France India Strategic Relations With Naval Agenda

Discussion in 'Defence & Strategic Issues' started by aarav, Mar 9, 2018.

  1. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    Emmanuel Macron’s visit could reshape India-France strategic ties
    The visit will be a good opportunity to evaluate the importance of changing Europe in Indian foreign policy .

    Normally when a European leader visits India; the major focus is on trade and investment. French President Emmanuel Macron’s India visit has the potential to become truly strategic. Today, India has more than 30 strategic partners. However, the first-ever strategic partnership signed by New Delhi was with France in 1998. Since then, a strong institutional mechanism has been established covering joint defence exercises, space and civil-nuclear cooperation, counter-terrorism, maritime security, as well as dialogues among defence chiefs and National Security advisers. The decision to purchase Rafale jets has further strengthened these ties. Unlike commercial exchanges, closer defence ties indicate convergence of views on broader geopolitical environment.

    Europe is changing. Post-Brexit, Britain’s role is set to decline within Europe. German Chancellor Angela Merkel is busy sorting out political difficulties at home. This is helping French President Macron to emerge as a de facto European leader. Trump’s isolationist ‘America first’ policy has provided a further space to France. After Brexit, France will be the only nuclear power and the only permanent member of the UNSC within the EU. Last September, in his big speech on Europe at Paris’ Sorbonne University, he presented a vision to take deadlocked EU out of crisis and towards greater integration. Similar to Charles De Gaulle and François Mitterrand, he also seems to believe that a strong and united Europe could be used as a tool to improve the French position in world affairs. A trusted India-France partnership could be used to shape India-EU ties and evolving geopolitics in Asia and the world.

    Just a few weeks ago, Macron completed a high-profile visit to China and promised that he is determined to ‘get the Europe-China relationship into the 21st Century.’ Although he is in favour of China and Europe working together on Beijing’s Belt and Road initiative (BRI), he asserted that the Silk Roads ‘were never only Chinese’, and ‘by definition, these roads can only be shared.’ So apart from traditional subjects, Macron’s India visit will be an opportunity for India and Europe to develop common responses to the Chinese BRI. Already increasing cooperation on maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region will be discussed and strengthened. Some further movement on the Jaitapur nuclear power project is also expected. The founding summit of the International Solar Alliance will bring India and Europe further closer on climate change, an issue with huge political support within the EU

    Both India and France are important for each other for trade, investment and defence purchases. Since India-EU FTA negotiations are deadlocked since 2013, the focus is already slowly shifting to other areas. The Macron visit will be a good opportunity to evaluate the importance of changing Europe in Indian foreign policy and strategic calculations. Europe has strong economic linkages with China. Still, in the evolving global geopolitics and security and economic architecture in Asia, France and Europe may share more with India than with China
     
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  3. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    Indian Ocean base race: India responds

    Photo: Stuart Rankin/Flickr

    BY
    David Brewster
    COMMENTS
    to give India access to naval facilities in Oman, close to the Strait of Hormuz. This may be the first step towards a greater Indian naval presence in the Persian Gulf.

    Things are moving fast in the Indian Ocean. In January there were credible reports that China is sizing up a new naval and air base near Gwadar, in western Pakistan. If correct, this facility would join its recently opened naval and military base at Djibouti as part of a growing network of Chinese naval and air bases across the Indian Ocean. Further Chinese bases in the region should also be expected.

    At the same time, there is a base race occurring in the Horn of Africa, driven by rivalry between the two emerging power blocs in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia–UAE–Egypt on one side; and Turkey–Iran–Qatar on the other. The Yemen civil war and other new proxy conflicts in the region are spawning, and are aggravated by, a series of new naval and air bases opened by those countries across the Horn of Africa, including in Djibouti, Sudan, Eritrea, and Somalia.

    This is not only happening in the western Indian Ocean. Closer to home, we have seen China take control of Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka, although the Sri Lankans have retained control over security matters. Last week’s “self-coup” by President of the Maldives Abdulla Yameen, involving the closure of the country’s democratic institutions has left the country in turmoil. The coming power struggle has the potential to fuel Sino–Indian competition to secure bases in that microstate.

    India, the biggest power among regional states, is responding with uncharacteristic vigour. Delhi has long aspired to control the narrow maritime chokepoints used by ships travelling to and from the Indian Ocean, including the Malacca Strait, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Mozambique Channel. This has involved building up its naval and air bases in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which sit at one end of the Malacca Strait.

    India also has eyes on building a forward operating base at the other end of the Indian Ocean, on Assumption Island in the Seychelles, at the northern end of the Mozambique Channel. A new agreement on that base was finalised with the Seychelles in January.

    India is also gaining access to bases operated by its strategic partners in the region. In 2017 it signed a logistics agreement with the United States that will facilitate use of US facilities throughout the region, including at Diego Garcia and the various US facilities in the Persian Gulf, by the Indian navy and air force. In November, India signed a deal with Singapore that will reportedly enhance existing Indian access to Changi naval base. In January, India also announced the finalisation of a logistics exchange agreement with France that will allow Indian access to French military facilities, including key bases at Djibouti on the Red Sea and at Réunion in the southern Indian Ocean.

    India is also building strategic relationships and facilities near the Persian Gulf. After years of negotiation, India has finally secured a deal with Iran to modernise and expand the port of Chabahar, near the Strait of Hormuz. This would be the terminus of a new transport corridor linking the Indian Ocean with Central Asia and Russia.

    In early February, India signed an agreement with Iran, Oman, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan for the transit of goods between the Persian Gulf and Central Asia. While the deal is essentially commercial, it has the potential to significantly enhance India’s access to and influence in Central Asia. Future military uses of Chabahar by India cannot be ruled out.

    The latest agreement – for access, maintenance, and logistics of Indian naval vessels at the port of Duqm, in Oman, and the use by Indian aircraft of Omani airbases – was reportedly reached during this week’s visit to Oman by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Duqm makes a lot of sense for India. The port not only sits near the entrance of the Strait of Hormuz, within spitting distance of Gwadar, but also is a handy logistics point for an expanded Indian naval presence in the Arabian Sea.

    The deal is reported to include arrangements to develop strategic oil storage facilities at Duqm. This may be of greater significance than the defence deal. In the event that the Strait of Hormuz is closed, these reserves would be available to Indian tankers. India’s Adani Group recently signed a memorandum of understanding to develop the port.

    Oman, a masterful practitioner in the art of strategic balancing, has long cultivated a special security relationship with India. The Indian Air Force’s anti-piracy efforts are already supported by Oman and, according to some reports, India also operates a signals intelligence facility near Rad al Hadd, in north-east Oman.

    Nevertheless, a naval facility in Oman would be an important step in India’s military reach into the Persian Gulf. The use of Duqm as part of India’s strategic oil reserve is more than just icing on the cake.

    Watch this space.
     
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  4. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    Macron and Modi: What France Can Do For India and What India Can Do For France
    France can be a valuable partner for India in shoring up a free and open Indo-Pacific region.

    [​IMG]
    By Harsh V. Pant
    March 09, 2018


    Two years after the last visit by his predecessor, Francois Hollande, who was chief guest at the Indian Republic Day parade in 2016, French President Emmanuel Macron will be in India this week on a four-day trip. Soon after Macron’s election in May 2017, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited France, underlining his resolve to give a new meaning to Indo-French partnership. Bilateral ties between New Delhi and Paris today cover a gamut of issues including defense, maritime, space, security, and energy. The two nations have managed to carve out a forward-looking partnership that is aimed at strengthening bilateral cooperation on issues such as terrorism, climate change, sustainable growth and development, infrastructure, urbanization, and science and technology.

    This is a relationship that is truly strategic in its orientation. Macron will be co-chairing the International Solar Alliance (ISA) with Modi during his visit and the two leaders will also inaugurate a solar power plant at Dadar Kala village in Uttar Pradesh. The ISA is a major Indo-French initiative with around 56 countries having signed the ISA Framework Agreement and 26 nations having already ratified it. It provides a common platform for cooperation among sun-rich nations with the aim of significantly ramping up solar energy, thereby helping to contain global greenhouse emissions as well as providing clean and cheap energy. It is also the first treaty-based international organization to be based in India.

    Guided by their desire for strategic autonomy, India and France have been traditional partners and have adapted well to the changing global context. Paris was at the forefront of the campaign to call for a complete integration of New Delhi in the global nuclear order. The United States came much later. French help was crucial for India to enter the multilateral nuclear architecture. During Macron’s visit, the two nations are likely to sign a pact between NPCIL (Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited) and EDF (of France) on six nuclear reactors.

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    At a time when India is redefining its strategic space in the wider Indo-Pacific, there is great potential in Indo-French collaboration in the Indian Ocean. While India is engaging the United States, Japan, and Australia as part of the “Quad” initiative, a close bilateral partnership with France is evolving in the region, especially in the Western Indian Ocean. French military bases in Djibouti, Abu Dhabi, and Reunion Island can be a force multiplier for India, which itself is looking to build naval facilities in Seychelles, Mauritius, and Oman. During Macron’s visit, both countries will be signing agreements that will allow India logistics access to French military bases in the Indian Ocean. The two nations will be hoping that this sharing of military facilities will lead to greater interoperability between their navies and much closer maritime cooperation including through maritime domain awareness. As China undercuts India’s geographical advantages in the Indian Ocean, New Delhi needs partners like Paris to preserve its equities in the region and to continue to play its traditional role of regional security provider. In this context, working towards the eventual goal of interoperable navies that can use each other’s naval facilities will certainly result in a more effective security architecture in the Indo-Pacific.

    Defense cooperation between France and India has been growing steadily too. The multi-billion dollar deal for 36 Rafale fighters was signed in 2016 and, despite generating some political controversy, it remains India’s best bet to boost its diminishing air capability. France remains a major partner for India in developing various key military platforms including the Scorpène submarines. During the visit of French Defense Minister Florence Parly last October, the foundation stone for the Dassault Reliance Aerospace Limited (DRAL) manufacturing facility was laid at Mihan in Maharshtra. It is a joint venture between French aerospace firm, Dassault Aviation, and India’s Reliance Group and is the first private facility for production of Rafale fighter jets and Falcon civilian aircraft. The two navies regularly conduct joint exercises and their scope has been widening over the years. The “Varuna” series of joint maritime exercises began in 2000 and have become integral to institutionalized interactions between the two navies. It is India’s own vulnerabilities in the defense sector that have impeded even closer Indo-French defense cooperation.

    The underpinnings of global geopolitics are being rapidly altered with China’s inexorable rise, the West being consumed by internal problems and Russia, the “America First” priorities of the Trump Administration, and growing threats to globalization. This is a time for nations like India and France to take the lead and shape the narratives as well as the emerging institutional frameworks. Macron’s visit will once again alert New Delhi and Paris to the immense possibilities which exist in Indo-French bilateral partnership and there are growing signs that the political leadership in both countries are keen to exploit them.
     
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  5. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    Varuna Naval exercise between French and Indian Navy FB_IMG_1494782924585.jpg
     
  6. Armand2REP

    Armand2REP CHINI EXPERT Veteran Member

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    France: India’s new Russia?
    Alliance with Paris promises stability in Eurasia and Indo-Pacific as Delhi recalibrates ties with Moscow.

    Written by C. Raja Mohan | Published: March 9, 2018


    Can France replace Russia as India’s most valuable international partner? For many, this is an outlandish idea. For them, Russia’s place in India’s international relations is unique and unchanging. Some would dismiss the proposition by affirming that the United States has already replaced Russia as India’s privileged partner since the end of the Cold War.

    Dig a little deeper, though, and you will discover why France has begun to loom so large in India’s geopolitical calculus. A peep into that future might be visible this weekend when the visiting French President, Emmanuel Macron, sits down with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. They already have some interesting things in store. For example, the two leaders are expected to lay out a vision for bilateral strategic coordination for the Indian Ocean and back it with measures to facilitate operational cooperation between their security forces in the littoral.

    These steps are welcome and overdue. But they are just the beginning. Modi and Macron are well-placed to turn India and France into long-term partners in shaping the geopolitics of Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific. But first to our claim that France could be “India’s new Russia”. It begs the question: Why has Russia won India’s political affections for so long?

    After India gained independence, it was by no means inevitable that Soviet Russia would become a lasting partner for India. It was Russia’s repeated exercise of the veto to trump the Anglo-American tilt towards Pakistan on the Kashmir dispute that laid the foundation for Delhi’s enduring faith in Moscow.

    It is not that the UN or anyone else can take Kashmir away from an India that is so much stronger than in the 1950s. But it is good to have a reliable friend in the UNSC who can block unfriendly moves by other powers. France, like Russia, is a permanent member of the UNSC and has a veto.

    Until recently, it was Russia alone that made an unambiguous choice between India and Pakistan in favour of the former. As Russia reaches out to Pakistan, that special position now belongs to France. For example, Paris has foregone the opportunity to sell major weapons systems to Pakistan and has focused on a strong defence partnership with India.

    Delhi’s new strategic appreciation of the French connection is also rooted in India’s recent nuclear history. Twenty years ago, when he came to India to announce the strategic partnership, President Jacques Chirac argued that India’s exclusion from the global nuclear order was unacceptable and must be corrected. That was in January 1998, a few months before India conducted its nuclear tests.

    Although it was the US that did all the political heavylifting to generate the international consensus in favour of the nuclear reconciliation with India, Paris does get some credit for thinking through the raison d’être for the nuclear deal. If the Clinton Administration began to erect international sanctions against India immediately after the May 1998 nuclear tests, Yeltsin’s Russia wavered in its support to Delhi. But France did not. Paris did do much to temper the collective great power response to Pokhran II.

    But what about India’s extraordinary military relationship with Russia developed over the decades? When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi decided to diversify India’s defence ties in the early 1980s, she turned to Paris. Since then India’s defence relationship with France has steadily grown; but it is yet to reach the full potential. If and when India goes beyond the accountant’s approach to defence modernisation, the natural synergy between France’s strategic capability and the size of the Indian market would come into play.

    India’s decision to buy the Mig-21 aircraft in 1961 was a political one forced down the throat of a reluctant defence establishment by Pandit Nehru. Today, with a similar commitment, Modi could begin the construction of a genuine defence industrial base in India in partnership with France.

    But can France give India the special strategic assistance of the kind that Russia has delivered? Consider, for example, the Indian lease of Russian nuclear attack submarines and Moscow’s cooperation in the development of an indigenous line. France, too, builds nuclear submarines and it should not be impossible to imagine cooperation between Delhi and Paris on military nuclear propulsion and other sensitive areas.

    But these types of decisions are not merely industrial or financial. They come out of shared interests and goals. What bound Russia and India together was the need to construct a regional balance of power system in Southern Asia during the second half of the 20th century.

    In the changed context of the 21st, India and France have many reasons to draw closer. The prospects of even limited American retrenchment, the rise of China and its power projection into regions as far away as the South Pacific, Africa and the Mediterranean, the tightening embrace between Moscow and Beijing, the breakdown of the detente between Russia and Europe, and the turbulence in the spaces between India and France demand that Delhi and Paris pool their resources and act together.

    Like with Russia and the US, India’s relationship with France can’t just be bilateral. Much in the manner that Moscow and Washington brought their other partners into their engagement with India, Paris opens the door for stronger strategic ties between India and Europe as a whole. The unfolding maritime cooperation, joint efforts to counter terrorism, and the building of the solar alliance, underline the emerging globalisation of the India-France partnership and eventually that between Delhi and Brussels.

    An alliance with Paris, in pursuit of stability and security in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific, does not mean Delhi abandons its engagement with Moscow and devalues its strategic partnership with Washington. A recalibration of India’s ties with Russia has been unfolding, slowly but surely, since the end of the Cold War. The US, on its part, can only be pleased that India and France are ready to take larger responsibilities and share the burden for maintaining regional and global order.

    http://indianexpress.com/article/op...russia-emmanuel-macron-narendra-modi-5091279/
     
  7. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    Varuna naval exercises reach elite operations with Charles de Gaulle participating in 2015 IMG_20180309_231417.jpg IMG_20180309_231351.jpg
     
  8. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    More Pics from Varuna Naval Exercises IMG_20180309_231958.jpg IMG_20180309_232022.jpg IMG_20180309_232041.jpg IMG_20180309_232104.jpg IMG_20180309_232133.jpg IMG_20180309_232152.jpg IMG_20180309_232214.jpg IMG_20180309_232240.jpg IMG_20180309_232312.jpg
     
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  9. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    France the only country from Europe which did not boycott India after Pokhran 2 nuclear blast and lobbied for our Interest in the west , France also co sponsored the FATF grey list of Bakistan not our so called BRICS partner Roos and cheen which save Bakistan in every international forum
     
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  10. Tactical Frog

    Tactical Frog Senior Member Senior Member

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    Perfect for ASW training . “ Perle” ( “Pearl”) is the lastest of the Rubis -Améthyste class.
     
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  11. sthf

    sthf Senior Member Senior Member

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    What I'd really love from France is Areva reactors and Alstom manufacturing units peppered across the country.

    France has been a reliable partner for India and I only see this relationship moving forward but bringing Russia in the bilateral relationship is pointless and counterproductive. This would have made sense had France had axe to grind with Russia.


    Despite a barrage of presstitute hit jobs, India-Russia relations are great. Somehow Porkis have built a narrative of Russia-China-Pakistan axis, which is fine if desperate Porkis want to feed this horseshit to their own masses but why the hell are Indians gobbling this up.

    Yesterday my friend who is an avid watcher of RT (a layman of military affairs) told me that Pakis are now in Russia's "inner circle" so I had to explain him the difference between the technological and strategic impact of a 4 outdated Mi-35s and state of the art systems like S-400, FGFA.
     
  12. WolfPack86

    WolfPack86 Senior Member Senior Member

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    Whereas eyes are on three major deals.. there are 12 more on discussion table....

    1) A330 for IAF
    2) C295 for IAF
    3) Super Cougars for Coast Guard
    4) NH 90 for Indian Navy
    5) Mistral AD for Army
    6) Mistral missile for Dhruv heli
    7) Mistral Landing Ship for Navy
    8) Sea Venom for Navy
    9) VL MICA for Navy
    10)ASRAAM for IAF
    11) Brimstone for IAF
    12) MMP ATGM for Army
    https://www.facebook.com/pg/TeamINDRA/photos/?ref=page_internal
     
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  13. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    You forget about military exercises of Bakistan and Roos just after Uri Terrorist attack and more planned this year, Roos also gave SU-35 and S-400 to cheen first and S-400 deal with Roos will not go as Cheen doesn't approve of it,FGFA is hogwash with just 8 of those junks build now and no planning for more planes ,Roos has supported Taliban and acted against indian interests in Afghanistan ,you need to be in present not past ,days of Soviet Union have passed
     
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  14. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    France and India Lemoa will enhance Indian Navy's reach in indian ocean indofrancemosone_030818071305.jpg
     
  15. prohumanity

    prohumanity Senior Member Senior Member

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    Interesting articles above. Overall, the importance of India-France defense partnership is good BUT it is being exaggerated in these articles.
    The reality is that France is not totally independent in decision -making when it comes to supplying high tech weaponry to any nation. France is constrained by NATO policies and by other EU states.

    There can be a lot of rhetoric about Indo-French defense ties but it probably won't replace Indo-Russia ties because unlike France..Russia is not constrained and can supply any type of weaponry to India .
    Recent examples as quoted by sthf above are FGFA and S-400 antimissile systems.

    Russian strategic position is to provide momentum towards a Multi-polar World order and therefore it can sell high tech weapons to both India and China.

    France being part of current Uni polar world order has limitations in this area.
     
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  16. pankaj nema

    pankaj nema Senior Member Senior Member

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  17. sthf

    sthf Senior Member Senior Member

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    So?

    So?

    Are you kidding me? Source?

    Jeejus..... Source?

    So?

    I am not and come up with a better argument than "Roos sucks".
     
  18. Adioz

    Adioz शक्तिः दुर्दम्येच्छाशक्त्याः आगच्छति Senior Member

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    Agree with you fully. But we cannot rely on anyone but ourselves in the long run. Indo-Russia ties might become significantly change in the next 15 years. Our position will also change significantly. And so will China's. 15 years hence, we might not look upto Russia as hopefully and as kindly as we do now.

    Our MIC is already expanding significantly. It will be adequate for most of our needs by 2033. Our weakness stems from our absence on the P-5 of UNSC. The only alternative we have is to grow in such a manner that we are hefty enough to make the UNSC seem irrelevant (not as easy as it sounds). Until then, we will need diplomatic goodwill/collaboration and leverage with more than a couple of UNSC members.

    We also need to be in future control groups like technology denial regimes, etc and especially the control group on space commerce/exploitation of space resources. We need to cultivate good relations with a lot of countries for that. So taking a sudden U-turn on our Russian relations would be a premature move on our part.
     
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  19. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    France India Defence Deals ,the real game changer indofrancemossmall_030818071305.jpg
     
  20. aarav

    aarav Regular Member

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    France 24 Mobile – International News 24/7

    India, France sign security deal with China in mind
    Latest update : 10/03/2018











    Article text by FRANCE 24


    France and India signed an accord Saturday aimed at stepping up military cooperation in the Indian Ocean where China is a regional power while also securing commercial contracts worth €13 billion.


    Under the deal signed by Prime MinisterNarendra Modi and PresidentEmmanuel Macron, each country will open its naval bases to warships from the other.

    They also signed an agreement to expedite construction of a big nuclear power plant in India by a French company and highlighted a solar alliance and cooperation between the two countries in the fields of defense, security, technology, space and counterterrorism.


    China's mighty strategic shadow hangs over the accord, however, with the country's territorial ambitions in the South China Sea already worrying world powers. Heightening that concern is China's move into the vast Indian Ocean -- stretching from the Suez Canal to the Malacca Strait.

    Modi and Macron are particularly anxious as China extended its military presence by opening a naval base in the eastern African nation of Djibouti last year.

    Beijing is also building up its trading network -- the so-called One Belt One Road initiative -- which involves many of the Asian and African nations that line the Indian Ocean.

    It has built a port in Pakistan's Gwadar, taken a 99-year-lease on Sri Lanka's Hambantota and bought a number of tiny islands in the Maldives.

    All of this has alarmed India, which sits at the heart of the Indian Ocean region.

    New Delhi experts see Chinese companies investing in assets ranging from airports to the Bangladesh stock exchange as Beijing's trojan horses.

    "They essentially work at the behest of the state and all of their investments are actually not commercial investments but strategic investments and they are meant to serve a geopolitical purpose," said Abhijit Singh, an analyst at the Observer Research Foundation, a New Delhi-based think tank.

    Modi made clear when he came to power in 2014 that boosting India's influence in its immediate neighbourhood was a strategic priority.

    His government expressed fury when Sri Lanka let a Chinese submarine make a stopover in 2014. Colombo refused a similar request the following year.

    'Critical partners'

    India has stepped up its patrols in the Sunda Strait in the eastern Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf, while boosting its maritime surveillance capability around the Andaman and Nicobar islands off Myanmar, where Chinese warships and submarines have increasingly been on patrol.

    Réunion island is in turn a key French territory in the Indian Ocean and Paris also has extensive Pacific interests.

    "We have a strong maritime power, a big navy with our nuclear submarines," Macron said in an interview with Indian television broadcast Friday.

    France is "very active in this region to preserve collective security and for me India is one of the critical partners to preserve stability in the whole region."

    China strongly denies any territorial motive against India despite its huge investments and military moves. "The two countries are partners in development not rivals," said the foreign ministry in Beijing.

    Liu Zongyi, a specialist at the Shanghai Institute for International Studies, told AFP that India was using the "China threat" to extend its own military power.

    Some international experts have doubts about Modi's response to China in the Indian Ocean and elsewhere.

    "On a regional level, the Modi government has not proposed a convincing alternative to the new Silk Road proposed by Chinese leader Xi Jinping. India just does not have the same financial and administrative strength as China," said Isabelle Saint-Mezard, a South Asia specialist at Paris VIII university's institute of geopolitics.

    Brahma Chellaney, a professor at the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi said "India is at last waking up to this new threat."

    But he is among many who fear storms in the Indian Ocean.

    "For the moment, China cannot take on India in its own strategic maritime backyard," Chellaney said.

    "But the country is growing, deploying submarines and the situation could quickly change to India's disadvantage
     
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  21. Armand2REP

    Armand2REP CHINI EXPERT Veteran Member

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    France attracting more Indians than UK

    France attracted 185,000 more Indian business visitors and tourists in 2016, while the overall number of visits to the UK by Indians fell by 1.73% that year.


    Updated: Mar 10, 2018 21:27 IST
    Prasun Sonwalkar
    Hindustan Times, London

    As President Emmanuel Macron pitches France as India’s gateway to Europe during his India visit, new research suggests that his country has emerged as a more popular destination for Indian visitors than the United Kingdom.

    The Royal Commonwealth Society (RCS) said that despite the UK’s historic cultural and economic links with India, France attracted 185,000 more Indian business visitors and tourists in 2016, while the overall number of visits to the UK by Indians fell by 1.73% that year.

    RCS has been lobbying for easier visa terms for Indians, along the lines of those offered to visitors from China.

    However, Prime Minster Theresa May has linked any improvement in the terms for Indians to the return of those in the UK who are not legally in the country.

    RCS director Michael Lake said: “Given the strong historic ties between the UK and India in areas such as trade, culture and business, the fact that France continues to attract more Indian visitors than the UK is not only hugely surprising, but also enormously concerning.”

    https://www.hindustantimes.com/worl...ans-than-uk/story-wwii2l6mWLwlRhO2r20uBM.html
     
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