Initial training and arms supply was provided by India to Shanti-Bahini.Shanti Bahini had trainning camps in Tripura and other NE-Indian states.
In Myanmar,it is reported that some Shanti Bahini camps are still present.
The question is,why did India supply arms and training in first place?
In the 1974 accord,both the countries agreed that they will not support any activity against each other.
Why did India chose to break the code?
Don't you think it was wrong decision from an overly suspicious Govt. of Indira Gandhi?
You can't say she was trying to defend democracy in Bangladesh,because she herself was acting like a dictator in those days,by issuing emergency rule.
As for the insurgents words,who do you think taught them to ambush and carry on raids on the army personnel?Who else than India,provided them with arms?
Once they had arms,and they were able to carry on raids,their numbers slowly grew.And then these so called "Shanti (Peace) Bahini",used extortion,kidnapping,drug trafficking,smuggling and looting to finance their so called struggle.
The reason I am calling it so called ,because even after Peace Treaty being signed,some groups did not surrender arms and have continued their smuggling and extortion.
It was nothing but terrorism.
You are probably trying to say that India helped very less and stopped after a certain period.
But don't you realise,that Indian govt. lit the fire and then the Shanti bahini just kept on pouring fuel to keep it burning for more than 20 years.
We suffered for more than 20 years.
Add to that, the shortage of water supply in Bangladeshi rivers for Farakka and many other diversion projects above(upstream) Farakka.
Leaving very low volume for us.Though Indian secretaries argued with "Percentage of water" in the Joint River Commission meeting.They argued that Bangladesh was getting its due share of percentage of water leaving Farakka ,according to treaty.
However,the reality is very different.They are right about "percentage",but one must look that the water volume discharged from Farakka has also decreased significantly.That is because various water diversion project above Farakka are already withdrawing water from the rivers.
So this means Bangladesh getting lower volume of water.As a result a number of rivers have already dried and some on their way to death.
Let me remind you,that building of Dams for diverting water, on internationally flowing rivers are not legal.hence those Indians projects are not legal at first place.
Why did India support the
Shanti Bahini? The question merits an introspection.
The tribal peoples of the CHT had been associated with political activities since the second decade of the twentieth century. Firstly, an association called Chakma Jubak Samiti was formed in 1915 under the leadership of Rajmohan Dewan. Chakma Jubak Sangha headed by Ghanashyaam Dewaan was founded in 1919. In 1920, Kamini Mohan Dewan established Parbatya Chattagram Jana-Samiti which conducted various social, cultural and economic activities for about two decades. In 1939, Jamini Ranjan Dewan and Snehakumar Chakma were appointed president and general secretary of this organisation respectively, and it was at this stage that Jana-Samiti started its political activities. In 1947, just before the partition of India Jana-Samiti attempted to get the CHT allied to India.
During the Pakistani regime an organisation called Hill Students' Association was established in 1956 to deal with the demands of the CHT students. In December 1966, Parbatya Chattagram Upajatiya Kalyan Samiti was established under the leadership of Ananta Bihari Khisa and J. B Larma. With the support of this Samiti Manabendra Narayan larma contested the general elections of 1970 as an independent candidate and was elected a member of the Provincial Assembly.
After the emergence of Bangladesh a CHT delegation led by Charu Bikash Chakma met Prime Minister Mujibur Rahman on 29 January 1972 and placed a number of demands. But they did not succeed in getting those demands fulfilled. On 24 April 1972, Manabendra Narayan Larma presented his four-point manifesto including the demand for autonomy of the CHT to the committee engaged in drafting the constitution of Bangladesh. The four demands were: (i) granting autonomy of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and setting up its own Legislative Assembly; (ii) inclusion of statute similar to the Regulation of 1900 in the Constitution; (iii) retention of the offices of the tribal kings; and (iv) imposition of constitutional restrictions on making amendments to the Regulations of 1900 and the prohibition of settlement of Bangalis in the CHT.
As this four-point manifesto was also rejected by the government, it gave rise to resentment among the hill people and the concepts of Jumma nationalism and Jummaland took its genesis. With the aim of securing the rights of the hill peoples Parbatya Chattagram Jana-Samhati Samiti was founded on 15 February 1973 under the leadership of Manabendra Narayan Larma. The aims and objectives of Parbatya Chattagram Jana-Samhati Samiti were: humanism, nationalism and democracy, and establishing the rights of autonomy of the small tribes such as the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Bohm, Pangkho, Murang, Khumi, Chak, Khiang and Lushei. The associate organisations of the Samiti were the militant wing of Shanti Bahini, Gram Panchayet, Juba Samiti and Mahila Samiti.
In the Constitution of Bangladesh adopted in 1972 no mention was made of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation of 1900 which the indigenous tribal peoples used to consider their magna-carta. Moreover, instead of recognising their distinctive tribal identity the entire population was defined as "Bengalis". This unilateral and ill-considered state decision made the hill people doubtful of their independent existence and autonomy. Considering that it would not be possible to have their demands satisfied in a peaceful and democratic way, the Shanti Bahini, the armed wing of Jana-Samhati Samiti was formed.
After the fall of the Mujib government on 15 August 1975 Manabendra Larma moved to India secretly. India's "support" for the Shanti-Bahini was latent since independence, by virtue of the face that the Jana-Samiti considered secession to India. However, it was not until this point: Manabehndra's fleeing, that "active", albeit marginal, Indian support for the Shanti-Bahini started. Moreover, as succesive analysts and the spokesman for the Jana-Samiti have themselves attested, the vast majority of the J-S's logistics and weapons were procured from raids on Bangladeshi military units as well as large caches of Chinese semi-automatic weapons during the India-Pakisthanie war. Although Shanti Bahini was formed in 1973, it did not start any military activities during the early period of Bangladesh. It started its military operations in the Hill Tracts from 1976. Like many other guerrilla organisations Jana-Samhati Samiti developed a complete political framework.
Instead of satisfying the basic demands of Jana-Samhati Samiti the military government of Ziaur Rahman marked the CHT crisis as an 'economic problem'. In order to address these problems Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board was set up in January 1976. But this did not gain any acceptance from the hill people. A Tribal Cultural Institute was established in 1977. Chakma king's mother Binata Roy and later Ang Shu Pru Chowdhury and Subimal Dewan were appointed 'Tribal Affairs Advisors' to the President with a view to resolving problems through discussions with the rebels. But they failed to gain acceptance from the CHT people as substitutes for Jana-Samhati Samiti.
Between 1986 and 1989 alone, more than 51,000 refugee tribespeople, nearly 9,000 of them in the last weeks of mid-June 1989, have had to flee what they call "military repression" in the region- which India has had to absorb. As more Bangladeshi migrants, overwhelmingly muslim, have made their way down to the Chittagong Hill Tracts from other more populous regions of the country, the mass exodus has distorted the ethnic composition of the place and threatened indigenous lifestyles and communities, leaving ethnic tensions and clashes in its wake. Therefore, India has had security considerations in the issue too, perhaps explaining why India supported the rebels in an attempt to stop the migratory dynamic that has led to vast demographic upheavals in the area, despite making successive calls to achieve a political settlement. The same has happened with Bangladeshi migrants in India, who have threatened indigenous cultures and lifestyles, leading to a backlash and ethnic disgruntlement.
Ideological conflicts split Shanti Bahini into two parts on 24 October 1982. Manabendra Narayan Larma was killed by the rival group on 10 November 1983 and his brother Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma (Santu Larma) assumed leadership. Since his succession however, things largely took a different turn since he had a mind of his own. In April 1985, 236 members of the Priti Group surrendered to government, which rendered this group non-existent. However, Priti Kumar Chakma kept himself from surrendering.
It is also prudent to note that it was the India-"friendly" Sheikh Hasina government and the Awami League that actually put an end to the conflict in 1997. An 11-member National Committee on Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs was instituted on 14 October 1996, with a view to putting a permanent end to the CHT's problems. With the demands of the Jana-Samhati Samiti and the government's positive attitude towards the rightful demands of the hill people and the eagerness of the Jana-Samhati Samiti for avoiding the path of armed conflict on the one hand and finding a political solution on the other, created a congenial backdrop for establishing peace in Chittagong Hill Tracts. On 17 September 1997, both sides reached a consensus on signing a peace treaty. The unstable situation in the CHT came to a close with the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts peace accord between the Bangladesh government and Jana-Samhati Samiti on 2 December 1997. After the signing of the peace treaty Jana-Samhati Samiti emerged as a mainstream political party.
As for the Indian government "lighting the fire in the first place", let me assure you that you are
wrong. The Jana-Samiti existed
de-facto prior to the existence of Bangladesh, even before independence, and only assumed its military form after the four-point charter was rejected by the government of Bangladesh, contributing to a latent sense of animosity among the people and the need to create a military wing with the aim of securing the rights of the hill-tract people. India had nothing to do with this early internal- Bangladeshi political dynamic, and as evidenced, the Shanti-Bahini secured much of their early arms from caches left behind by fleeing Pakisthani forces and from Chinese caches.
With respect to the Farrakha barrage, let me assure you that
at no point has the Farrakah barrage been "illegal", although it has been unfair.
The 1977 Water-Sharing Agreement between India and the Zia Government envisaged the following;
1. Sharing period would be from 01 January to 31 May divided into 15 slots each having 10 days.
2. Sharing was on the basis of 75% dependable flow at Farakka between 1948 to 1973.
3. Sharing proportion of Bangladesh and India was 60:40 respectively with a minimum flow of 34,500 for Bangladesh and 20,500 cusec for India. In case of decrease in flow at Farakka under extreme situation. Bangladesh was guaranteed with 80% of its share during each of the slots.
4. Regional co-operation for augmenting the flow at Farakka was agreed upon and the augmented flow would be shared proportionately.
During the period from 1978 to 82, the tenure of the five year agreement, Bangladesh received more than its share for all the years excepting one when the flow at Farakka fall unexpectedly but India released the guaranteed minimum flow.
The 1977 agreement expired in 1982, but was replaced by an MOU signed by the then military ruler Gen.Ershad, that compromised Bangladesh's interest by excluding the guarantor clause, but extended the arrangement through 1985, and then again through 1988 through a similar extension. The agreement was imbalanced and unfair, and many analysts and readers in India actually opposed it, but was signed by your government- a military government nevertheless, that prolonged the arrangement.
No agreement has existed from 1989 to 1996, the only years the barrage could be construed as "illegal". However, the United Nations convention on equitable utilization in Article 5 of its United Nations Convention on the Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, came into effect only in 1997. The Assembly approved the UN Convention on May 21, 1997, by a vote of 104–3, requiring watercourse nations to utilize an international watercourse in an equitable and reasonable manner with a view to attaining optimal and sustainable utilization and benefits consistent with adequate protection in the watercourse. The reading was confirmed by the International Court of Justice in its ruling on the Danube River Case (Hungary v. Slovakia) in 1997.
Therefore, at no point in that intervening period was the Indian barrage "illegal", although yes we do admit it was grossly unfair and inequitable.
The 1997 Water-Sharing agreement, signed with the Sheikh Hasina government, envisaged a minimum guaranteed flow of 27000 cusecs, with proportion-sharing between Bangladesh and India at 45:55, and in some cases- the dry season- 30:70. When cumulative flow falls below 50,000 cusec no sharing principle will exist, and Bangladesh and India will immediately sit to decide equitable sharing. The agreement has actually sought an improvement over the 1977 agreement, as the following tables of average water sharing under the 1977 and 1996 agreements, demonstrate:
I won't go to any other problems in detail.But this two should be enough,why our actions are not up to your expectation.
You had better not, because if I did the same, we'd all be here till Christmas.