiting the return of BZU Security to deliver the final notice to vacate his University accommodation.
 

sandeepdg

Senior Member
Joined
Sep 5, 2009
Messages
2,333
Likes
227
Human rights in a poor state in Pak, says panel report


ISLAMABAD: Pakistan's Human Rights Commission has released its annual report giving dismal facts and figures about the country's security situation, human rights abuses and treatment meted out to the minorities.

The report said at least 64 people, including Aasia Bibi, were charged under the controversial blasphemy law in 2010.

Bibi's case made headlines when a local court sentenced her to death sparking a huge controversy. Punjab's governor Salman Taseer and minorities minister Shahbaz Bhatti were assassinated for opposing Bibi's conviction. The report said three men including two Christian brothers accused of blasphemy died in police custody.

The report said around 500 Hindu families migrated to India due to threats to their lives from the restive Baluchistan province. It said 17 members of minority communities were killed in the name of honour while 21 others attempted suicide. The report positively noted that 25 Sikh families forced to flee from the troubled Orakzai tribal region in Pakistan's northwest due to Taliban threats returned home.

The report says 418 people were killed and 963 injured in violence against various Muslim sects. Around 800 women were killed in the name of honour and 2,903 raped. The highest number of rape cases, 2581, were reported from Punjab.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...Pak-says-panel-report/articleshow/7986774.cms
 

sanjay

Regular Member
Joined
Apr 1, 2010
Messages
459
Likes
186
I never knew that Osama had directly supervised the 7-7 attacks on London:

Pakistan will be suspect until evil in its midst is rooted out - Telegraph

With every day that passes, investigators trawling through the massive archive of intelligence material seized in bin Laden's compound uncover new evidence of his participation in acts of terrorism against the West.

This week, for example, it was revealed that bin Laden personally directed the July 7 suicide bomb attacks in London, and was the force behind the 2006 plot to blow up a dozen transatlantic airliners in mid-flight after they left Heathrow.
 

Daredevil

On Vacation!
Super Mod
Joined
Apr 5, 2009
Messages
11,615
Likes
5,772
Dress modestly: Masked men enter girls' school, thrash students

By Azam Khan

In a first for the garrison city, sixty masked men carrying iron rods barged into a girls' school in Rawalpindi and thrashed students and female teachers on Friday.

The gang of miscreants also warned the inmates at the MC Model Girls High School in Satellite Town to "dress modestly and wear hijabs" or face the music, eyewitnesses said.

Fear gripped the area following the attack and only 25 of the 400 students studying in the college were present on Saturday. The school employs 30 female teachers.

Attendance in other educational institutions also remained low. After hearing about the attack, all schools in the city shut down, an official of the Rawalpindi District Administration (RDA) told The Express Tribune.

A student of the girls' school managed to inform the administration of the nearby boys' high school of the attack. "[However,] the armed gang was so powerful that we could not rescue our teachers and colleagues over there," Noail Javed, a grade 10 student, said.

In-charge of MC High Schools in Rawalpindi issued a notification to the heads of all girls' schools to take pre-emptive measures to avoid such incidents in future. According to the notification, a gang comprising 60 to 70 miscreants entered into the school from a gate that was "strangely open".

All the MC school heads were assigned the responsibility of protecting the students by the notification. A school headmistress wishing not to be named said, "How is it possible for us to protect the students from such elements. The city administration should review its security plan."

The notification also suggested that the heads should not inform the students about the situation, so that they are not alarmed into skipping school. "Police is investigating the matter," the notification said. Following the notification, the heads of the schools also shared the numbers of relevant police stations with the teachers in case of any untoward situation in future.

Asjad Ali, a student of class 9 at the nearby boys' high school, said that his younger brother Awais, a student of grade 5, was also among those who were brutally beaten by the miscreants with iron rods. "The police did not come," he said.

A police official of the New Town Police Station, asking for anonymity, told The Express Tribune, "We were under strict instructions to do nothing."
District Education Officer Qazi Zahoor and Rawalpindi Commissioner Zahid Saeed were not immediately available for comments.
 

Bangalorean

Ambassador
Joined
Nov 28, 2010
Messages
6,233
Likes
6,854
Country flag
^^ And this was in Rawalpindi. Not some godforsaken tribal area in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
 

SpArK

SORCERER
Senior Member
Joined
Oct 24, 2010
Messages
2,093
Likes
1,112


move to appropriate section please and delete this message.
 
Last edited by a moderator:

Latest Replies

Global Defence

New threads

Articles

Top