Make in India

ezsasa

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Well you can't say that West became rich only because they exploited the Americas/Africa and Asia.

They were already prominent traders before the fall of the Constantinople. They also had the Tech and relatively stable societies.

India have natural resources. Only thing lagging India back is education.
Education is not the issue here....
I’d say it is more due to inadequate business models, to support the economy.

A country needs multiple avenues of growth, so far all the growth has come on the back of few mainstream business models.

Business models like OYO rooms and Meru cabs, have shown that economy supports non-mainstream business models. They have spawned, more ventures just like theirs. Apparently the new small loan scheme is also a success these days.

A good economic model should take ground reality into account, hence this govt has focused on handlooms and tourism for example because education is not a criteria there.

More over there is almost 100% education rate for people below 15 years of age, thanks to congress’s mid-day meal scheme. Proof is that if take any travel vlog in village by foreigners, you will always find children going to or coming back from school. It is quite rare to find kids playing on the street during the schooldays.
 

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Enhancing India’s competitive edge
The potential is enormous, but so are the challenges.

The Global Competitiveness Index compiled by the World Economic Forum measures national competitiveness—defined as the set of institutions, policies and factors that determine the level of productivity—across 137 economies.
It is almost unanimously accepted that the path economies take to attain high competitiveness—where firms embrace international competition—goes through innovation. To increase competitiveness, this path enables innovators to acclimatise swiftly to perennial gales of technological change. Enterprises that are competitive in open global markets are key drivers in a nation’s competitiveness. Intellectual property rights (IPRs) are critical to incentivising innovation, which, in turn, is key to sustaining economic growth. Scholars have found this statement to hold true based on rigorous empirical testing across a cross-section of countries and time periods.
There is a strong link between innovation, competitiveness and protection of intellectual property. A balanced IP regime will contribute towards building competitive firms. Edler and Nowotny (2015) note that: “Much of European and certainly most of US innovation policy is still and mainly about competitiveness and growth, where the market of ideas and innovation decides which direction knowledge production and innovation will take.” Although there is still a long way to go, India has seen some growth in investment in science and technology, higher education and research. The potential is enormous, but so are the challenges.
China’s rapid growth has led this Asian giant to become the second-largest economy, behind only the US. Earlier this year, the top policymaking bodies in China published an unprecedented policy roadmap for reforming the IP adjudication system. Subsequently, the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China approved a restructuring plan which includes major organisational changes for the State Intellectual Property Office to enhance IP legislation and to boost protection of IP in fields of new technology. This is indeed a golden period for China in technology innovation and economic development. As IP records are broken by China at every turn, the competitiveness of its enterprises and industries is rising steadily.
The Global Competitiveness Index compiled by the World Economic Forum measures national competitiveness—defined as the set of institutions, policies and factors that determine the level of productivity—across 137 economies. In 2017, China climbed one spot from rank 28 to 27, whereas India cropped from its position of rank 39 to 40. China’s success story is built around upgrading scientific capabilities and infrastructure, robust clinical research conditions and framework, stable regulatory system, improved market access, easy financing, and effective IP protections. This is an easy cheat sheet for India to look to improve our competitiveness globally.
When we look at the global biopharmaceutical environment, for instance, the US and Europe have traditionally been the magnets for investment. However, in China, intellectual property and regulatory changes geared towards its biopharmaceutical industry have had fundamental impact on how investors view capital placement. China’s aspiration of becoming a global innovation leader is based on a holistic multi-stakeholder model that involves the scientific community and industry and collectively facilitates a top-down design of reforms involving China Food and Drug Administration (CFDA), National Health and Family Planning Commission (NHFPC), and Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security (MOHRSS) coordinated by its central government. China’s biopharmaceutical industry has got a big boost due to these reforms and its performance has profoundly improved within a short time. India needs to carefully look at these changes—not for replication, but for guidance, and to understand reaction of investors and innovators to such changes. India needs to enhance its attractiveness as a destination for investment by transforming some of the challenges China is facing into opportunities.
China has driven the wave of innovation by establishing three anchor points, along with surge in investment in pharmaceutical industry—linking drugs and patents, patent term restoration and regulatory data protection. Interestingly, a several investments in this sector are being made in advanced fields and technology areas to ensure that China transitions to become an innovation leader from an innovation learner. An example is of the progress in medical AI in all stages—preclinical treatment stage, clinical treatment stage, post treatment and recovery stage. This will not only help in improving quality of China’s healthcare services, but also in increasing medical efficiency to serve patients better. India must also leverage its strengths in low-cost labour supply and size of its market. But, more importantly, we must address factors that are discouraging investors, including cumbersome regulatory environment, strenuous procedures and legal processes.
In the latest Global Innovation Index 2018, India has secured 57th position, with improvements observed in institutions, human capital and research, and market sophistication. But India has lost a lot of ground in infrastructure, business sophistication, and knowledge and technology outputs. Since creation and protection of IP has been the basis for profound technological developments of several industries across the world, a starting point for India would be to strengthen its patent system by removing barriers to entry and enhancing predictability. Policymakers are already carefully assessing successful international best practices, including regulatory data protection and targeted funding to domestic drug regulatory agency for greater efficiency and capacity building.
 

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Meet the Padma-Winning ISRO Pioneer Who Is Charting India’s Biggest Education Reform!
Awarded the Padma Shri (1982), Padma Bhushan (1992) and Padma Vibhushan (2000), there is very little this celebrated scientist hasn’t attained in the domain of space, scientific research and academia.
Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan, former Chairman of the Indian Space Research Organisation, is heading a committee tasked with establishing a new education policy for India.
Set up last June after the Centre rejected an education policy report framed by the committee led by late TSR Subramanian, Kasturirangan and his team will propose India’s first National Education Policy in three decades, a monumental and necessary task.
The policy document will address, among other things, the requirements of the education system from primary to tertiary and how to better inculcate technology and formalise vocational streams of learning. Once a draft of this report is ready, the Ministry of Human Resource Development will put it up for comments from the general public, following which, the Centre will hold discussions with State-level education ministers. The final report will then be tabled before the Union Cabinet.
Initially, the committee was supposed to submit its draft report by June 30. However, it has been given a slew of extensions, and according to Business Standard, the draft report will be submitted by October 31. So, who is K Kasturirangan? Why is he such a big deal?

File photo of Dr K Kasturirangan (Source: Facebook/Guru Moger)
This article will look to briefly answer these questions.
Receiving his Master of Science (MSc) degree in Physics from the University of Mumbai, and a PhD in Experimental High Energy Astronomy from Gujarat University, Kasturirangan has published over 240 academic papers in fields like astronomy, space science and applications, etc.
However, he is best known for leading operations at ISRO as chairman for nine years (1994-2003). During this time, he oversaw the successful launch and operationalisation of India’s first launch vehicle, the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) and the successful flight testing of the indigenous Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV).
He also oversaw the design, development and launch of world-class satellites for civilian use, IRS-1C and 1D, second generation and third generation INSAT satellites, and pushed the space agency towards entering the arena of planetary exploration, which eventually laid the foundation for Chandrayaan-1, according to this ISRO tribute.
“As an astrophysicist, Dr Kasturirangan’s interest includes research in high energy X-ray and gamma-ray astronomy as well as optical astronomy. He has made extensive and significant contributions to studies of Cosmic x-ray sources, celestial gamma-ray and effect of cosmic x-rays in the lower atmosphere,” adds ISRO’s profile on the celebrated scientist.

Making a speech at the Indian Institute of Science, Bengaluru. (Source: Wikimedia Commons)
Besides, he has served as General President of the Indian Science Congress, Chancellor at the Central University of Rajasthan and the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Chairman of the Karnataka Knowledge Commission and Director of National Institute of Advanced Studies.
He even served a term in the Rajya Sabha from 2003 to 2009 and was a member of the erstwhile Planning Commission. For his contributions to space and science research, he was awarded the Padma Shri (1982), the Padma Bhushan (1992) and the Padma Vibhushan (2000).
Also Read: Dr Vikram Sarabhai, the Father of the Indian Space Programme
There is very little this celebrated scientist hasn’t attained in the domains of space, scientific research and academia. He even chaired a Centre-appointed committee on how India could save the Western Ghats from environmental destruction. But the report did receive its share of criticism.
However, his focus today is on India’s shortcomings in the education sector and how to address them. Only when the committee report is published can we ascertain its qualities and shortcomings.
India’s education system, which is in desperate need of reform, will look to Kasturirangan and his team to come up with solutions. One hopes that they will deliver.
Literacy rate is going to stay between 80-85% in 2021, may be 95%+ in 2030 but India isn't very good with education index at the moment.
We need to eliminate folklores being taught in the name of culture and should be encouraging more & more people for research.
Rapidly improving literacy doesn't reflect quality of education.
 

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The Print
How a dangerously low poverty line is causing India more harm


Representational image | Dhiraj Singh/Bloomberg
A low poverty line results in diminished economic growth and flawed policies like demonetisation.
The development agenda today is largely about drawing an arbitrary line for poverty and focusing on a narrow goal of pulling individuals just above this line. Multilateral development organisations like the UN and the World Bank play an important role in setting the development agenda for poor and middle-income countries like India, but have not done enough to push for a realistic global poverty line.

The World Bank defines poverty as earning less than $1.90/day, after adjusting for purchasing power parity. The UN recently released its Multidimensional Poverty Index, which considers poverty to not just be a deprivation in income, but also in other indicators of well-being.

The international poverty line, however, remains the most intuitive and widespread tool used to measure poverty.

But many economists have found that there is no discontinuity (or sharp non-linearity) around the poverty line in any objective/subjective indicator of well-being. In other words, there exists no line of poverty.

If development agencies insist on having a line for use as proxies for poverty measurement like the head count ratio (HCR), then it should be at a much higher level to enable us to assert with 100 per cent confidence that people above this line are NOT poor. Not only is the current poverty line too low, leading to far too many people being excluded from the development agenda, but this low line is also nudging governments and international development agencies to focus exclusively on programmatic and targeted approaches to poverty reduction.

There are approximately one billion people (call them ‘extremely poor’) below the $1.90 line and 1 billion (call them ‘prosperous’) above the $15 line (set by OECD/rich countries). That leaves 5 billion people who are poor by a reasonable global standard of poverty, but not poor according to the $1.90/day definition. This is a dangerously low-bar definition of poverty – no one in the history of mankind has celebrated crossing the $1.90 threshold (thank you Lant Pritchett for that great metaphor).

A focus on reducing $1.90/day poverty excludes the legitimate concerns and needs of 5 billion people from the development agenda. In Indonesia, for example, the headcount $1.90/day poverty was only 10.6 per cent in 2016 – which means, 9 in 10 Indonesians weren’t included in the international “end extreme poverty” agenda even when many of them experienced unacceptable deprivation in human well-being.

Similarly, according to the $1.90/day definition, only 4.7 per cent of Indians are extremely poor, but a democratic government cannot base its development agenda by excluding 95 per cent of the country’s population. Hence, an Indian government has very little incentive to form an agenda specifically for the poor. This becomes a relevant point with 2019 general elections just around the corner in India. Political parties cannot win an election with agendas that exclude most citizens.

The $1.90 line is surely not an adequate measure of global poverty – analysts have suggested that $7.40/day is the minimum necessary to achieve decent nutrition and life expectancy. Therefore, agencies like the World Bank should have a higher global poverty line ranging between a lower bound of $7.40 and an upper bound of $15 (poverty line set by rich countries). That would enable us to say for sure who is poor and who is not. A broader agenda is necessary to focus on raising 6 billion people into prosperity as opposed to an exclusionary goal that makes gains only for 1 in 7 people on the planet.

In the Indian example, when the poverty line is broadened, obviously a larger proportion of the population gets included in it – something like 95 per cent of the Indian population. And the only way to reduce poverty for 95 per cent of the population is through market-led processes – i.e., economic growth. So, in a sense, the low bar poverty line constraints development thinkers and practitioners to implement redistributive models of development, which are more likely to be zero-sum games. Broadening the poverty line would allow and force us to look at a positive sum model of economic growth where everyone benefits. After all, most of the reduction of poverty in the world has indeed come from sustained episodes of economic growth, and increased labour mobility.
According to a study by Pritchett, et al. (2016), the growth accelerations in India in 1993 and 2002 led to a total gain of $3.7 trillion – a gain that wouldn’t have existed had there been no acceleration in economic growth. This phenomenal achievement was possible because of the shift towards more market-oriented policies at the general level, which led to a period of sustained economic growth. A corollary of the understanding that economic growth is the best way to reduce poverty would be that any policy that holds back or diminishes growth without any long-term benefits is criminal and should not be undertaken. An apt example of such a policy in the Indian context is demonetisation, which economists suggest led to a decrease in India’s growth rate with no significant benefits on its stated objectives.

Policymakers and citizens need to understand and appreciate the supreme importance of economic growth. Having a realistically higher poverty line will be an important step towards that goal.
Eliminating poverty >$1.9 is exemption from being called so poor, though not being called middle income earner. We got rid of it luckily though.
& indeed as poverty based on previous line is going to be less than 3% in 2021, India should be keeping a new poverty line at $4-4.5/day at least to set a better target to achieve.
 
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52% of India’s urban youth are now bilingual, 18% speak three languages
TNN
Representative image

HIGHLIGHTS
  • While barely 22% are bilingual and just 5% trilingual in rural areas. In urban India, 44% are bilingual and 15% trilingual
  • The highest proportion of bilingual persons in the country is in the 20-24 age group in urban India, 52%
  • Interestingly, the highest proportion of those who know three languages is urban men in the 50-69 age group
NEW DELHI: Young Indians are more multilingual than their elder generation with about half the urban population aged 15 to 49 years speaking two languages and about a sixth being trilingual. In rural India, about a quarter in the same age group are bilingual. The higher the age group, the lesser the proportion of people who know more than one language whether in rural or urban India. Recently released census data also shows that the gender gap on this count is narrowing both in urban and rural India.
While the census data shows that just over a quarter of the country’s population is bilingual and just 7% is trilingual, the figure hides the huge difference between urban and rural India. While barely 22% are bilingual and just 5% trilingual in rural areas, in urban India, 44% are bilingual and 15% trilingual.
Up to the age of 14, there is no gender variation in the number of languages known. From 15 years onwards there is a significant difference in the proportion of males and females who are bilingual. This suggests that an important determinant of how many languages people know is the job market and the need to travel out of one’s home state to find a job.
From the 20-24 age group — which is also the most multilingual — the gender gap keeps increasing with increasing age till in the 70+ age group 25% of men are bilingual compared to just 16% of women, a difference of 9 percentage points. While the gap is not as wide for those who are trilingual, the pattern is the same, of a widening gap with increasing age.
Even within urban and rural areas, there are variations depending on the age group and gender. The highest proportion of bilingual persons in the country is in the 20-24 age group in urban India, 52%. There is no gender difference in how many languages a person knows in urban areas till 15 years, though in rural areas the difference starts much earlier, from the 10-14 years age group, probably an indication of the number of girls who do not go to school and hence know only their mother tongue.
In urban areas, the gender gap is very small compared to the rural areas when it comes to those knowing two languages. Interestingly, the highest proportion of those who know three languages is urban men in the 50-69 age group, about 20% or one in five.
 

ezsasa

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The Print
How a dangerously low poverty line is causing India more harm


Representational image | Dhiraj Singh/Bloomberg
A low poverty line results in diminished economic growth and flawed policies like demonetisation.


Eliminating poverty >$1.9 is exemption from being called so poor, though not being called middle income earner. We got rid of it luckily though.
& indeed as poverty based on previous line is going to be less than 3% in 2021, India should be keeping a new poverty line at $4-4.5/day at least to set a better target to achieve.
I was wondering who will start this new poverty propaganda of 4.45$, was expecting wire.in it turns out to be the print.

Predictable useful idiots....
 

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I was wondering who will start this new poverty propaganda of 4.45$, was expecting wire.in it turns out to be the print.

Predictable useful idiots....
I was wondering if that $3-4 poverty line could be set as new target to alleviate.

We are already well ahead of SDG deadline of alleviating extreme poverty.
 

ezsasa

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I was wondering if that $3-4 poverty line could be set as new target to alleviate.

We are already well ahead of SDG deadline of alleviating extreme poverty.
The world bank has come up with the new 4.45 line, because 91% of working age population would be below that number.
 

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The world bank has come up with the new 4.45 line, because 91% of working age population would be below that number.
It's more like a third or a half of population. Because here in North India, most people manage to earn way more than it. Even street radiwalas.
 

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Can China teach India about cities?
Bengaluru’s civic governance is quite typical of Indian cities. Recently, the Karnataka High Court directed the city’s municipal body, the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP), to fill up all potholes on the city’s roads. BBMP struggled to conform to this order, while commuters are still required to wade through stretches called ‘roads’. It is clear that if entirely dependent on taxes and user fees, the resources needed for urban development are not adequate in India.
In China, land reforms in 1988 generated revenue for local governments to invest in infrastructure, and provided benefits from enabling land development. The reform of the tax assignment system in 1994 shifted more revenues to Beijing, while shifting more expenditure responsibilities to local levels of government, increasing their need to develop extra-budgetary funding through development fees.
Subsequent reforms in 1997 and 2002 incentivised subnational governments — provinces, prefectures, counties and townships — to take control over their revenue sources to finance their expenditures. The reforms led to a sharp increase in both central and subnational fiscal revenue, with a large portion of the central revenue being transferred to the subnational level in the form of transfer payments.
Local governments in China finance expenditures through a combination of on-budget revenue shared with the central government and ‘formal off-budget’ revenue. The latter is agreed on by Beijing, but not shared and reported. Local governments also receive revenue from non-authorised fees and taxes. Among the revenue on which local governments have control over, a number of off-budget revenue sources are used for infrastructure financing, such as land leasing, development fees and asset income.
In 2007, the State Council of China required all land leasing revenues to be shown as part of on-budget accounts. The state council also ordered that all municipalities retain land-leasing revenues in a declining reserve for three years; honour the revenue-sharing arrangement whereby 5-10% of land-leasing revenue was sent to Beijing; local governments are allocated a portion of their land-leasing revenues to land reclamation and protection; and all land, including industrial land, are leased through public auction or open tenders.
In China, Urban Development and Investment Companies (UDICs), wholly owned subsidiaries set up by local governments to hold infrastructure-related assets, have become the main way to obtain financing for infrastructure from banks, with the local government guaranteeing that they will use all their revenue-raising power to repay the loans. The use of UDICs, and the practice of selling land for development to complement limited local governments revenues and pay for investment in the provision of local services, has allowed Chinese cities to dramatically increase the provision of infrastructure and services and accommodate a fast pace of urbanisation.
The major revenue source for city governments in India is property tax. There are a number of attempts to lease land by urban development authorities in India, to monetise the asset, as astudy for the 13th Finance Commission found. But these have not translated into substantial gains for municipal bodies.
Given this, Indian cities should capitalise on property taxes and user charges to increase their revenues substantially. There are many non-paying and unassessed properties in Indian cities, which need to be brought into the tax net. Further, scarce resources such as water need to be metered.
While government departments need to make more attempts to rise to the occasion to deliver, citizens’ awareness of rights, most importantly their responsibilities, will go a long way in improving Indian cities and make them liveable.
 

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https://hdi.globaldatalab.org/areadata/shdi/
Use the site to get HDIs of different territories of different countries around the world.
For India (National Average 0.64)
  1. Kerala 0.784
  2. Chandigarh 0.774
  3. Goa 0.764
  4. Lakshdweep 0.749
  5. Delhi 0.744
  6. A&N Islands 0.742
  7. Pudducherry 0.739
  8. Punjab 0.721
  9. Himachal 0.720
  10. Sikkim 0.716
  11. Tamilnadu 0.708
  12. Daman & Diu 0.706
  13. Haryana 0.704
  14. Mizoram 0.697
  15. Manipur 0.695
  16. Maharashtra 0.695
  17. J&K 0.684
  18. Karnataka 0.682
  19. Uttarakhand 0.677
  20. Nagaland 0.676
  21. Gujarat 0.667
  22. Telangana 0.664
  23. D&N Haveli 0.661
  24. Arunachal 0.658
  25. Tripura 0.655
  26. Meghalya 0.650
  27. Andhra 0.643
  28. W. Begal 0.637
  29. Rajasthan 0.621
  30. Assam 0.605
  31. Chhattisgarh 0.600
  32. Odisha 0.597
  33. MP 0.594
  34. Jharkhand 0.589
  35. UP 0.583
  36. Bihar 0.566
HDI of Bihar = 0.566>Pakistani average 0.562, just saying @Zarvan
Although, list & ranks again change if we list up state by per capita incomes, but one thing for sure that most Indian states have been doing pretty good and so is India on average when comes to gap between HDI & per capita gdp.
 

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What was HDI of various Indian states at the time of independence ??
 

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I don't think we will see India become an UPPER MIDDLE ECONOMY before 2045/50.

I assume growth rate for such a long period of time to be around 7% at best.Rest is all inflation and currency appreciation.
See we are much better than it seems because our PPP to nominal is around 3.8 to 4 which actually is around 8 When we had a big figure of poor, world bank had said that Indian poverty will shrink to 1/4th when new ppp figures are out. We have almost finished hunger poverty and now we are dealing with post hunger poverty issues.
 

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As India becomes wealthier, more Indians leave its shores
India received the largest remittances globally in 2017, with close to $70 billion landing in the country's banks accounts.
As India has become wealthier, more of its citizens are leaving its shores.
An estimated 17 million Indians were living abroad in 2017, making India the largest source country for international migrants globally, up from seven million in 1990 and a 143 per cent increase, according to an IndiaSpend analysis of data from the United Nations Department of Economic Affairs.
Over the same period, India's per capita income increased by 522 per cent (from $1,134 to $7,055), providing more people the means to travel abroad in search of employment opportunities they were not finding at home.
At the same time, the number of unskilled migrants leaving the country has been falling: An estimated 391,000 left India in 2017, almost half the number in 2011 (637,000), according to a new report by the Asian Development Bank (ADB).
However, this does not necessarily mean that an increasing proportion of India's emigrants are likely to be higher skilled or that policymakers should be worried about a rise in "brain drain".
The above figures refer to unskilled migrants travelling on Emigration Check Required (ECR) passports -- passports issued by the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs to those leaving for employment in certain countries in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. Changes in the government criteria used to class workers as unskilled, leading to more migrants travelling on non-ECR passports, could be part of the reason for the declining trend.
"Over the years India has made internal adjustments to who gets an ECR passport. A lot of people are entitled to non-ECR passports and take that route to migrate instead -- this is data which is not publicly available and therefore cannot be analysed," Seeta Sharma, Technical Officer (ILO) for EU-India Cooperation and Dialogue on Migration and Mobility, told IndiaSpend.
International emigration generally rises with economic development as more people acquire the financial means to travel abroad, and only begins to reduce when countries reach upper-middle income status.
Labour demand driven by constrained local employment markets is a key motivation for international migration, with 73 per cent of all migrants globally entering the workforce in their host country, the ADB report found.
India's working age population is currently growing by 1.3 million each month, exacerbating a stagnant job market that is further afflicted by a lack of employment.
Over almost three decades, between 1990-2017, India witnessed waves of skilled and unskilled labour emigration. Indians living in Qatar increased 82,669 per cent --from 2,738 to 2.2 million -- over 27 years to 2017, more than in any other country. In the two years between 2015-2017, the Indian population in Qatar more than tripled.
Oman (688 per cent) and the United Arab Emirates (622 per cent) also feature in the top 10 countries for the largest increases in Indian residents between 1990-2017, while in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, over seven years to 2017, Indian populations rose by 110 per cent and 78 per cent, respectively.
These figures reflect the response of Indian workers to rapidly expanding economies in the Gulf, buoyed by rising oil prices. As these oil-rich nations embarked on large-scale development projects, workers from India and other South Asian countries answered the call for the growing number of construction jobs needing to be filled.
However, recent global economic slowdowns have slowed migrant flows from India into the region. Declining crude oil prices and the resulting spending cuts on construction projects and the slowing economies explain the falling numbers of Indians opting to travel to the region, as jobs dry up and wages contract.
While traditional host countries for Indian migrants, such as the Gulf states, US and UK, remain the countries with the highest Indian populations, over the last decade, OECD countries have seen a significant increase in the number of Indians choosing to settle within their borders.
Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, for example, have seen their Indian populations grow by 66, 56 and 42 per cent, respectively, over seven years to 2017. They are cheaper and have better educational opportunities."For example, Germany has free education and there's the potential to land a job in the country after university too, so you're seeing a shift in migration," Sharma said.
Rapidly aging populations across the West will further create a demand for migrant labour, as imported workers fill employment gaps left by falling birth rates in many developed countries. India is well placed to benefit from this demand.
Half of all countries globally now have fertility rates below 2.1, meaning too few children are being born to maintain their population size. In the short term, however, changing political environments and increasingly hostile attitudes to foreign migration may have an impact on the acceptability of Indian migrant workers taking up these jobs.
The identity and socio-economic background of Indian emigrants is changing. Southern states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu have been traditional sources of migrant workers to the Middle East and Southeast Asia, departing on ECR passports. However, in recent years, northern Indian and less economically advanced states have overtaken their southern counterparts for the numbers of typically low-skilled male youth leaving for overseas work.
Uttar Pradesh took the lead for the highest number of emigrants since 2011, followed by Bihar and Tamil Nadu, while the number of migrants from Kerala declined 69 per cent over six years, from around 80,000 in 2011 and 2013 to under 25,000 in 2017.
"Migration trends have shifted," Sharma said. "For example, if you're from Kerala, it may no longer be so lucrative to go to the Gulf. But for someone sitting in Bihar earning a third of what a Keralite earns, it still makes sense."
However, while these data show the numbers from each state leaving on ECR passports, they do not indicate how many have switched to non-ECR passports. Kerala may still be seeing large numbers of its population emigrate despite a decline in 2016 and 2017 in the ECR category.
Indeed, Kerala received 19 per cent of all remittances (funds sent by an expatriate to their country of origin) received in India in 2016-17, closely followed by Maharashtra (17 per cent) and Karnataka (15 per cent), according to RBI data.
India received the largest remittances globally in 2017, with close to $70 billion landing in the country's banks accounts.
 

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