Indian Army: News and Discussion

rkhanna

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And African countries.............
Well African also yes - but if they already use Soviet equipment.

IOR and Surrounding India is the lowest hanging fruit. China is encircling. We could give them this kit - set up Maintaince Facilities and give access to our logistics which is in the neighborhood. We have been building spare parts for T-72s and vintage kit for decade. We can do that transition also. Sell them a complete package + Training

Bundle the above as part of an overall package that includes:

1. Throw in some of the new OFB Small Arms (ToT + license to manufacture)

2. Sell them some of the new Artillery we are developing in House.

3. MILAN + MANPADs that make domestically

4. MKU Body Armour + BHEL Optics

(above govt of India subsidized)

Will go a long way.

Excess of that we ask around for buyers in Africa / LATAM
 

ezsasa

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Well African also yes - but if they already use Soviet equipment.

IOR and Surrounding India is the lowest hanging fruit. China is encircling. We could give them this kit - set up Maintaince Facilities and give access to our logistics which is in the neighborhood. We have been building spare parts for T-72s and vintage kit for decade. We can do that transition also. Sell them a complete package + Training

Bundle the above as part of an overall package that includes:

1. Throw in some of the new OFB Small Arms (ToT + license to manufacture)

2. Sell them some of the new Artillery we are developing in House.

3. MILAN + MANPADs that make domestically

4. MKU Body Armour + BHEL Optics

(above govt of India subsidized)

Will go a long way.

Excess of that we ask around for buyers in Africa / LATAM
There was a conference arranged by sushma swaraj for all defence attaches from all indian embassies, on this very topic. let's see how many of them take their salesman skills to the next level.
 

12arya

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http://www.newindianexpress.com/nat...r-dreaded-ndfbs-militant-leaders-1805711.html

Indian Army launches hunt in Assam for dreaded NDFB(S) militant leaders

The Army has launched a massive hunt engaging helicopters and deploying over 1000 security personnel to catch two senior NDFB(S) militant leaders in Chirang district and the Manas Reserve Forest, defence sources said.

Based on specific input about the presence of dreaded NDFB(S) militants G Bidai and Batha, who have several police cases against them, Army units from Kokrajhar and Chirang districts in association with SSB jointly launched the massive operation in Chirang district and the Manas Reserve Forest along the Indo-Bhutan border since Sunday, the sources said last evening.

Stating that the Army also engaged tracker dogs to trace out the insurgents, the sources said more than 1000 security personnel had been deployed in the area for carrying out extensive search operations and cordoned off the area.
 

12arya

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https://www.financialexpress.com/au...for-the-indian-army-and-its-features/1142244/

Tata Safari Army version deliveries begin: Toughest Safari for the Indian Army and its features
The Indian Army has given the Tata Safari a new lease on life, it will replace the tried and tested Maruti Suzuki Gypsy as the Army's new 4X4 vehicle. Indian Army's new Tata Safari will get a new specially protected under-body and a reworked suspension.


Last year, Indian automaker Tata Motors bagged the contract from the Ministry of Defence to supply over 3000 units of its Tata Safari Strome SUV to the Indian armed forces. Pictures on Team-BHP now suggest that Tata Motors has begun the delivery of the army spec Tata Safari and was recently spotted at the company's stock yard in Delhi and will be joining the Indian army fleet soon. The Indian Army has given the Tata Safari a new lease on life, it will replace the tried and tested Maruti Suzuki Gypsy as the Army's new 4X4 vehicle. Indian Army's new Tata Safari will get a new specially protected under-body and a reworked suspension. Tata Safari is indeed a good replacement for the ageing Maruti Suzuki Gyspy that has served in the Indian army for almost three decades.



Tata Safari army spec SUV gets black and beige interiors, reading lamps in the front and middle rows along with a manually operated Subros air conditioning unit. It will also feature dual airbags and ABS. Exterior changes include matte green paint job exclusive for the Indian Army, provision to attach jerry cans on the rear left and black-out lamps. The chrome has been replaced by either painting it with the exterior colour or with regular black shade. Engine duty on the army spec Tata Safari Storme is taken care by the 2.2L Varicor engine that sheds a power of 154 bhp and 400 Nm of torque mated with a 6-Speed gearbox.



Reports also suggest Defence executives had placed the order to procure Tata Safari after testing it for about 15 months. The basic criteria included 800 kg payload, A/C and hard roof along with 4x4 as a standard offering. The Safari was selected after undergoing a 15-month trial period. It comes under a new category of General Service 800 (GS800), which had three major requirements including an 800 kg payload, hard roof and air conditioning. Many of these vehicles being procured by Indian army will also be further customised based on specific use. Tata Safari is indeed a much better, spacious and comfortable SUV and a good buying choice by the Army.
 

12arya

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https://www.orfonline.org/research/reforming-defence-planning-in-india/

Reforming defence planning in India
The silo-driven, ad hoc approach has meant that issues like threat perception and force structure are not managed via a centralized and authoritative overview

Finally, a significant change seems to be in the offing in India’s defence planning architecture with the Narendra Modi government deciding to establish an overarching defence planning committee (DPC) under the national security adviser. The aim is to leverage this cross-governmental body—comprising the chairman of the chiefs of staff committee, three service chiefs, the defence, expenditure and foreign secretaries—to enhance India’s ability to do some long-term strategizing.

The DPC is being tasked with drafting reports on “national security strategy, international defence engagement strategy, road map to build a defence manufacturing ecosystem, strategy to boost defence exports, and priority capability development plans”. Four subcommittees are to be created under the DPC to focus on policy and strategy, plans and capability development, defence diplomacy, and the defence manufacturing ecosystem.

This decision comes at a time when Indian defence planning stands at a crossroads. The silo-driven approach to defence planning has resulted in the lack of an integrated view. The three services as well as the civilian and defence agencies are often seen to be working at cross purposes. Such an ad hoc approach has meant that more often than not, issues like threat perception and force structure are not managed via a centralized and authoritative overview. Instead, individual services tend to be driving the agenda at their own levels.

This lack of synchronization was underscored recently. On the one hand, the Indian Army chief was talking of a two-front war. On the other, the vice-chief of army staff was testifying before the parliamentary standing committee on defence that the budget allocated to the defence forces was hardly enough to complete the committed payments for the emergency procurements already made, let alone for pursuing an ambitious defence modernization plan.

The headlines on Indian defence policy often tend to be completely divorced from the ground reality. India’s $250-billion military modernization programme is often talked about. But even as New Delhi remains keen on acquiring significant weapons platforms, there have been persistent doubts about its ability to harness these resources in service of a long-term strategy. Indeed, the absence of an Indian “grand strategy” that sets out political objectives for Indian power projection—and then ensures military, economic, intelligence and educational development—coordinated toward these objectives, has been a perennial topic of discussion within Indian strategic circles.

India’s defence reform campaign has existed nearly as long as the current system itself. This drive focuses on extending resource integration and coordination throughout defence policymaking. Moreover, it recommends a state infrastructure able to adequately implement political judgements and to combine state resources to meet these judgements. This is currently missing in India.

Recognizing this link between the grand strategy discourse and India’s defence predicament can help develop a better articulation of political judgement to resources. The evolution of India’s defence structures and processes bears witness to the persistence of personal networks and the preferences of the prime minister of the day being the determinant of policy action. Consequently, there is an accordant policymaking dysfunction that arises when the prime minister is either weak or has more pressing matters on her agenda.

Since the very beginning, the defence reform drive has implicitly targeted the need for a sufficiently integrative and coordinative state structure—required for an operationally effective defence policy. But not much success has been achieved. Reforming this system remains a core requirement for India to adequately manage its scarce resources and align these with political objectives.

Effective defence planning and force structuring is a function of an institutional framework that allows for a clear delineation of political goals, efficient mobilization of resources and effective use of these resources for developing instrumentalities of state power. With the formation of the DPC, New Delhi seems to have finally acknowledged that a new institutional framework is needed. Hopefully, this will provide an overarching vision for Indian’s defence planning.

At a time when advances in technology are revolutionizing warfare, India is still debating the need to move towards leaner force structures. India needs to cut the flab on an urgent basis as over half of the annual defence budget going to meet salary and pension requirements is clearly not sustainable. The priorities of India’s “Make In India” initiative and cumbersome defence procurement process will also have to be brought in sync with each other.

India’s status as the world’s largest arms importer hardly does justice to its ambitions to emerge as a defence manufacturing hub. The debate on integration, both among the services headquarters, and between the services and the ministry of defence, also continues unabated and should be concluded.

The central challenge in defence planning remains the issue of uncertainty. Effective defence planning tends to put a premium on assuring future strategic and operational adaptiveness. In the Indian context, a transformative shift in mindset, structures and processes is needed. Rapidly evolving security environment as well as a near permanent pressure on scarce resources underscores the need for strategic defence planning.

The Modi government has made the first move. Ideally, it should have come in the government’s first year so that it would have had time to streamline the planning process by now. Nonetheless, it has now moved and should take the process of defence reforms to their logical conclusion.
 

12arya

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http://www.thehindu.com/news/intern...rom-anti-russia-sanctions/article23685320.ece

Lawmakers, companies seek to shield India from anti-Russia
Mr. Schwartz said the idea that India could be target of U.S sanctions because of its defence relations with Russia erodes U.S.’s standing as reliable partner.

American defence companies and business bodies are lobbying lawmakers and the Donald Trump administration to take measures to ensure that India is not caught in the crossfire of anti-Russia sanctions.

At the heart of the debate is a recent piece of legislation, Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), that requires the Trump administration to punish entities engaging in “significant transactions” with the defence or intelligence sectors of Russia. India has significant defence cooperation with Russia and is currently negotiating the purchase of five S-400 air defense system from it at an estimated cost of $ 4.5 billion.

Nisha Desai Biswal, the former Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia and the current president of the US India Business Council said the U.S lawmakers must be “critically aware” of the disruption CAATSA could cause to America’s significant defence ties with India. “It is something that we are all mindful of and looking at very very carefully. But I do think that we need to acknowledge and address the continuing importance for India of its relationship with Russia and how we manage the way forward on that issue,” Ms. Biswal said, at a panel discussion moderated by US India Friendship Council President Swadesh Chatterjee.

The words “significant transactions” remains undefined and the President has the authority to waive secondary sanctions that are authorised by the law. But the uncertainty and ambiguity triggered by these words could negatively affect the booming bilateral cooperation between India and the United States in defence, according to Benjamin Schwartz, head of US-India Business Council’s Defence and Aerospace programme. “One of the challenges that we face in defence partnership with India is to demonstrate that the United States is reliable partner,” Mr. Schwartz said at an event organized by US India Friendship Council. Mr. Schwartz said the idea that India could be target of U.S sanctions because of its defence relations with Russia erodes U.S.’s standing as reliable partner.

India is not the only country that is caught in the crossfire of the sweeping anti-Russia law. Keith Webster, President of the Chamber’s Defence and Aerospace Export Council said, former Soviet republics and NATO member Turkey have significant partnerships with Russia. “I do think, it (CAATSA) is a serious issue that needs to be dealt. There needs to be a dialogue between the U.S. and India. Our goal is not to sanction India,” Congressman Joe Crowley, House Democratic Caucus Chairman, said.

American defence giants such as Boeing and Lockheed Martin that have significant interest in Indian defence markets are lobbying the administration and lawmakers to make amends. Mr. Schwartz said the situation could remedied through a combination of legislative and executive actions, or through a presidential waver. “Since it is written in an ambiguous way, if the legislative branch clarifies the intent, the executive branch could interpret what is “significant transactions.” The other way of doing it is making a clarification in a piece of legislation that India’s continuing cooperation with Russia does not constitute a significant transaction, explicitly,” he said. “If you impose sanctions on India, the only country that benefit from it is Russia,” he said, pointing out the self-defeatist nature of the law that seeks to target Russia in the first place.
 

12arya

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https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/i...showcasing-military-advancements-2551279.html

DefExpo 2018: Highlights from India's annual defence event showcasing military advancements
More than 154 global players and 523 Indian defence companies participated in the recently concluded Defence Expo in Chennai. A number of tanks, aircrafts and other military equipment were on display. Here is a glimpse of some of them:

1/6
Arjun Mk II | The main battle tank developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) is armed with 120mm rifle gin which can fire 6-8 rounds per minute. The Arjun can carry 39 rounds in special blast-proof canisters. Along with that, a 12.7 mm AA machine gun and a 7.62 mm coaxial machine gun is also fitted on the tank. It requires a four-man crew to run and costs Rs 56 crore.


2/6
Light Combat Helicopter | Developed by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), it was proposed to deal with high altitude combat situations in the Northern part of the country. LCH with a narrow fuselage has pilot and co-pilot/gunner in tandem configuration incorporating a number of stealth features, armour protection, night attack capability and crash worthy landing gear for better survivability. The helicopter can fly at a max speed of 268 kmph and has a range of 550 km.


3/6
Clockwise from the left, Dornier, Hawk I and Hindustan Turbo Trainer | All of them developed by HAL, Dornier is a 19-seater multi-purpose light transport aircraft. The Hawk is a tandem-seat aircraft for ground attack, flying training and weapon training which can fly at over a 1000 kmph (0.84 mach). Hindustan Turbo Trainer is also a training aircraft currently being developed.


4/6
Indian Navy Seaking helicopter | Seaking helicopters manufactured by the British aerospace company Westland Helicopters. It has an operational speed of 207 kmph and has a range of 1230 km. The helicopter has been part of the Navy since 1970s as the primary anti-submarine helicopter.


5/6
Advanced Light Helicopters- Dhruv | The indigenously designed and developed Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH-Dhruv) is a twin engine, multi-role, multi-mission new generation helicopter in the 5.5 ton weight class. The helicopters are being used by Sarang (means Peacock in Sanskrit) team of the Indian Air Force since 2003. Apart from that, more than 200 Dhruvs are operating with Indian Defence Forces in various capacities.


6/6
UXO handling Robot | This unmanned ordinance disposal robot based on mini digger is capable to handle, diffuse and detect Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) i.e. bombs and missiles up to 1000 kg remotely from of 1km line of sight. Developed by DRDO, it has six hours of endurance. UXOR has a multiple degree of freedom manipulator arm with cutting mechanism to defuse the UXO. (Pic: Strategic Frontier)
 

12arya

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https://www.dailyo.in/variety/defen...dia-defence-budget-brahmos/story/1/23495.html

What Defence Expo 2018 achieved for India
Almost every major global defence manufacturer was in Chennai to retain and expand its market.

Defence Expo 2018, the 10th edition of the biennial global exhibition of defence equipment in India, started on a tentative note on the April 11. During former defence minister Manohar Parrikar's tenure, the event had been shifted from Delhi to Goa. The decision to hold it at Chennai this time, seems to have been taken after long deliberations. The delay notwithstanding, the Defence Expo was attended by 670 companies, including 154 from abroad.

With its theme as "India: The Emerging Defence Hub", the event did serve the purpose quite adequately. Official delegations from 47 countries attended the expo. A large number of defence attachés of various countries visited number of stalls to familiarise themselves with Indian products they could import to meet their domestic requirements.



This was also the first time that I found all our defence attachés posted abroad had been marshalled for the event. Along with them were those who had received their postings to various capitals and were scheduled to join their assignments, shortly. For a country which envisages achieving a turnover of Rs 1,70,000 crore in military goods and services by 2025, a concerted effort using every possible resource is invariably the need.

The requirement of our defence attachés playing a role in promoting our goods and services in countries they are accredited to, is also equally essential. Of course, should we want results, accretion of staff would be the requirement at such capitals where business volumes could appreciably enhance.

Participation by foreign companies witnessed a dip this year. As compared to 490 companies which attended the event in Goa in 2016, it was only 154 at Chennai. What may have served as a dampener was the Indian thrust on indigenisation of defence production. However, the top global defence companies were present in strength. Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Saab (Sweden), Thales, Airbus, Rostec State Corporation (Russia), BAE Systems, MBDA, MoD Slovak Republic, Naval Group, and even a few South Korean, German, Finnish companies put up their stalls, among others.

The Indian charge was led by the big banners such as Tata, Mahindra, Kalyani, Adani, and also included Zen Technologies, MKU. It was also heartening to find a fair number of players in the unmanned aerial vehicles segment. DRDO, defence public sector undertakings and the ordnance factories were there in good strength. Most of our ship and submarine builders also had their models on display. The Micro Small Medium Enterprises (MSME) were well represented.

Other than business meetings on the sides, a large number of seminars and press briefings were simultaneously held. Our defence industry requires the participation of the academia and our research institutions of excellence to achieve indigenisation of defence production. This was the first time that I found IIT Madras running a seminar with Bharat Shakti as its partner. A series of technologies being developed by IIT Madras for the defence sector, were presented.

Defence Expo 2018 also witnessed the signing of a large number of memorandums of understanding and partnerships. A few important ones include an agreement between Boeing, HAL and Mahindras to produce F/A 18 Super Hornet jets in India. With Indians set to buy 110 fighter aircraft, the partnership provides Boeing a bit more muscle, once the bloodbath to wrap up the contract gets underway.

Kalyani Group and BAE Systems have got into a strategic partnership to produce air defence guns and ammunition. Incidentally, the current air defence guns in service with the Indian armed forces are mostly dated and the inventory needs induction of modern platforms. Kalyani Group artillery product profile, including a large number of models in the 155mm category and the Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (in collaboration with DRDO) were on display.

Goa Shipyard and Naval Group announced a partnership for manufacturing simulators for training of crews for submarines. The two companies have already collaborated in manufacturing of simulators for naval platforms.

Rolls-Royce and Goa Shipyard teamed up to build MTU Series 2000 engines used for Offshore Patrol Vehicles (OPV). A large number of OPVs have been constructed by Shipyard and provided to Indian Navy and the coastguards. OPVs are also being built by Reliance Defence and Larsen & Toubro. There is obviously a market there for the engines.

In November, 2017, the Indian government had approved the purchase of utility helicopters for the Indian Navy. One of the contenders is the Kamov 226T of Russian Helicopters. At the Defence Expo, Russian Helicopters announced its invitation to its Indian counterparts to visit their facilities. 200 Kamovs are on offer with a production facility also being set up in India.



Tata Sons announced the consolidation of its various businesses across aerospace and defence sectors together under Tata Aerospace & Defence (Tata A&D). The move is bound to lead to some surpluses at the apex management levels. It will be interesting to see how Tata Sons navigates through the amalgamation process.

A cutting edge product on display at the L&T MBDA Missile Systems stall was the ATGM 5, a fifth generation anti-tank guided missile. MBDA has over 45 missile systems and counter measures in its product range. The Indian armed forces require a plethora of missile systems thereby offering MBDA adequate opportunities of enhancing business volumes in India, leveraging the advantage of its products being in service already with the Indian armed forces.

BrahMos Aerospace, an Indo-Russian joint venture, announced the development of an indigenous seeker that will replace the Russian product currently being used on its BrahMos missiles. The company is also working on enhancing the range of the missile from 280km to 500km. An Indian warhead and missile speed of over Mach 5, five times the speed of sound, is being pursued. Obviously, dependence on Russians is intended to be diluted.

The tilt in our defence acquisitions shifting the US way was quite evident. So far an exceedingly high percentage of our imported equipment has been of Russian origin; 68 per cent of the imports during the period from 2012 to 16. However, the Americans have piped the Russians to the post. The American delegation at the venue was also a high powered one, with the American ambassador leading a team of 17 that included both service officers and business representatives.

Irrespective of the lead which Americans have taken, with $250 billion likely to be spent over the next 10 years by the Indian government for force modernisation, almost every major global defence manufacturer was in Chennai to retain and expand its market. The only prominent absentees were the Chinese. They had been invited, though.

For Indian companies in the defence sector, the Defence Expo surely was a boost. A large representation of MSMEs at the expo was evidence of opportunities opening up in the defence sector as we continue with the emphasis on indigenisation and Make in India. Equally true is the fact that if indigenisation is to progress we require to have a sound eco-system of MSMEs.

The curtains have since come down at the Defence Expo 2018. A large variety of equipment to include tanks, guns, armoured personnel carriers, truck mounted radar systems and command posts, missiles, brought in for display have been mounted on long bodied trucks and leave a trail of dust behind as they exit the venue.

The helicopters have flown beyond the horizon, nor is the Sarang team weaving patterns in the sky. For defence professionals, enthusiasts and corporate executives, the next trip they look forward to would be the Bengaluru Aero India in 2019.
 

12arya

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so what will happen to that Joint Command thing!!!!!

@rkhanna @COLDHEARTED AVIATOR @Bornubus


https://swarajyamag.com/defence/indias-national-security-architecture-set-for-a-revamp-2

India’s National Security Architecture Set For a Revamp
by Nitin A. Gokhale

Indian Army T-90 ‘Bheesma’ tanks. (RAVEENDRAN/AFP/GettyImages)

The formation of Defence Planning Committee (DPC) under the chairmanship of National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval, reported by the media last week has naturally evoked a mix response among commentators and strategic experts. Some have predictably slammed the move, calling it an attempt to stymie appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) for the three services; others think the new body is just a stop gap arrangement to bring in better coordination among various arms of the government to revitalise the defence sector. Both opposing viewpoints miss the wood for the trees.

The DPC is much more than a body to just improve defence procurements or revitalise defence diplomacy. Its formation is part of a larger exercise ordered by the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) to review the existing structures that give inputs on vital national security issues and provide advice to the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), the highest decision-making body that finally approves crucial steps to protect India’s national interests.

To begin with therefore the PMO had asked, the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) about a year ago to review the functioning of the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) and entrusted it with writing a national security strategy. The NSAB recommended revamp of the NSCS some months ago, suggesting creation of new verticals to ensure focused attention to specific subjects. Four of those verticals –
policy and strategy, planning and capability development, defence diplomacy and defence manufacturing—have been included in the DPC. The other verticals will continue to remain under the NCSC but with more specialisation built into their functioning. So for instance, two separate sections on space and cyber security will take on board on-field practitioners for real-time utilisation of their skills.

A draft National Security Strategy document — authored by a member of the NSAB – on the other hand is now ready to be presented for discussion at the highest level. By all indications, it is first likely to be discussed and debated at the NSA and NSAB level before being taken to the CCS and the PMO as early as mid-May. Once approved, a gist of the fresh National Security Strategy is likely to be put out in the public domain. If that happens, it would be a major departure from the past practice when India has fought shy of articulating leave alone putting out a National Security Strategy document in public. Those in the know say at least three versions of a National Security Strategy have been attempted in the past but none of them were either approved or released for public consumption.

Another development that has largely gone unnoticed is the formation of a China-specific, Ministry of External Affairs-run and funded think tank. Called the Centre for Contemporary China Studies (CCCS), the new think tank will only study China from an Indian point of view. Manned by serving officers drawn from the MEA, the three armed forces, the Intelligence Bureau, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and other relevant ministries and departments, CCCS will prepare reports and undertake specific studies on China at the behest of different government departments to provide real-time policy inputs to the decision-makers dealing with China. So far instance, the CCCS can be asked to provide quick inputs by the Commerce Ministry on the impact of US trade sanctions against China and the likely advantage that can accrue to India. Or, recommend a future course of action in India’s (largely positive) relationship with North Korea post the Trump-Kim summit. The CCCS’ governing body is headed by the External Affairs Minister and the NSA is the deputy chairman.

The DPC, as already reported and analysed, has been entrusted with four major responsibilities. Of the four — mentioned in the preceding paragraphs — the section on defence procurements has attracted the most attention in the public discussion so far because of recent revelations that majority of India’s military arsenal is either outdated or is getting there quickly. As a consequence, the DPC is expected to first concentrate on repairing the dysfunctional procurement process and align future acquisitions with the quantum of funds that are likely to be available in the next few years. It is here that the inclusion of Secretary Expenditure from the Ministry of Finance in the DPC is welcome. While the defence, foreign and home secretaries have always been part of committees and groups entrusted to deal with strategic issues, it is perhaps for the first time in recent years that a Finance Ministry official has been included in a high-powered committee dealing with issues of national security.

Similarly, the fact the DPC is headed by NSA Ajit Doval is a clear indication that the Prime Minister continues to trust his NSA to evolve a comprehensive roadmap and get it implemented. Since Doval has the Prime Minister’s total trust, he can be expected to get things moving faster than they otherwise would have. The arrangement however also has pitfalls: Doval already has too much on his plate (dealing with Pakistan, China, US and Russia for instance), heading the nuclear command authority and handling the overall security situation. Now to expect him to deliver on these crucial issues looks a challenging task. However, as a trusted man of the Prime Minister, the NSA has the necessary authority lacking in earlier committees that had suggested reforms and roadmaps to bring India’s national security architecture up to speed. Moreover, the committee can derive its strength from the fact that it constitutes serving officers and therefore will not be time or personality specific.

However, the formation of DPC has perhaps come a year too late. Its effectiveness would be demonstrated only after a couple of financial years have gone by. With general elections exactly a year away, there is very little the DPC can show as achievement before 2019. Would that hamper the functioning of the DPC? Perhaps not, given that it is only one part of a larger change that is being sought to be brought in in the larger national security framework.

This article first appeared in Bharat Shakti and has been republished here with permission.
 
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ezsasa

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RFI for Multi-purpose tool(swiss army knife) has been issued...
This is not present in current toolkit is it?
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Integration of modern sensors carried out during Ex 'Vijay Prahar'

TNN | Updated: May 2, 2018, 21:02 IST


JAIPUR: Army's South Western command today carried out the integration of modern sensors, including high-precision radars, satellite imagery and pilot-less drones, to get real-time information of enemy activities during the ongoing "Vijay Prahar" exercise in Rajasthan's Suratgarh.


The troops also integrated the inputs received from various sensors into the automated decision support system for quick and accurate decision making.

"The drill and procedures were fine tuned and man-machine integration was further refined. The ongoing efforts have resulted in a high-level of battlefield transparency," an official release said.

The troops also integrated the inputs received from various sensors into the automated decision support system for quick and accurate decision making.




"The drill and procedures were fine tuned and man-machine integration was further refined. The ongoing efforts have resulted in a high-level of battlefield transparency," an official release said.



Over 20,000 troops of the strike formations of the Army's South Western Command are engaged in the exercise.




The exercise that began a couple of weeks ago will conclude on May 9 and Army chief General Bipin Rawat and other senior officers are likely to witness the final phase.
 

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Ex #VijayPrahar. Strike formations of the Sapta Shakti Command rehearsed offensive maneuvers involving attack helicopters operating in conjunction with Tanks to deliver & destroy the enemy armour. Christened as 'The Air Cavalry', the concept was tried in the exercise.#IndianArmy
 

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