Indo-Russian Relations

Discussion in 'Foreign Relations' started by A.V., Feb 18, 2009.

  1. bhramos

    bhramos Elite Member Elite Member

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    Because KH-31 is 200KM range AWACS killer missile,
    but we invested in a better then KH-31 missile, that is K-100 Novator , a 300+km range AWACS missile in 2004, but this may be secret deal so no news about it. as of Indo-Russian projects always keeps in secret like ATV or Akula or PAKFA........ this is also kept in secret.
     
  2. Rage

    Rage DFI TEAM Stars and Ambassadors

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    India set to join Russia-based nuclear research body

    Moscow September 16, 2009,


    Armed with the NSG waiver, India is set to join an elite nuclear research centre in Russia set up by the former Soviet bloc countries.

    "We will become a member of the Dubna Joint Institute for Nuclear Research (JINR)," Chairman of the Prime Minister's Science Advisory Council Prof. CNR Rao said here.

    Rao, who is here to co-chair the Joint Council of the Indo-Russian Integrated Long-term Programme (ILTP) for science and technology cooperation, said the two Indian delegations have already visited Dubna, a science city situated 120 km from the Russian capital.

    "The Department of Atomic Energy is carrying out the necessary negotiations," he added.

    JINR was established through the Convention signed on March 26, 1956 in Moscow by representatives of 11 founding states of the former Soviet bloc to unite their scientific and material potential in order to study fundamental properties of matter.

    Today it is a world-known centre where the fundamental research (theoretical and experimental) is successfully integrated with the new technology work-out and application of the latest techniques and university education.


    India set to join Russia-based nuclear research body
     
  3. Sridhar

    Sridhar House keeper Moderator

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    Don’t forget the Russians

    Don’t forget the Russians
    Updated on Thursday, December 10, 2009, 10:45 IST
    [​IMG] Shashank Chouhan

    India, Russia concluding a civilian nuclear agreement that is not restrictive like the 123 Deal perhaps best answers the question why India should not forget the Soviets. It is a pact that will go a long way in pushing Indian policy makers to guard Indo-Russian camaraderie in the emerging world order where power won’t stay with any one pole for long.

    For this is a bond that has weathered many a storm and Manmohan Singh-Dmitry Medvedev’s signing of the nuclear deal has provided it with an unbreakable protective sheath- even if India-Russia ties were to sour in future, Russian nuclear reactors in India won’t run dry of fuel.

    This is in sharp contrast to the much hyped India-US civil nuclear deal- the flagship of George W Bush era. In the absence of harsh internal laws like the American Atomic Energy Act & the draconian Hyde Act, Russian nuclear fuel supply to India, as also its enrichment by up to 20% and reprocessing rights, will not suffer at any cost, ever.

    [​IMG] Not only is that a major high point, its smooth agreement vis-à-vis the nuclear deal becoming a sticking point between President Obama and PM Singh proves a valid point: all eggs shouldn’t be in the US basket alone.

    Rightly then, India is moving fast in this area of cooperation with Russia and others. The deal will enable Atomstroyexport, the Soviet atomic monopoly, to build four nuclear reactors in Koodankulam, Tamil Nadu, which will begin producing power in 2010. That is quite a quick development considering the last word still remains to be written on the Indo-US nuclear accord and much, seemingly, seems to be depend on the US’ Non-proliferation plans for India; though Obama promises that the deal should be thorugh by next year.

    The India-Russia deal has melted any frostiness that may have crept in when Vladimir Putin was in office and India moved closest to the former Soviet Cold War adversary. While an important nerve has been soothed for now, one important aspect that can put the ties on ventilator needs immediate attention- defence cooperation.

    [​IMG] There is no doubt that collaboration in the field of arms and ammunitions forms the bedrock of India-Russia relations. From being the largest supplier of weapons to partnering in the production of BrahMos missile, Russia has provided crucial support to India in a hostile neighbourhood. But it has been replaced by Israel in recent times as India’s main arms supplier with its companies supplying 30% of India’s defence imports.

    While cheerleaders on both sides hoped that a political handshake will finally help the ageing Admiral Gorshkov warship drop its anchor in the Arabian Sea, no final agreement between Manmohan and Medvedev on its price- Russians are demanding USD2.9 bn, nearly thrice the original refitting price of the ‘gift’- shows certain wounds remain to be healed.

    Thankfully, the two sides realise the importance of defence cooperation and have adequately compensated for the Gorshkov no-show. Three key defence pacts have been signed that will see the joint development of a fifth generation multi-role transport aircraft. A 10-year cooperation pact has also been signed that will include all future defence deals that may amount to USD 5 bn, apart from expanding the arms market for joint venture projects of both countries. While constant crashes of MiGs and even of the newly acquired Sukhois forced India to look at other global alternatives (mainly American) for its ambitious 125 jet deal, Singh signed a USD1 bn deal for 80 Russian Mi-17 choppers.

    [​IMG]India lending its ears to Lockheed and Boeing pitch is of concern to Russia as it is symbolic of the country’s definite drift towards the US. Russia has tried to create its own counter pole along with China, India and Brazil which comprise over half of the world’s population and will become the most important economies by 2020. Russia PM Yevgeny Primakov dreamed of forming a more exclusive grouping to effectively blunt the US’ ‘hyperpower’ status back in 1998: a Russia-India-China group, the RIC which materialized in 2005.


    RICs voice should have increased tremendously after the US invaded Afghanistan, but that didn’t happen as most of the world acquiesced in the War on Terror. Even now, when the US is beginning to at least formulate an exit policy, the RIC haven’t been at the forefront of providing solutions for their own backyard. India will undoubtedly be the most affected party if the condition is to deteriorate in Afghanistan and it should use this grouping in its favour.

    Towards this end, Medvedev and Singh issued a joint statement saying, “that the resurgence of the Al Qaeda and Taliban in Afghanistan threatens the progress made over the last few years".

    "In this regard, they (India and Russia) condemn the terrorist attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul on Oct 8, 2009," according to the joint declaration. Medvedev also asked perpetrators of 26/11 to be brought to justice. Singh on his part supported Russia for its role in the Caucasus. A revealing, though seemingly insignificant, part of the statement was that both countries will consult each other about policy on Afghanistan. This should be seen in the backdrop of Obama and Hu declaring that their countries will act for peace in South Asia. China will not side with India on Pakistan, which has a serious and competitive stake in the Afghan situation. Partnership with Russia would, thus, be the way forward for India.

    While the above power games adapt to the ever changing global scenario that includes Russia bettering ties with China and the US, one aspect that can solidify the bilateral relationship for good is trade and economy. Russia may be India’s thickest of friends, but it is surprising that the latter’s trade ties are better with China: Sino-India trade touched USD 58 bn in 2008 while Indo-Russian trade remains a meager USD 5 bn. Singh and Medvedev, thus, decided on a target of USD 20 bn worth of trade by 2020.

    India’s EXIM Bank has extended a credit line worth USD100mn to the Russian bank. The areas of energy, information technology and communication and pharmaceuticals have been decided as focus areas for economic cooperation. Both countries recognized that they needed to move beyond trade in rough diamond and tea to high-end technology and space partnership.

    How important are Russian ties to India was proved by the fact that Manmohan Singh urgently followed up his Washington trip with the Russian rendezvous. He also said that ties with any country will not affect courtship with Russia, which more than met this eagerness by declaring its support for a seat for India in UN Security Council. This relationship and its impending offshoots in BRIC, RIC, Shanghai Cooperation Council etc need to be nurtured. For in the multi-polar world of tomorrow, holding hands with old friends is going to be a part of expanding and preserving spheres of influence.


    Manmohan Singh`s Russia visit-Don?t forget the Russians
     
  4. ppgj

    ppgj Senior Member Senior Member

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    Between Old Friends

    Kanwal Sibal 17 December 2009, 12:00am IST

    The recent India-Russia annual summit makes an overall assessment of our time-tested relations with Russia opportune. Russia has stood by us in times of need and helped build our defence capability. However, with the
    broadening of India's external relationships, Russia has now to compete much more for political and economic space in India. The market and technology needs of the most advanced and dynamic sectors of the Indian economy, coupled with the diminishing role of the government sector, have also reduced the salience of our Russian connection.

    Already between 50 per cent and 70 per cent of equipment with India's armed forces is of Russian origin, underlining the deeply strategic nature of the defence relationship. For India, this dependence is overwhelming; for Russia, India remains a client, albeit privileged. The delay in delivering the aircraft carrier Gorshkov and the demand for more than double the originally agreed price have seriously dented Russia's credibility in honouring contractual obligations. The final cost has been settled at $2.3 billion, but delivery will still be almost four years behind schedule.

    This setback has to be balanced against valuable Russian technical assistance in the construction of Arihant and the projected delivery on lease of the Russian nuclear submarine. During the prime minister's visit, India's participation in the joint development of the multi-role transport aircraft and the T-50 fifth generation fighter aircraft was reconfirmed. India will derive real value from this collaboration only if the promise of access to Russian design institutes and laboratories is fulfilled. Formalisation of the decision to extend the programme for military-technological cooperation for another 10 years - from 2011 to 2020 - signals India's intention to continue its long-term defence cooperation with Russia for larger strategic reasons.

    Russia has ambitions to supply 12 to 14 nuclear plants to India. During the prime minister's visit, a new framework agreement was finalised for intensifying nuclear cooperation including in such areas as joint scientific research, implementation of projects and fuel supply arrangements, though for this "specific instruments" will be signed. The Indian side says this agreement is superior to the 123 Agreement, in that it ensures lifetime support for Russian reactors notwithstanding the termination of the supply agreement for any reason, incorporates no right to return, allows reprocessing under safeguards without insisting on a specially built facility for the purpose, and does not rule out transfer of enrichment and reprocessing technologies (ENR), superseding the G8 L'Aquila declaration. These claims, not echoed by the Russian press, seem well-founded, though Russian willingness to transfer ENR should be viewed cautiously.

    In the strategic energy sector, the Russians, despite stated political willingness, have practically held back. After Sakhalin 1 in 2001 India's strenuous efforts at political and commercial levels to obtain a foothold in Russia's hydrocarbon sector have not yielded fruit. Russia's push for a large share of the nuclear power pie in India should be linked to opportunities for India in Russia's energy sector. The formulation in the joint declaration reflected Russia's global priorities but gave cursory treatment to India's expectations.

    Bilateral trade at only $7.5 billion is a glaring weakness in our strategic ties. Areas of growth potential - pharmaceuticals, diamonds, IT etc - are routinely identified but without significant progress. The joint declaration omitted any mention of the need to enhance trade exchanges. The target of raising the two-way trade turnover to $20 billion by 2015 seems unachievable with Russia, whose GDP is expected to fall by 8 per cent this year, reeling under the current recession, and more importantly, given the structural problems in India-Russia trade, including in banking ties.

    In the latest enunciation of his Af-Pak policy, US president Barack Obama has signalled a drawdown of US forces in Afghanistan from July 2011 onwards and a potential deal with the Taliban. As the fallout on India and Russia of this US strategy can be highly damaging, they need to work closely on policy. The joint declaration rejected a key element of the western strategy of drawing "false distinctions" between the "good" and "bad" Taliban, but India and Russia lack practical options to counter the US.

    The paragraphs in the declaration on terrorism carefully omitted any mention of Pakistan, underlining the limits of Russian support on our Pakistan problem. Russia is clearly unwilling to get drawn into India-Pakistan differences to the point that could generate misunderstandings with the US as well as Pakistan.

    For India, relations with the US and with Russia are not a zero-sum game. Improvement of our ties with the US has coincided with the deterioration of Russia's ties with it. India should not lose sense of its strategic direction with the compass now pointing steadily towards the US. In turn, Russia should be ready to woo India more than it is habituated to. Its decision-makers need to evaluate better the phenomenon of India's rise as an economic power and the wider options it now has. In the new scenario, expanding the relationship would require dedicated effort, but even maintaining it at the current level would not be a lesser challenge.

    The writer is a former foreign secretary.

    Between Old Friends - Edit Page - Opinion - Home - The Times of India
     
  5. ppgj

    ppgj Senior Member Senior Member

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    a must read article on indo - russian realtionship.

    The Emerging India-Russia Strategic Equation

    By Brig Vinod Anand (Retd) Published : December 2009

    [​IMG]

    The latest visit of Prime Minster Manmohan Singh to Moscow has cleared many of the cobwebs which had come to symbolize a certain cooling of Indo- Russian relationship. Despite a flurry of visits to and fro by the political leadership of both countries this year and in the past, a perception had grown that the Indo-Russian strategic equation remains weak and adrift.

    While it was realized by both the sides that it is unlikely to reach the erstwhile pinnacle in the times of the Soviet Union yet the leadership in both India and Russia remained committed to reinvigorating the bilateral relationship. With the conclusion of a civil nuclear agreement with Russia which is much more beneficial to India compared to the still on-hold agreement with the US, Dr Manmohan Singh has a reason to be proud of. Clearing the muddy waters on the issue of the price of Groshkov aircraft carrier also indicates a willingness of both the sides to invest in strengthening their defence and strategic.

    Earlier this year, Indian President Pratibha Patil had paid a visit to Russia in September accompanied by a large delegation. She had brushed aside the charge that India was moving away from Russia, and also remarked that New Delhi’s ties with Moscow are on strong foundations and “will not be at the expense of its relationship with other countries.” This was an indication of realisation among the Indian polity that India’s attempts at cozying up to the US may have had the effect of somewhat distancing away from close ties with Russia.

    [​IMG]

    Dr Singh’s visit to Russia has come at a time when there are significant changes taking place on the geo-political firmament. US President George Bush, who had been pursuing a closer relationship with India in many ways, has now been replaced by the Obama administration which has different views on nuclear issues. Further, there is a perception that the US is softer on China and there could be a G 2 condominium evolving in Asian security dynamics.

    In this background, Dr Singh has stressed during his Kremlin press conference that “India accords highest priority to its relations with Russia.

    This is a relationship which stands on its own footing and is not influenced by our relations with any other country”, (read the US).

    While speaking on the nuclear issue, President Dmitry Medvedev observed that nuclear cooperation has “very big, very good future”. He was hopeful that the agreement on nuclear cooperation will pave the way for greater cooperation in the years to come.

    Sale of billions of dollars worth of reactors and allied equipment to India would definitely give a fillip to the Russian economy. Guaranteed supply of fuel and transfer of enrichment technologies are the clauses of the agreement which add strategic value and worth to the nuclear deal for India.

    Earlier in 2007, a memorandum of intent to add four units to the nuclear power plant under construction at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu was signed during Preident’s Putin visit as the chief guest at our Republic Day Parade.

    Thanks to the NSG waiver, for which admittedly the US did a lot of backstage maneuvering, these plants are now being operationalised. Russia was one of the first among eight or so countries which have in the last one year signed the civil nuclear energy cooperation agreements with India.

    [​IMG]

    A preliminary agreement between India and Russia was signed last December during President Medvedev’s visit; it needs to be remembered that Moscow has been consistently committed to developing India’s civilian nuclear capacity. The latest agreement also opens the way for about 20 or so Russian nuclear reactors to be established in India.

    Emerging relationship between the two nations is also buttressed by the fact that there is a vast potential for expansion of cooperation in the fields of hydrocarbons, military technical cooperation, space and information technology in addition to the civil nuclear cooperation.

    For bilateral trade, the target set for 2015 is $ 20 billion. Though, considering the present level of $7 billion of trade, this target is very ambitious.

    There is a perception among some strategic circles that Russia is a declining power because of its negative demographic trends and its natural resource based economy which relies heavily on oil and gas sector besides defence exports. Thus, according to such a formulation, the Russian economy has little strength, lacks depth and is highly vulnerable to oil price swings and vagaries of the market.

    What needs to be seen however is that the Russian and Indian economies have many complementarities and they have not been fully exploited so far due to geo-political and geographical environments. Cooperation in hydrocarbon and defence sectors besides in areas of high technology and space where Russia has proven strength remains of crucial importance for India to develop its comprehensive national power. The goal set for bilateral trade of $20 billion is an achievable target if concerted efforts are made in this direction.

    The most enduring strategic relationship between Russia and India has been in the field of defence cooperation. Defence Minister AK Antony was in Russia mid-October for the 9th meeting of the annual Defence Minister-level India-Russia Inter Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGCMTC). It needs to be understood that no country in the world would lease its nuclear submarine to another nation which Russia did for the Indian Navy.

    [​IMG]

    Another fact which needs to be noted is that while China in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union collapse was quick to engage highly qualified Russian scientists and engineers for giving fillip to its indigenous defence industry, India failed to exploit such an opportunity due to bureaucratic apathy.

    However, Chinese do claim and complain that Russia does not give the latest technologies to them; for instance the version of SU 30 given to China is inferior to the one given to India. And Moscow has also complained that Beijing is stealing Russian technology in weapons and sophisticated systems.

    As for Russia and India, Development of the next generation hypersonic Cruise Missiles - BrahMos- II, integration of the BrahMos with the SU 30MKI, modernisation of the frontline SU 30MKI and the indigenous production of Russian origin T-90S tanks were the issues that were part of the discussions at the Ninth meeting of IRIGC-MTC held in October this year during Defence Minister Antony’s visit to Moscow.

    No doubt there have been delays and cost escalations in most of the projects but as the conclusion of the price agreement on Groshkov on the eve of the Prime Minister’s visit shows, a via media can be found if both sides have a political and strategic understanding.

    Apart from the civil nuclear energy pact, three agreements in defence have been signed to remove existing bottlenecks and areas of friction and to enhance joint development and production. During Dr Singh’s visit to Russia in November 2007, the Inter-Governmental Agreement on Multi-role Transport Aircraft (MTA) was signed; this time it was revitalised.

    India hopes to tie up a time-frame in which the development phase of the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) is completed by 2016, so that induction of the aircraft into the IAF can start by 2017.

    Given the recent history of delays in production in Russia, this timeframe appears to be quite ambitious. Nevertheless even India’s own procurement process despite a number of revisions and amendments has not been able to overcome its own procurement and acquisition woes. The fact that the fighter and transport aircraft would be inducted by both Russian and Indian air forces also underscores the importance attached by both the countries to their burgeoning defence relationship.

    [​IMG]

    The other two defence agreements signed were for extension of military technical cooperation for another ten years and yet another initiative to streamline the supply of spares for Russian origin equipment.

    In the global and regional context while the recognition by the Americans of India as a major emerging power has been of recent origin, the Russians had recognized the Indian potential much before.

    During Boris Yelstin’s decade of 1990s in the wake of Soviet Union’s demise, the Indo-Russian equation did weaken. However, when President Putin appeared on the scene a concerted effort by both the nations was made to cooperate at the international level.

    Prime Minister Yevgany Primakov had initiated the idea of a strategic triangle between Russia, India and China. Foreign Ministers of the three nations have been meeting regularly to find a common ground on the issues of multilateralism, climate change, economic and development issues.

    The last such meeting was held in Bangalore, India in October this year. However the positive resonance of such meetings has been marred by the strategic tensions between China and India or rather to quote Prime Minister Manmohan Singh “by mounting assertiveness of China”.

    Russia and India also have a common approach to the regional issues, the most important being that of the threat of instability and terrorism originating from the Af- Pak region. Moscow had organized a conference on Afghanistan under the auspices of SCO end-March which was attended among others by India also. The conference underscored the importance of sustained international efforts to achieve a stable, peaceful, prosperous and democratic Afghanistan and stressed that such assistance should be comprehensive under the leadership of Afghanistan and the central role of the UN in coordinating international assistance and based on strict adherence of the UN Charter.

    While the US has also advocated a regional approach to Afghan issue yet nothing substantial has been done on the ground. Threat from a resurgent Taliban remains real; Russia and India along with other neighbours of Afghanistan share a mutual concern on the downward spiral of the Afghan crisis.

    Russian and Indian cooperation would be of vital importance to stabilize the situation in Afghanistan. During a joint conference both Dr Singh and President Medvedev emphasized the importance of intelligence sharing, securing a Global Comprehensive Convention on Counter-Terrorism and using instrumentalities to pressure countries giving shelter to terrorist activity (read Pakistan).

    [​IMG]

    Concerned with the global economic meltdown Russia and India also came together on the platform of BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) to find alternative paths to reviving economy. The BRIC summit was held in June in tandem with the SCO summit. Russia was very keen that India’s Prime Minister attends the SCO meet also. Generally, the Minister for Oil and Natural Resources has been attending SCO summits as India is only an observer and not a full participant.

    Observers are not given access to summit’s deliberations. This time the SCO’s deliberations had Indian PM included.

    Further, access to the energy markets of Central Asia remains the leit motif of India’s energy security strategy and cooperation with Russia in hydro carbon sector could be of mutual benefit to both. But the unstable situation in the Af-Pak region is a big stumbling block.

    Yet, there is an enormous potential for India and Russia to cooperate in the gas and oil sector like it has been done in the case of Sakhalin I. India has been keen to acquire stake in Sakhalin III

    Russia would continue to remain central to India’s endeavours in developing its comprehensive national power and in engagement of the evolving international system.

    There is a congruence of approaches between the two countries on most of the issues of globalization, terrorism, centrality of the UN system and the need for a multi-polar system rather than the current unilateral dispensation.

    The Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Russia is a reflection of the constants of all-weather bilateral relationship. Getting into strategic partnerships at the drop of hat has almost become a fashion in the current international strategic milieu
    but most of these are in form only. The momentum of strategic drift between India and Russia has been reversed with Dr Manmohan Singh’s visit to Russia. Nonetheless, more political and diplomatic energy needs to be spent on engaging Russia in this uncertain and evolving world where India is working towards achieving the ever elusive but the much cherished goal of ‘strategic autonomy’.

    The author is a Senior Fellow at USI-Centre for Strategic Studies and Analysis, New Delhi.

    © India Strategic

    ..:: India Strategic ::.. The Emerging India-Russia Strategic Equation
     
  6. anoop_mig25

    anoop_mig25 Senior Member Senior Member

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    indo -russian relations

    can anybody explain why B2B relationships between INDIA-N-RUSSIA is less.i mean if leave out defense deals then there remain nothings.also people to people contact is very less?:help:
     
    amitkriit likes this.
  7. plugwater

    plugwater Elite Member Elite Member

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    Russia Again All Set to Become India’s Top Arms Supplier in 2010

    New Delhi(ABC Live): After some years back foot position over the price tag of Admiral Gorshkov ,Russia is all set to regain its Top Position in the Indian defence market, as India is all set to ink defence deal with Russia of worth over $1.2 billion to supply 29 MiG-29K fighter jets for Indian Navy.

    As per information, a Russian team will arrive in New Delhi after Indian Republic day for final considerations on the contract. before it will be place for approval to Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), chaired by Indian Prime Minister.

    The aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov price issue has been resolved during Indian Prime Minister’s recent Russia visit, after that Indian Defence ministry is also seeking CCS fresh approval Admiral Gorshkov’s of $2.3 billion.

    As per defence sources Russia with recent defence deals with India has left behind its business arch rivals Israel and United States with Following deals:

    1. India has agreed to join the $10 billion Russian project to build the Sukhoi T-50 PAK-FA fifth-generation stealth fighter.
    2. The supply 29 MiG-29K fighter jets of worth over $1.2 billion those would be be stationed at Admiral Gorshkov, additional to 16 MIGs that would be Admiral Gorshkov
    3. Fresh approval Admiral Gorshkov’s of $2.3 billion with Supply year 2013.

    Apart from above. under is the list of Indo Russian Defence deals going under supply line:

    1. Six Talwar-class stealth frigates for Rs 8,514 crore. Talwar, Trishul and Tabar inducted. Deliveries of Teg, Tarkash and Trikand from 2012

    2. 657 T-90S main-battle tanks for Rs 8,525 crore. Over310 already inducted. Another 1,000 T-90S tanks to be manufactured in India.

    ABC Live-Online News,Breaking News,World News
     
  8. nitesh

    nitesh Mob Control Manager Stars and Ambassadors

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    http://en.rian.ru/russia/20100304/158089800.html

    Russia and India are expected to sign three contracts in military technical cooperation totaling $4 billion, including retrofitting the Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier during Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's visit to India, Vedomosti Russian daily reported.

    A $2.35-billion contract between Russia's state-controlled arms exporter Rosoboronexport and the Indian Defense Ministry on refitting the INS Vikramaditya (Admiral Gorshkov) and the $1.2-billion contract on delivery of MiG-29K/KUB carrier-based fighters will be signed during Putin's visit to India on March 11-12.

    The Vikramaditya is currently undergoing repairs and refit at the Sevmash shipyard in Russia.

    The initial refit agreement of $970 million went up to additional $1.5 billion India is expected to allocate to Sevmash shipyard which already expended the money that was allocated for the Vikramaditya's refit.

    DNA India said that the countries might also sign an agreement on nuclear reactors in Kudankulam and in Haripur, a new nuclear park in West Bengal.

    Further agreements will include fifth generation fighter aircraft project developed jointly by both countries, and work on a multi-role transport aircraft.


    India has a long history of defense relations with Moscow. The current cooperation program until 2010 comprises about 200 joint projects, including the modernization of the Vikramaditya for the Indian Navy, the transfer of technology for the licensed assembly of T-90 tanks in India, the production of BrahMos missiles and the purchase of Smerch MLRS by India.

    MOSCOW, March 4 (RIA Novosti)
     
  9. Agantrope

    Agantrope Senior Member Senior Member

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    Putin to cement Russia's partner No. 1 status during India visit

    NEW DELHI: Israel and US may be cornering major chunks of the lucrative Indian defence market but Russia still reigns supreme. This will be driven home when Russian PM Vladimir Putin comes visiting here next week, with a flurry of defence deals and joint projects slated for finalisation.

    The contracts range from the fresh $2.34 billion deal for refit of aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov and the $1.2 billion deal for 29 more MiG-29K maritime fighters to the joint development of the stealth fifth-generation fighter aircraft (FGFA) and the multi-role transport aircraft (MTA), say officials.

    Plans are also afoot to procure an additional 40-45 Sukhoi-30MKIs to add to the 230 of these fighters already contracted in deals worth $8.5 billion, as also more regiments of the Smerch MLRS (multiple-launch rocket systems) in addition to three already raised.

    Putin's visit is also likely to see the finalisation of the commissioning of the K-152 Nerpa Akula-II nuclear-powered submarine in Indian Navy by May-June, under a 10-year lease flowing from a secretive deal inked in 2004.

    The fresh agreement on Gorshkov, rechristened INS Vikramaditya by India, will however be the emblem to pronounce `all is well' in the bilateral defence relationship.

    Acrimonious negotiations over the huge cost escalation in Gorshkov's refit have led to lot of bitterness over the last few years, which has also been fuelled by Russia's propensity to delay deliveries, jack-up costs midway and not provide proper product support.

    India, on its part, is now reconciled to getting Gorshkov in 2013 - instead of the earlier August 2008 - by paying $2.34 billion instead of the $974 million earmarked for it in what was thought to be `a fixed price contract' when it was inked in January 2004.

    The 29 more MiG-29Ks will be in addition to the 16 of these jets already contracted in the $1.5 billion Gorshkov package deal of 2004. With six MiG-29Ks already inducted in the Indian Navy, the jets are slated to operate both from the 44,570 tonne Gorshkov as well as the 40,000 tonne indigenous aircraft carrier being built at Cochin Shipyard, which should roll out by 2014-2015.

    FGFA will be the futuristic project, with Russia's technology demonstrator Sukhoi T-50 PAK-FA beginning its flight trials earlier this year. India wants 250 of these fighters, built to its own specifications, to be inducted from 2017 onwards.

    With supercruise capability, thrust-vectoring and integrated avionics, these stealth fighters will not come cheap. India's share of the developmental costs alone could touch $5 billion, with each jet costing extra.

    Under the joint MTA project, worth $600 million in developmental costs, Russia will get 100 such planes, capable of carrying a 15-20 tonne military payload, while India will take 45 of them initially. Another 60 will be sold to other countries. At a later stage, the MTA will also be modified into a passenger aircraft of a 100-seater capacity.

    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...us-during-India-visit/articleshow/5648408.cms
     
  10. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    India, Russia for joint venture to produce GPS receivers

     
  11. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    PREVIEW-Arms, energy to dominate Russia's Putin India trip

     
  12. Kinshuk

    Kinshuk Regular Member

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    Demo of Indian & Russian defense cooperation
     
    Last edited by a moderator: May 10, 2015
  13. 1.44

    1.44 Member of The Month SEPTEMBER 2009 Senior Member

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    Russia sees over USD 10 bln in deals with India

    Russia plans to sign over $10 billion worth of deals with India during the visit of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin later this week, Putin's deputy, Sergei Sobyanin, told Reuters in an interview.
    The deals will range from contracts for the joint design of a fifth-generation fighter jet and production of multi-purpose transport planes to agreements to supply Russian mineral fertilisers and build new nuclear reactors.
    "I believe the overall volume of trade and economic agreements will exceed $10 billion," Sobyanin, who chairs the Russian-Indian inter-government commission, said in comments e-mailed to Reuters on Wednesday.
    He also said Indian energy firm ONGC had expressed interest in participating in the development of oil and gas fields on the Yamal peninsula in the Russian Arctic.

    http://www.hindustantimes.com/world...-bln-in-deals-with-India/Article1-517364.aspx
     
  14. nandu

    nandu Senior Member Senior Member

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    Big bucks, many irritants

    Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s 5th visit to India, superficially a success, in fact highlighted the one-way structure of the Russia-India relationship. The four pillars on which the relationship rests — strategic congruence; defence and space partnership; nuclear power generation; and hydrocarbons — remain biased in favour of Russia. Putin’s visit gives little hope that this is about to change.
    But the strategic partnership remains strong, despite Russian dismay about the US-India tango. Moscow shares New Delhi’s concerns on terrorism. The Kremlin, scarred from Chechnya, worries that a radicalised Afghanistan or Pakistan could spread extremism to Russia’s Central Asian underbelly. Secondly, like Washington, Moscow too has deep concerns about the rise of China; India and Russia compare and discuss their perspectives on China. Finally, Moscow would like a powerful Indian Navy patrolling the Indian Ocean, leaving lesser space for the US and Chinese navies.
    Based upon this strategic congruence, India and Russia have extended their “Long-term military and technical agreement” for the period from 2011-2020. Indian defence purchases have long been, and still remain, an important driver of Russian defence R&D and defence manufacture. While the MEA has stated that Russian equipment, which used to constitute 70 per cent of India’s military hardware, is now climbing down towards 60 per cent, that is still 35-40 per cent of Russia’s annual defence exports.
    Russia’s readiness to supply India strategic platforms and technology that no other country will part with — such as a nuclear submarine on lease and assistance in designing an Indian nuclear submarine and underwater-launched missiles — maintains for that country a niche in a lucrative strategic sphere.
    In the emerging field of joint aircraft development, the progress is slower than anticipated. It had been hoped that a $600 million joint venture would be set up during Putin’s visit, between India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Russia’s United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), to develop a Medium Transport Aircraft (MTA) for the Russian and Indian Air Forces to transport 18.5 tonne payloads over 2500 kilometres. This expectation was belied, and Business Standard has learned that both sides continue to bargain hard in ongoing negotiations.
    Also mired in negotiations is the proposed HAL-UAC joint venture to develop and manufacture 250 fifth-generation fighters each for the Russian and Indian Air Forces. This even after the prototype fighter, named the Sukhoi T-50 or the PAK FA, has already taken to the skies in January 2010.
    These disappointments notwithstanding, Russia drew satisfaction from the culmination of two years of negotiations over the price of the aircraft carrier, Admiral Gorshkov (INS Vikramaditya, once it joins the Indian Navy in 2013). In supplementary agreements to the original contract, India undertook to pay US $2.33 billion for the Gorshkov, instead of the US $974 million that had been agreed upon in 2004. India also signed a US $1.6 billion deal to buy 29 MiG-29K and MiG-29KUB fighters, over and above the 16 already purchased for operating from the aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya. The additional fighters, India’s most technologically advanced, will operate from the Indigenous Aircraft Carrier (IAC) that is being built in Cochin Shipyard.
    Russia’s multi-billion dollar defence signings were echoed in the realm of nuclear power production (NPP) equipment. The NSG waiver on nuclear trade with India has triggered a Russian campaign to sell reactors in India, co-opting Indian engineering companies in order to bring down costs. With India’s current generating capacity of 4000 MW slated to reach 20,000 MW by 2020, the coming decade could see the procurement of at least 12 nuclear power reactors from foreign suppliers. According to Alexander Kadakin, Russia’s ambassador to India, Moscow hopes to bag orders for at least 6 of those reactors.
    During this visit, Moscow and New Delhi signed two documents relating to NPP: a broad “Agreement on Cooperation in the use of Atomic Energy for Peaceful Purposes”, and a specific “Road Map for the Serial Construction of Russian Designed Nuclear Power Plants in the Republic of India.” This road map, sources tell Business Standard, involves adding four more reactors to the existing two reactors at Kudankulam, and then developing another reactor site at Haripur in West Bengal.
    Despite these initiatives, Indian officials complain bitterly that Russian officials, particularly in the important middle rung, are simply not interested in implementing Vladimir Putin’s vision of a close Russia-India relationship. Putin has recognised corporate India’s wish to invest in Russia and do business there, but little has been done to facilitate that.
    “The relationship was far better during the Soviet era, because when a leader declared something, it was implemented faithfully by officials down the chain,” said a top-ranking government official. “But today, Putin’s genuine warmth is simply not translated into action.”
    The unhealthy lopsidedness of the trade relationship will tilt further in Moscow’s favour after India’s purchase of nuclear reactors and supplies of nuclear fuel. The visa regime remains a major hurdle for business.
    “Getting a business visa, even for an industrial head like Ratan Tata, involves delays and all sorts of procedural requirements; and Moscow does absolutely nothing to ease that”, says a senior official in the Prime Minister’s Office. “Russian officials are focused entirely on Europe and America. They simply don’t see India as a priority.”

    Source:Business Standard
     
  15. nandu

    nandu Senior Member Senior Member

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    Russia-India relationship on new high, U.S. continues to be important to both

    The 22 hour visit by Russian Prime Minister (PM) Putin to India has helped the two countries resolve the differences that had cropped up due to various long standing unresolved issues, including the price rise of aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov. Other factors responsible for drifting the two cold war allies apart were Russia’s search for a new market to export its military hardware for which it tried to develop relations with China. And also India’s efforts to build bridges with the West and America, as India believed a strong diplomatic support from them could coax Pakistan into putting a halt to its anti-India rhetoric.
    The billion dollar contracts signed during the short visit is an indication that the two nations want to remain close and that Russia was keen to fill the vacuum that propelled Israel as a major partner in the Indian defence market in the past decade. The successful visit is being read by many as a signal to the world that the two nations remain each others prime partners and the brief period of stagnation had passed.
    The long list of deals signed between Indo-Russia during Putin’s visit is impressive:
    1) US$1.5 billion deal for the supply of 29 additional MiG-29 Fulcrum D-based fighter aircraft.
    2) An agreement to sign a contract on the joint development of a new fifth-generation fighter.
    3) A revised price-deal of $2.3 billion on the upgraded Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier with a displacement capacity of 45,000 tons, a maximum speed of 32 knots (59 kilometers per hour) and a range of 13,500 nautical miles (25,000 kilometers) at a cruising speed of 18 knots
    4) Deals to establish a joint venture to produce navigation equipment for GPS (global positioning system) and its Russian equivalent Glonass, and the use of Glonass signal for military use by India.
    5) Several agreements for the construction of up to 16 nuclear power plants in India by 2017.
    The swift signing of deals indicates that both Russia and India are trying in their own ways to strike trade deals with each other as a countermeasure to Chinese overtures. While India is apprehensive of China’s new friendship with South Asian countries of Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar as a part of its ‘string of pearls’ strategy, Russia is insecure about the vulnerability of its eastern regions. The visit clearly exhibits that the two nations remain each other’s best bet in times of adversities.
    Bharat Verma of Indian Defence Review, told 8ak, “we may have given Russia, a tad too much, as they do not have the modern technology which India requires at the moment and the Russia is itself buying some of the technologies from France and other countries, to whom India has direct access, but the fact remains that no nation would fulfil the requirements of India like the Russians and no one would be willing to lease their submarines for a decade to India except Russia, thus Russia undoubtedly is of immense importance to us.”
    Verma’s statement hold true as the much hyped 2008 civil Indo-US nuclear deal, which threatened the future of Manmohan Singh led UPA government has not been completely implemented by the Obama administration. This is primarily due to Obama’s reluctance to transfer "dual-use technology" to India, but it has provided the international non-proliferation framework Moscow needed to boost cooperation with Delhi on a range of sensitive areas such as reprocessing technology, joint thorium fuel cycle nuclear power projects and fast- neutron reactors. It is this reluctance that the Russians have exploited well during the visit, as it is evident from the agreements that have been signed on constructing 16 nuclear plants in India by Russians.
    The return of the warm ties has also been made possible because, both Russia and India, have been time and again let down by America. On the terrorism front, the Americans have not provided enough aid to the Indians in getting Pakistan to act against the perpetrators of 26/11 attack. The American’s undoubtedly have failed to ensure that its military hardware, which it supplies to Pakistan to fight the Taliban and Al-Qaeda along its western borders, is not used against India by Pakistan. On the Russian front, it has been let down by the Americans due to constant interference in Central and Eastern Europe. The attempt of NATO to intervene in the Georgia-Russia-South Ossetia impasse in 2008 has not helped Russia-US relationship either.
    But in foreign policy matters nothing can be translated in to black and white. On the one hand, where we are jubilant about the most successful visit of Russian PM Putin in recent times, certain issues need to be sorted out. The priority should be the Rs 2,000 crore JV mooted almost three years ago to set up an integrated chemical and metallurgical complex to produce titanium dioxide and other titanium products in Orissa, Business standard reports that the project is in a limbo, as partners have parted ways last month after differences over land allotment. Another major project between Russia’s VSMPO-AVISMA Corporation, the world's largest producer of titanium, and the Kerala government for processing and smelting of titanium, has not taken off either. As per the contract, the company was supply aviation metal to Hindustan Aeronautics, with raw material titanium tetrachloride procured from Kerala Minerals and Mining Limited (KMML), which is owned by the state government.
    But the deals do not mean that the U.S. is any less important to either country. It is no secret that the moment Putin returned to Moscow, the US President called his counter-part President Medvedev to discuss the "final stages of preparation" of the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and they agreed that "it is now possible to talk about specific dates" for initialing the agreement.
    On India’s part, New Delhi has mooted a new legislation which would make it easier for US nuclear energy companies to secure multi-billion dollar contracts in the Indian market. Many security experts believe this deal was inked solely to create a new market for U.S. companies which were finding operations difficult due to the highly capital-intensive nature of the industry with long gestation periods, and not implementation of the complete deal. Thus, the developments in both the countries following the Russian PM's visit exhibits that both countries are looking for greater business proximity to the Americans.

    Source: 8ak.in
     
  16. LETHALFORCE

    LETHALFORCE Moderator Moderator

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    http://www.vancouversun.com/business/India+Russia+revive+Cold+ties/2710464/story.html

    India and Russia revive Cold War ties

    The 22-hour visit to India by Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin earlier this month appears to have successfully rekindled some of the passion of the Moscow-New Delhi Cold War relationship and reminded the United States and China they aren't the only dancing partners at the prom.

    Putin's swift turn around the floor in New Delhi, during which a dozen deals worth about $10 billion were signed, was a return date after Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Moscow in December.

    At the headline level, the meeting was a reaffirmation of Russia's role as India's principal supplier of military hardware and a reminder to China -- though Beijing needs no reminding -- that the quest for strategic dominance in Asia is not a one-horse race.

    India is buying 40 Su-30MKI fighters for its air force and 29 Mig-29-K fighter aircraft for its navy.

    Singh and Putin also sorted out the troublesome 2004 deal for India to buy Russia's refitted Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier. There's been tension between New Delhi and Moscow as the refit price rocketed from $1 billion in the original agreement to more than $2 billion. But India wants the aircraft carrier, to be rechristened the INS Vikramaditya, as soon as possible and preferably before China gets its first aircraft carrier to sea. So New Delhi agreed to pay the $2.34 billion Moscow says is owing.

    Singh and Putin also agreed to jointly develop a new fifth-generation stealth fighter aircraft, and to work together on producing an updated version of Russia's global positioning system, Glonass, for use by India's military.

    But there was also a pointed message to the Barack Obama administration in Washington that New Delhi does not feel the promising development of Indo-American relations begun by former president George W. Bush is being sustained.

    A landmark deal between Singh and Bush in 2008 led to international recognition and incorporation of India's civilian nuclear industry. There were clearly stated expectations that U.S. nuclear industry companies would become leading suppliers of new technology to India and builders of the nuclear power stations that energy-strapped India desperately needs.

    But the Obama administration feels constrained by the president's stated goal of producing a new international nuclear non-proliferation regime while in office.

    Washington is reluctant to authorize the transfer of any nuclear technology to India with a potential for dual use by both its civilian and military customers.

    Putin and Moscow feel no such constraints. During Putin's visit agreements were signed envisaging Russia, which is already building four nuclear power plants in India, constructing a total of 16 by 2017.

    Russia has also offered New Delhi a stake in one of the world's largest uranium fields at Elkon in Russia's Sakha Republic to provide fuel for India's reactors.

    The Singh government is also feeling some disenchantment with the Obama administration over Washington's approach to the complex issues around the war in Afghanistan and terrorist havens in Pakistan.

    The Obama government has decided to approach the Afghanistan war and the Taliban insurgent bases in Pakistan as a composite problem, known as the Af-Pak policy. But New Delhi is disheartened that Washington is, in its view, discouraging India from playing a full role in this regional imbroglio, apparently for fear of arousing suspicions in Pakistan.

    India and Pakistan have fought three wars since their independence from Britain in 1947 and Washington thinks the Islamabad government holds back from exerting its full military might against the Taliban because it is reluctant to divert troops from watching India.

    New Delhi also feels that Washington has not done enough to press Pakistan to crack down on anti-Indian terrorist groups based on its territory, such as those that staged the November 2008 attack on the Indian commercial capital Mumbai.

    The revived Moscow-New Delhi relationship has its glitches, however, and is not all sweetness and light.

    India's position as Russia's largest arms market stands in contrast to non-military two-way trade which is at a puny $8 billion after years of steady decline.

    Putin said he will allow India greater access to investment in Russian high-tech sectors, where Russia could do with the help. India has proven cutting-edge capacity in the finance and information technology industries, and would like in return greater access to Russian oil and natural gas.

    The other area of friction between New Delhi and Moscow is India's efforts to establish influence and even a military presence in Central Asia. Russia regards "the Stans" -- Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and so forth, which were part of the old Soviet Union empire -- as still its legitimate sphere of influence.

    India has not only invested heavily in courting Hamid Karzai, the president of Afghanistan, as a way of containing Pakistan's influence in Kabul, New Delhi has also established a military base at Ayni airport on the outskirts of the Tajikistan capital Dushanbe.

    The idea of this expeditionary base is not only to give muscle to New Delhi's influence in Kabul with a military presence on the northern supply routes into Afghanistan, but also to give India access, if necessary, to western China and China's supply routes to its ally, Pakistan.

    Moscow, though, is none too happy about New Delhi playing its strategic "Great Game" in Russia's backyard. Russia has persuaded the Dushanbe government of Emomali Rahmon that operational control of the Ayni airbase should rotate, and that it should share that responsibility with India.
     
  17. nitesh

    nitesh Mob Control Manager Stars and Ambassadors

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    guys any idea what is going on why such deal is refused? Or there is something more that meets the eye, I really don't think our establishment is dumb enough to refuse this offer

    http://www.business-standard.com/in...abrication-uranium-jv-india-reluctant/389437/

    India and Russia may have discussed far-reaching nuclear and defence cooperation behind the closed doors of Hyderabad House during Vladimir Putin’s visit on March 12. But according to sources in both establishments, the Russian offer, still being kept under wraps in India, was almost not signed during Putin’s visit. Until the night before the summit meeting between the two prime ministers, the Indian establishment was extremely reluctant about committing itself to the Russian bear hug, whether in the nuclear energy, defence or space sectors.

    The offer on nuclear cooperation, however, was wide-ranging and generous. As part of the inter-governmental agreement on cooperation in nuclear energy and the road map for the construction of nuclear power plants, signed in the presence of the two prime ministers, Russia promised to “go beyond” the Indo-US nuclear deal.

    Speaking to the Russian media after Putin’s visit to Delhi, Sergei Kiriyenko, the head of Russia’s nuclear energy agency, Rosatom, said Russia offered to build 16 nuclear power plants at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu and Haripur in West Bengal, design and build a nuclear fuel fabrication facility in India under IAEA safeguards and set up a joint venture to explore and mine uranium in Russia that would be used in India and third countries.

    The joint venture would likely operate at the Elkon uranium field in Yakutia, in Russia’s mineral-rich Siberian landmass, Interfax, the Russian news agency reported.

    The Russian state-owned mining company ARMZ Uranium Holding Co, or AtomRedMetZoloto, holds the licence to the Elkon field which is estimated to hold 344,000 tonnes of uranium or 5.3 per cent of the world’s recoverable reserves.

    Kiriyenko, in fact, told Russian reporters back in Moscow that Indo-Russian nuclear cooperation would go much beyond building nuclear reactors and fabricating fuel for use in the several units at Kudankulam and Haripur. Moscow had also offered to jointly manufacture nuclear power equipment, which factories could be located in India.

    Strategic nuclear analyst G. Balachandran told Business Standard that the Russian offer, if it came to pass, would mean that the mined enriched uranium from Yakutia could be used to fabricate nuclear fuel for the Russian nuclear power plants in India. He pointed out that Moscow’s offer of reprocessing rights for the spent fuel, at least for the moment, went beyond the offer from any other country, including the US.

    “It’s a good offer to help out India,” Balachandran said, adding, “once several nuclear power plants are in the process of being built, large amounts of fuel will be needed for them.”

    Balachandran also pointed out that the Indo-US nuclear fuel reprocessing pact, said to be in the last stages of finalization, would have to be submitted to the US Congress for approval before it could come into force.

    “There is no prior consent for reprocessing US-origin fuel without US Congressional approval. And when this pact goes to the Congress, the House or Senate members could add their own conditionalities to it,” Balachandran said.

    It now transpires that Russian first deputy prime minister Sergei Sobyanin as well as Rosatom head Sergei Kiriyenko were closeted with National Security Adviser Shivshanker Menon almost until noon on March 12, only a couple of hours before the two PMs were to start their conversations in Hyderabad House, pleading with him that India sign the Road Map as well as the IGA.

    Menon is believed to have told the Russian side that India did not want to commit itself to the Russian-inspired road map because the current Five-Year Plan was coming to an end in 2012 and India did not want to make any promises beyond that period.

    But the Russians, mandated by Putin to deliver a “big agreement” with India, told Menon that they were willing to make a compromise: Let India sign the road map in the presence of the two prime ministers in Hyderabad House that afternoon, and it could later back out of any understandings envisaged in the document.

    Sobyanin, who had to leave the Menon meeting to accompany his prime minister to a meeting with Congress President Sonia Gandhi, asked another Russian nuclear expert to replace him at the meeting with Menon. Kiriyenko stayed on and the deal was done.

    According to Indian sources familiar with the subject, Delhi did not want to be seen to be getting into a cinch with the Russians, especially since the US had done most of the heavy lifting by pushing through the nuclear deal in 2008 and had so far not got any “benefit” out of it.

    Moreover, the road map, which envisaged the building of another two nuclear power plants at Kudamkulam (two are coming on-stream this year and 2011, respectively, and construction for another two will begin soon), totalling six plants, also included the possibility of expanding the Kudamkulam site to accommodate another four to six plants.

    Meanwhile, there was the Haripur site in West Bengal, where the Russians were offering to build an additional four to six nuclear plants.

    With the Indo-US reprocessing pact in its last lap and the Prime Minister readying to travel to Washington DC to attend US President Barack Obama’s nuclear summit, Delhi perhaps felt the time was not ripe to publicise nuclear cooperation with the Russians.

    In fact, at the Putin visit, agreements on the fifth-generation fighter aircraft, the multi-role transport aircraft also did not see the light of day. And when Russia offered that Glonass, the Russian global positioning system, be extended to military signals for Indian use, Delhi demurred. That deal was not signed either, although the Indian side promised to do so later.
     
  18. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    This article is all about how UPA admin is bought off by USA.And how much influence obama excercises over PM.well UPA govt will do anything to keep its boss usa admin happy.remember what they did with iran by voting against it at usa's insistence.Thats why india find itself isolated today devoid of any allies.



     
    Last edited: Mar 23, 2010
  19. ajtr

    ajtr Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    Rao set for Moscow

    ARCHIS MOHAN
    New Delhi, July 30: Foreign secretary Nirupama Rao will be in Moscow on Sunday to canvass support from old ally Russia for a joint strategy on Afghanistan.

    New Delhi and Moscow have similar concerns on the situation that will unfold in Afghanistan after the US-led international security forces withdraw from the region in 2014.

    Their fear that the Pakistan Army would come to control Afghanistan has found resonance with Tehran as well. Sources said India and Russia have been trying to involve Iran in devising a joint strategy on Afghanistan.

    Foreign secretary Rao and external affairs ministry officials will discuss Afghan strategy with Russian counterparts during the annual foreign office consultations in Moscow on August 2 and 3.

    New Delhi wants to ensure the next Afghan government is not anti-India. Foreign minister S.M. Krishna has repeatedly said that the Afghan peace and reintegration process needs to be “fully Afghan-led and Afghan-owned and (must) carry all sections of Afghanistan’s population together”.

    Both Moscow and Tehran “are on the same page” with New Delhi’s assessment that the Pakistan Army and the ISI will not restrict their role to being friends of Afghanistan but would want to be rulers in Kabul.

    India and Russia, however, want to ensure that Afghanistan remains a neutral country. Moscow recognises that it has become a fringe player in the “great game” being played out in Afghanistan and has broached the issue of Afghan neutrality with the US.

    With the US planning a quick exit, this appears a tall ask. The Afghan government’s hold on the country is tenuous. Only nine of its 364 districts are firmly under government control, that too because of the presence of 100,000 US and 30,000 Nato troops.

    New Delhi is also worried that Indians will come under attack from the Taliban and the Lashkar once the international forces leave the region.
     
  20. Tshering22

    Tshering22 Sikkimese Saber Senior Member

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    Guys I am seriously worried about the PAKFA agreements "not seeing the light". I think they're referring to Sukhoi's refusal to start a JV company for this purpose and just build for us directly. I hope this doesn't become a problem in the future.
     

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