Life in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir

[ajtr]

Gilgit Baltistan: MEP Among Those Speaking Out For Gilgit Baltistan​

Speakers at an event at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva addressed water resource exploitation, human rights violations and flooding in Gilgit Baltistan, calling on both Pakistan and the international community to take action.



Below is an article published by PR Newswire:



Pakistan's Policy of Advancing Militancy by Exploiting Dispute over River-water with India Fails to Benefit Common People: Jurgen Creutzmann, Member of the European Parliament, and Chairperson of Friends of Gilgit-Baltistan Caucus in the European Parliament



A conference titled "Water Resource Exploitation, Environmental Pollution & Flashfloods in Pakistani Occupied Gilgit-Baltistan" was organized by Gilgit Baltistan National Congress at the United Nations Human Rights Council, Geneva on September 24, 2010. The event was chaired by Senge Hasnan Sering, Director of GBNC. Speakers included Member of the European Parliament and Chairperson of Friends of Gilgit-Baltistan Caucus in EP, Mr. Jurgen Creutzmann; Vice Chairperson of International Kashmir Alliance and Spokesperson for All Parties National Alliance (APNA), Mr. Mumtaz Khan; and President of Gilgit Baltistan National Congress, Mr. Imtiaz Hussain. At the end of the conference, Gilgit-Baltistan National Congress called the press to issue a joint statement.



The MEP in his speech asked Pakistan to allocate adequate resources to help the flood victims of Gilgit-Baltistan. He also requested the international community to send relief items directly to Gilgit-Baltistan to optimize its utilization. He asked Pakistani government to improve its environmental record which could help eliminate occurrences of such flashfloods in future. The flashfloods, according to the MEP, has severely impacted economic prosperity and political stability in Pakistan, which is a concern for global community. He said, "It is in the interest of Pakistan's civilian government to reduce environmental degradation. One more flashflood like this could force the military to assume power in Islamabad. Given the risks to democratic institutions, European Parliament must provide financial support to Pakistani rulers only after they guarantee improvement in environmental situation."



The MEP feared that extremist elements including the Taliban might benefit from the current situation in gaining sympathy among the poverty stricken flood-victims. He reminded that Pakistan's policy of using Gilgit-Baltistan as a launching pad to advance militancy in Kashmir and Afghanistan enhances insecurities for the natives. The MEP also expressed concern over Pakistan's tactics of exploiting river-water dispute with India to advance militancy in Kashmir. He said, "Pakistan is largely interested in acquiring control over the rivers of Kashmir. Kashmir and water dispute with India have become tools to advance military and strategic interests, which destabilizes the region."



The MEP supported the demand of the natives of Gilgit-Baltistan to regain control over their natural resources. He said, "Islamabad exploits resources of Gilgit-Baltistan with impunity. The situation has led to environmental degradation and glacial melting. Pakistan must respect interests of the locals and follow models of sustainable development to eliminate environmental catastrophe." In the end, he ensured continued support to the political parties of Gilgit-Baltistan.



Mr. Mumtaz Khan, in his speech, talked about water resource exploitation in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) and raised concern over Pakistan's plans to inundate the outskirts of Mirpur through Mangla-Mirpur dam expansion project. He criticized Pakistan for incepting organizations like Azad Kashmir Council and Gilgit-Baltistan Council, which denies control over natural resources to the natives of these regions. He condemned Pakistan for denying royalty and usage compensation over Mangla-Mirpur Dam to the people of PoK.



Mr. Imtiaz Hussain of GBNC focused on human rights violations in Gilgit-Baltistan, which have occurred due to Pakistani environmental policy. Recent floods and landslides have led to emergence of hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in places like Ataabad, Diamer, Baltistan and Ghizer. Further, Pakistan is building dams in Gilgit-Baltistan which will displace hundreds of thousands more and add to the existing number of IDPs. Such a displacement of mammoth scale will disrupt link of natives with their ancestral land leading to loss of national identity. He warned that building dams in a seismic zone like Gilgit-Baltistan will also cause further instability impacting the entire region.



The chairman, Senge Hasnan Sering, thanked the audience and the speakers for their valuable input. He concluded by informing about the causes of cloudbursts and flashfloods and how Pakistani military and strategic interventions have become catalyst in worsening the situation. He said, "Thousands of workers, soldiers and para-military with their equipment, explosives and vehicles are present on the soil of Gilgit-Baltistan. Further, several tunnels are being built adjacent to glacial moraines leading to their melting at alarming rate. In addition to environmental degradation, foreign workers compete with natives for jobs and services. In the name of development and infrastructural building, foreigners are encouraged to settle in the region and help change demography. Such policies will only damage the social fabric and add to ethnic violence." The chairperson requested international community to pay attention to issues of Gilgit-Baltistan and PoK and adopt a balanced view on Kashmir.

 

[ajtr]

Gilgit-Baltistan: Six decades of plunder​

Ali Rinchen

The story of Gilgit-Baltistan is that of a free nation which went into Pakistani occupation soon after her people failed to sustain control over the land and its resources. The story of occupation starts in the fall of 1947, just a few weeks after local soldiers revolted against the Dogras (Ghurkas) and ousted forces loyal to the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir. The region was declared a free republic. Fearing reprisals from the Dogra forces, the local military command asked Pakistan to provide diplomatic support. Pakistan didn't waste much time advancing her political agenda in the region. Within a few weeks, Pakistani forces entered the region and established direct control over Gilgit-Baltistan. It is the strategic location of Gilgit-Baltistan, situated between Pakistan, Afghanistan, China and India, which makes her a prize worth fighting for.

Gilgit-Baltistan has a history of thousands of years of colonial and imperial forces using her ravines as a battlefield. Sixty-three years since the Pakistani occupation began, the picture is no different.

The land has become a military garrison and staging post for the Pakistani secret service agents and militants. Today, there is one Pakistani soldier for every twenty-five local people. Over the years, the people of Gilgit-Baltistan have faced humiliation, suffering and political and emotional exploitation at the hands of Pakistan's rulers who treat the locals as captives and their land as a colony. The ideal of freedom and self-determination has been transformed by Pakistan into that of subsistence and marginalization.

Gilgit-Baltistan is known for its matchless geographical wonders. It has the greatest number of the tallest mountains in the world, including Chogori, which is the second tallest peak of the world. The stunning mountain ranges of the Himalayas, the Karakoram, Ladakh and the Hindu Kush converge here. The mighty Indus River flows through, bisecting the region for a length of over seven hundred kilometres. The land is abundant with deep blue lakes, white sand dunes, the longest glaciers in the world, and the deepest mountain ravines. Yet the natives fail to benefit from these resources because all revenues fill the coffers in Islamabad. For Pakistanis, Gilgit-Baltistan is like a summer camping ground. The Pakistanis can be compared with the Mongols of the ninth century, who conquered China and failed to see the variety of resources and the skilfulness of the people. For them, China was only useful for turning into grazing pastures for their horses. Pakistan's rulers have the same approach towards Gilgit-Baltistan, a land good only for her resources. The exploitation continues even as the locals remain deprived of its benefits.

Even in the twenty-first century, which is considered an era of enlightenment and globalization, and despite an abundance of natural resources, the natives continue to live in the Stone Age. The occupiers intentionally fail to develop the land according to the needs of the natives. Thus, Gilgit-Baltistan is good as long as it promotes the strategic interests of Pakistan. Even today, a majority of the locals live below the poverty line and there are neighbourhoods in the vicinity of urban ghettoes where residents lack access to clean drinking water, electricity, education and health centres. The people here are considered a commodity. In the name of ethnic, linguistic and religious differences, Pakistan's security forces slaughter the natives while plundering their natural resources. Thus, Pakistan has followed the policy of oppression inherited from the Dogras and the British.

The situation has reached a point of no return when assessed for cultural, political, economic and environmental disasters. The recently promulgated self-governance and empowerment package has sealed the fate of the natives and can be viewed as the institutionalization of slavery. The package has smoothened Pakistani access to local resources and the plunder will continue without any resistance. Time is running short and the people of Gilgit-Baltistan must rethink their options and implement strategies to save their unique cultural heritage, environment and economic resources.

This fall, the people of Gilgit-Baltistan will be celebrating the sixty-third year of occupation and exploitation. Only by taking our destiny into our own hands, regaining control over our resources and reviving our cultural identity will we one day be able to celebrate freedom and liberty. But for that day to come, the nation has to embark on that journey now.

 

[ajtr]

Talibanization of Gilgit-Baltistan and Sectarian Killings​

Senge H. Sering

October 19, 2009
The authorities in Gilgit-Baltistan were not quite done celebrating the proclamation of the Empowerment and Self-governance Ordinance of 20091, when a bomb rocked Gilgit town on September 27 sparking off the latest bout of Shia-Sunni riots.2 Gun battles in the aftermath of the blast have led to the death of more than twelve people, including Raja Ali Ahmed Jan, a prominent leader of the Pakistan Muslim League.3 The incidents, culminating in a short-lived peace in this Pakistani occupied Shia region of Jammu & Kashmir, have led to the detention of several civilians as well two policemen. Some of the arrested are allegedly linked to those who assassinated Deputy Speaker Asad Zaidi and his companions in Gilgit in April 2009.4 Zaidi was the third-most high profile Shia politician, after the revered clerics Agha Ziauddin5 and Allama Hassan Turabi, to become the target of sectarian violence – a menace that has troubled Gilgit-Baltistan socially and economically, since the 1970s. Agha Ziauddin's death in January 2005 caused widespread clashes leading to a six-month long curfew and emergency, and loss of more than two hundred lives. Allama Turabi, shot dead in Karachi on July 14, 2006, hailed from Baltistan and was the President of Tehrik Jafaria of Pakistan (TJP). His death has been termed as detrimental to Shia rights' movement in Pakistan.6

In the sequence of events, as one looks back, eighteen people including the Director of the Agriculture Department of Gilgit7 died in 2008 as a result of Shia-Sunni clashes. However, by far, 2009 has seen more sectarian killings than the previous two years put together. It started in the middle of February when two Shias were killed in an attack on a van in Gilgit.8 Then, on June 17, ISI personnel arrested a Shia political activist, Sadiq Ali, and tortured him to death.9 Two months later, when the leader of the banned anti-Shia political party Sipah-e-Sahaba of Pakistan (SSP), Allama Ali Sher Hyderi was killed in Sindh, riots broke out in Gilgit leading to the closure of markets and heavy gun battle between Shias and Sunnis.10 In September, two Sunni Pashtuns and three native Shias were killed in Gilgit while a bus with Shia passengers coming from Baltistan was torched, causing several casualties.11

For centuries, people of Gilgit-Baltistan, professing various religions, co-existed in amicable conditions. It was only after Pakistan's annexation of these regions in the seventies that anarchy began. First, authorities abrogated the State Subject Rule, the law that until then protected the local demographic composition, and encouraged Pakistani Sunnis to settle in Gilgit town. This illegal government-sponsored settlement scheme damaged the social fabric and provoked religious feuds that continue to simmer. Pakistan created a political vacuum and a law and order crisis, once princely states and time-tested administrative structures of Gilgit-Baltistan were abolished. While Islamabad refused to delegate powers to local Shias by establishing viable a modern political structure, the despotic military rulers maintained ad-hoc policies to govern the region with an iron fist. It was during the same time that Pakistan embarked on its well-rehearsed divide and rule policy to paralyze local society. It exploited ethnic and religious fault-lines to weaken the natives in their demands for genuine political and socio-economic rights. Government-led Shia-Sunni and Shia-Nurbaxshi riots caused acute socio-political polarization in Skardo during the early 1980s. Events like these forced members of the local intelligentsia like Wazir Mehdi, the only Law graduate of Gilgit-Baltistan from Aligarh University, to admit that unification with Ladakh and Kashmir brought culture and civilization to the region while opting for Pakistan has resulted in the arrival of drugs, Kalashnikovs and sectarianism. On occasion, agencies employ religious leaders to fan hatred. In one such incident, intelligence agencies released a Punjabi cleric, Ghulam Reza Naqvi, from prison "to be sent to Gilgit to keep the pot of sectarian violence boiling." His release was granted after negotiations with SSP, which also got their leader Maulana Mohammad Ludhianivi freed from jail.12 A watershed in the history of Gilgit-Baltistan causing permanent trust deficit was reached in May 1988 when tribal Lashkars, after receiving a nod of approval from General Zia, massacred thousands of Shias in Gilgit and abducted local women. The intention was to undertake demographic change by force in this strategically located region sandwiched between China, the former Soviet Union and India.

The recent killings of Shias in Gilgit-Baltistan may also hinder the election process for the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly (GBLA) that will take place in November of 2009. With the newly proclaimed self-governance ordinance, GBLA is expected to legislate on 66 articles pertaining to socio-economic and administrative issues. While local political institutions are evolving towards achieving genuine autonomy, the Sunni minority fears that the Shias would gain a majority in the assembly, which the former sees as a direct attack on its long term political and socio-economic interests in the region. The authorities intend to exploit similar insecurities to consolidate control over Gilgit city, which is not only the largest settlement in the region but also the capital of Gilgit-Baltistan. As the regional ballot is nearing, authorities may resort to electoral engineering to create a hung assembly, thereby stripping GBLA of the mandate to pass laws. The past experience of reorganization of constituencies along Shia-Sunni lines has also enabled Sunni candidates to gain a majority in various constituencies.

Gilgit city is divided into two constituencies – Gilgit-1 and Gilgit-2. Until a decade ago, voters from both constituencies sent Shia members to the local Council. The demographic change has turned the tide in favor of the Sunnis; in 2004, voters of Gilgit city returned Sunni candidates as winners. Shias in Gilgit-1 were further marginalized when the major Shia settlement of Nomal was transferred to Gilgit-4, thereby tilting the population balance. Since then, contests between Shia and Sunni candidates have remained neck to neck.13 The tipping point is the vote bank in the Amphari neighborhood with a mixed Shia-Sunni population where sectarian polarization will help the Sunni candidate gain a lead. Likewise, in Gilgit-2, the settlement of Pathans and Punjabis has changed the demography and this one-time Peoples Party (PPP) stronghold supported Hafiz Rehman of PML in the 2004 elections, which he won by a small margin of 500 votes.14 The voters' list released recently shows more than a 80 per cent increase in voters' numbers in Gilgit-1 (from 28,146 to 47,835) and Gilgit-2 (from 34,517 to 62,048) in just five years.15 Of these, a majority are Pakistani settlers who will impact election results in favor of Sunni candidates. The government is planning to increase the number of GBLA seats after the November elections and the above-mentioned additional voters in Gilgit city will lead to an out of proportion representation for Sunnis in GBLA. Such interference from Pakistan will only lead to further sectarian clashes and deaths.

Although sniper shooting has remained the primary method of sectarian killings, owing to Taliban influences bomb blasts are also becoming common. In May 2009, a bomb blast occurred in Baltistan, which led to the arrest of two Sunnis and recovery of explosive-making material and hand grenades.16 Later in July, a bomb was hurled at Bagrot Hostel, Gilgit, killing two and injuring several other Shia students.17 In April 2009, an Al Qaeda member, Abdullah Rehman, threatened to bomb a four-star hotel in Baltistan.18 Many Taliban who escaped from Swat and adjoining areas found shelter among Sunni extremists in Gilgit.19 Analysts fear that locals may benefit from the Taliban expertise in the field of bomb and suicide jacket making. Local youth is also susceptible to converting to the extremist Islamic ideology and joining the suicide bomber club as a result of Taliban influences. The fact that more than 300 suspected terrorists were expelled from Gilgit in October 2008 highlights fears that the Taliban presence in Gilgit-Baltistan is widespread.20 Successful Talibanization of Gilgit-Baltistan means more Shia deaths and continued arrival of Taliban in large hordes, which will hasten demographic change and hurt local cultural identity and ethnic solidarity. The ongoing military operation in Waziristan against Taliban and Al Qaeda may also create greater problems for Gilgit-Baltistan as Shia soldiers of the Northern Light Infantry Regiment will be in direct confrontation with those who perpetuated the Shia genocide in Gilgit in 1988.

 

[ajtr]

Gilgit-Baltistan: Ties with Jammu & Kashmir, historical and contemporary
On September 22, 2010, a conference titled "Human Rights Violations in Pakistan" was held at the United Nations Human Rights Council. Senge Sering, representing Gilgit Baltistan National Congress, presented his paper titled "situation in Gilgit Baltistan in the context of Kashmir issue". Below is the text of his presentation

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PAKISTAN​

September 22, 2010
Palais de Nations, Geneva (United Nations Human Rights Council)
Situation in Gilgit-Baltistan in the Context of Kashmir Issue
Senge Hasnan Sering,
Director, Gilgit Baltistan National Congress (GBNC)

This article will help understand relationship of Gilgit-Baltistan with Kashmir in both historical and contemporary context. The inhabitants of Gilgit-Baltistan have historically established cultural and commercial links with those living in Kashmir and Ladakh even before the Maharajas of Jammu-Kashmir brought Gilgit-Baltistan under their sway. Historical records state that the Mons of north India used Kashmir as a platform to introduce Hinduism and Buddhism in Gilgit-Baltistan. In the same manner, Nurbaxshi and Shia forms of Islam also arrived in Gilgit-Baltistan from Kashmir. The Nurbaxshi order of Sufism is unique in South Asia and during earlier times, it was only prevalent in Kashmir valley, Baltistan and Ladakh. When Mirza Gorgan of Xinjiang conquered Kashmir, he massacred thousands of Kashmiris professing Nurbaxshi faith and forced them to escape to the valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan and Ladakh. Those who survived the genocide were forced to convert to a more puritanical form of Islam. Today, one can find followers of Nurbaxshi faith in the valleys of Nubra, Dras, Chorbat, Khapulo, Shigar, Thale, Hushe, Saltoro and Sermik. On the other hand, the Shia preachers who arrived from Kashmir found relatively greater freedom and as a result, were able to convert the predominant population of Gilgit-Baltistan to their sect. Even today, Shias and Nurbaxshis of Gilgit-Baltistan adhere to Kashmiri practices especially while performing certain mourning rituals during the sacred month of Muharram.

Skardo, Astore, Shigar and Gilgit valleys have several Kashmiri settlements, inhabited by the artisans who helped build Sufi Khankahs and royal palaces and forts. These Kashmiris added uniqueness to the native Tibetan infrastructures. They introduced their dress code and cuisine in the valleys they settled, and natives of Gilgit-Baltistan adopted their traditions readily. Today, one can find the women in Skardo and Shigar, for instance, wearing Kashmiri shirts with korabu. Similarly, the men of Astore wear Kashmiri firan during winters. Kashmiri kangiri is also used by men to conserve body heat during the winters. Handicrafts, including female head gears and ornaments of Baltistan have also borrowed elements from Kashmiri jewelry. Similarly, some wedding ceremonies in Skardo are Kashmiri in origin.

The linguistic and ethnic connections between the people of Chitral, Gilgit and Kashmir on one hand and Baltistan and Ladakh on the other has occurred due to interactions and migrations spread over thousands of years. Anthropologists place the Kashmiris, Khowars of Chitral, and Shins and Yashkuns of Gilgit under one ethnic category called Dardic. Due to affinity, the languages spoken by these groups are also called Dardic, and Shina of Gilgit and Kashmiri are often called sister-languages. In the same way, Balti of Baltistan is a sub-dialect of Ladakhi, which is a language spoken in the Ladakh region of Indian Kashmir.

The cultural relationship was a product of centuries old commercial links that traders of Gilgit-Baltistan established with those in Jammu-Kashmir, Tibet and north India. Then, historical trade routes of Gilgit-Baltistan opened towards Indian Kashmir, Ladakh, Central Asia and Tibet rather than towards Pakistan. It was not agriculture but trade which sustained livelihoods of the inhabitants of Gilgit-Baltistan for centuries. As trade and commerce continued uninterrupted, it enabled thousands of inhabitants of Gilgit-Baltistan to travel and settle in Kashmir as well as in other Indian towns like Simla, Dalhousie, Dharamsala, Missouri, Nainital, Kulu, Chamba and so forth. It was these regular interactions which shaped up societies and civilizations in the rugged valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan and enabled ethnic and cultural blending. Closure of these routes has now created permanent impoverishment in Gilgit-Baltistan. It was only after 1978, when Karakoram Highway was built, and natives of Gilgit-Baltistan initiated trade with Pakistanis. One can deduce from these facts that compared to Pakistan, Gilgit-Baltistan is naturally connected with Kashmir, Ladakh, Tibet and Central Asia.

Politically, Gilgit-Baltistan was part of the State of Jammu even before the British "sold" Kashmir to the Dogra Maharajas. Once Kashmir Valley became part of the Dogra State, Gilgit was placed under the province of Kashmir, while Baltistan and Ladakh continued as part of Jammu province. Baltistan and Ladakh were then merged by the Dogras into one administrative unit called Ladakh Wazarat. Like the famous Darbar Move between Delhi and Simla or between Srinagar and Jammu, the administrators of Ladakh Wazarat conducted darbar move between Skardo and Leh. Skardo was then the winter capital of Ladakh and the city enjoyed this status for more than 108 years.

On the other hand, Gilgit was declared a separate Wazarat with a governor stationed in Gilgit town. Although Pakistan claims that the entire Gilgit-Baltistan region was a leased agency; the reality is that Baltistan was never leased even for one day to the British. Even within Gilgit region, Gilgit Tehsil, Gilgit Wazarat (Astore), Ghizer, Chilas, tribal areas of Darel-Tangir, and Hunza and Nagar never became part of the leased territory. Hence, less than one-third of Gilgit region was actually leased to the British which they called the Gilgit Agency. The British agreed to hoist the flag of Maharaja on the offices of the leased territory. Maharaja also kept his military forces and police in the leased area along with the British forces. It was Maharaja and not the British officers who exercised the right to issue mining contracts in the Gilgit Agency. Maharaja continued to use his currency as the legal tender in the leased area and continued to receive political representation from Gilgit in the Council of Maharaja based at Srinagar. Even the State Subject Rule remained functional in the leased agency, which denied outsiders the right to acquire land in Gilgit-Baltistan and hence preserved indigenous demography.

The autonomous status of Gilgit-Baltistan within Princely State of Jammu & Kashmir was terminated after Pakistan occupied the region in 1947 and imposed a political agent. Pakistani rulers have since then managed Gilgit-Baltistan without any constitutional cover and rule the region through ad hoc presidential ordinances like the one promulgated by President Zardari in September of 2009. Pakistan has failed to annex Gilgit-Baltistan since the region is part of the former Princely State of Jammu-Kashmir and hence a disputed territory claimed by India as its integral part. Although Pakistani constitutions have gone through numerous amendments, yet, no amendment has been made to the Article 1 to declare Gilgit-Baltistan as part of the country. These realities force one to believe that Pakistani presence in Gilgit-Baltistan through its security forces and illegal settlers has contributed towards political and constitutional uncertainty, thereby prolonging the impasse on Kashmir.

Several events which have occurred in the last six decades compel one to believe that Gilgit-Baltistan is very much a legitimate stakeholder viz. a viz. Kashmir issue. For instance, the United Nations Commission on India and Pakistan (UNCIP) had asked Pakistan to withdraw from Gilgit-Baltistan through its resolutions of 1948 and 1949, proving the connection of this region with Kashmir issue. The United Nations Security Council resolutions also emphasized upon similar historical facts. All these resolutions have refused to accept Pakistan's locus standi in the region and termed Pakistan an aggressor and intruder in Gilgit-Baltistan. Similarly, the people of Gilgit-Baltistan continue to lack representation in political and judicial institutions of Pakistan precisely because of her connection with Kashmir issue. It is Gilgit-Baltistan's connection with Kashmir issue which has enabled UNO to station observers in the region. Further, Pakistani Supreme Court and High Court of Punjab in their several verdicts have also declared Gilgit-Baltistan linked to the Kashmir issue and hence a disputed territory.

The fact that Pakistan signed Karachi Agreement with leaders of 'Azad' Kashmir in 1949, although without the participation or consent of the natives of Gilgit-Baltistan, to acquire direct control of Gilgit-Baltistan also shows connection of this region with the Kashmir issue. Similarly, due to Gilgit-Baltistan's attachment to the Kashmir issue, Pakistan had to sign a provisional agreement with China to demarcate the border of Gilgit-Baltistan and Xinjiang. The fact that the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs rules Gilgit-Baltistan also leads to the conclusion that the region is part of former Princely State of Jammu & Kashmir and contested by India. It is the disputed nature of Gilgit-Baltistan that even today the region lacks representation in the Council of Common Interests (CCI), National Economic Commission (NEC), National Finance Commission (NFC), National Hydroelectric Board (NHEB) and Indus River System Authority (IRSA). In the same manner, owing to Gilgit-Baltistan's disputed nature and Indian objection, the World Bank recently refused a loan to Pakistan to build Diamer dam in Gilgit-Baltistan. Likewise, Pakistan's Minister of Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan Affairs, Arbab Alamgir Khan, has recently stated that the people of Gilgit-Baltistan will not receive royalty over Diamer Dam from Islamabad, since the region is linked to Kashmir dispute and therefore not part of Pakistan.

While the people in both Indian and Pakistani Punjab enjoy cross-border cultural and commercial links, the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and Ladakh are denied similar interchanges in the name of Kashmir issue. To date, the Line of Control remains closed disrupting trade along Kargil-Skardo and Astore-Srinagar roads. This has hurt livelihoods of the natives; obstructed the development of local cultures and languages, and refused the right of contact to thousands of divided family members.

Having said that, one fails to find any use of repeating these historical facts, if the natives would have to continue experiencing deprivation at the hands of Pakistani oppressors while the international community fails to persuade Pakistan to withdraw from the region and pay attention to the genuine needs and demands of the natives of Gilgit-Baltistan.

Till date, these facts have failed to result in the right of self determination for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan which Pakistan proposes for the natives of Kashmir valley. Gilgit-Baltistan's connection with Kashmir issue has failed to translate into reinstatement of State Subject Rule and resumption of cross-LOC trade and commerce for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. This connection with Kashmir issue has failed to result in the withdrawal of more than fifty thousand Pakistani forces and around one hundred thousand illegal settlers from Gilgit-Baltistan, which could have helped grant the natives control over their land and resources.

However, these ideas can become a reality only after all nationalist forces of Pakistan occupied Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan put a unified struggle against Pakistani occupiers. All Parties National Alliance (APNA) and Gilgit-Baltistan Democratic Alliance (GBDA) are two suitable platforms to pursue such rights and for all these dreams to come true, Gilgit Baltistan National Congress has joined hands with nationalist forces to continue the struggle with all its sincerity, conviction and integrity.

 

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[ajtr]

 

[Blackwater]

The so called azad kashmir's prime minister is appointed by pak parliament or more precise pak army not by the people of azad kashmir lolll. People of azad kashmir don't have there own currency,they uses pak passport,they are in pak army control and they are azad. wah wah wah

 

[Tshering22]

^ That is the kind of Azadi they want dude.. why do you think Geelani asks his cronies to flutter the Pakistani flag in J&K? Because they want azadi style unity with their "Islamic brothers".

Bigotry at its best.

 

[Virendra]

Call to declare AJK polls null and void
Call to declare AJK polls null and void | Metropolitan | DAWN.COM

...Muttahida Qaumi Movement chief Altaf Hussain and Azad Jammu and Kashmir Prime Minister Sardar Ateeq have demanded that the results of the recent AJK legislative assembly election be declared null and void and fresh polls be held under the supervision of the army...

Regards,
Virendra

 

[sant]

Officially Pok is part of india . What hell GOI is doing ????????????????

 

[tarunraju]

J&K has greater freedoms than POK, and J&K has similar standards of freedom as rest of Pakistan (incl. Punjab, Sindh). In fact POK is graded with Tibet.

Source: http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/fiw09/MOF09.pdf

 

[mayfair]

The above map shows Siachen to be a part of Pakistan. We at DFI should avoid posting such doctored maps to avoid the impression that we tacitly endorse these baseless and frivolous claims.

 

[tarunraju]

The above map shows Siachen to be a part of Pakistan. We at DFI should avoid posting such doctored maps to avoid the impression that we tacitly endorse these baseless and frivolous claims.

My intention wasn't to post an inaccurate map, the intention was to show that international bodies such as Freedom House (one of the most reputed analysts of human freedom) recognize people living in POK as having lesser freedoms than those living in J&K.

If you are not satisfied with the map, then please go though the numerical data in this spreadsheet: http://www.freedomhouse.org/images/File/fiw/historical/FIWAllScoresTerritories1973-2011.xls

 

[mayfair]

My intention wasn't to post an inaccurate map, the intention was to show that international bodies such as Freedom House (one of the most reputed analysts of human freedom) recognize people living in POK as having lesser freedoms than those living in J&K.

If you are not satisfied with the map, then please go though the numerical data in this spreadsheet: http://www.freedomhouse.org/images/File/fiw/historical/FIWAllScoresTerritories1973-2011.xls

I am not expressing my dissatisfaction with your posts nor do I mean any disrespect. It's just endorsing such illustrations howsoever innocuous amounts to a tacit acceptance of all information that they claim to represent. If they are unable to accurately represent territorial possessions either due to ignorance or intent then it is prudent to question the information they claim to provide.

In this light, their claims that J&K has freedom standards similar to the rest of Pakistan and Afghanistan must certainly be viewed at best as ignorant or at worst as fraudulent, mischievous and biased. They have failed to account for the differences in various regions of the state- Jammu and Ladakh vs Kashmir and the fact that regular elections and freedom of speech are far more pronounced in J&K than in Pakistan. What they are trying to show is that J&K residents have lesser freedom than the rest of India, which is certainly not the case.

 

[tarunraju]

I am not expressing my dissatisfaction with your posts nor do I mean any disrespect. It's just endorsing such illustrations howsoever innocuous amounts to a tacit acceptance of all information that they claim to represent. If they are unable to accurately represent territorial possessions either due to ignorance or intent then it is prudent to question the information they claim to provide.

I'm not endorsing the shape of the map, I'm endorsing what it's trying to convey, which is, POK is a lot worse off than J&K.

In this light, their claims that J&K has freedom standards similar to the rest of Pakistan and Afghanistan must certainly be viewed at best as ignorant or at worst as fraudulent, mischievous and biased. They have failed to account for the differences in various regions of the state- Jammu and Ladakh vs Kashmir and the fact that regular elections and freedom of speech are far more pronounced in J&K than in Pakistan. What they are trying to show is that J&K residents have lesser freedom than the rest of India, which is certainly not the case.

I would look at it more positively. It is true that due to Pakistan-sponsored insurgency, the security in J&K is beefed up compared to other Indian states. Telecommunications are a little restricted, the roads are peppered with check-posts, etc., but it's still a whole lot better than POK (if you look at the numerical ratings in the spreadsheet and not just the map).

So the Freedom House data is enough to refute Pakistan's bogus propaganda that J&K is worse off than so-called "Azad Kashmir". We're on the same side of the argument.

 

[mayfair]

Fair enough mate.

 

[venkat]

The above map shows Siachen to be a part of Pakistan. We at DFI should avoid posting such doctored maps to avoid the impression that we tacitly endorse these baseless and frivolous claims.

you are absolutely right .Some morons do not understand!!!