FOREIGN POLICY: New, Strong and Clear Outreach

republic_roi97

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Election 19 me aur 22k commitment ????
His overconfidence making me unnerve

Hopefully he isn't planning to troll world leaders and own countrymen by letting pappu hosting G20 summit
He is talking as PM of India not as a Politician of BJP, no matter what happens because of his policies and his skill set this is happening. On the other hand, how can people even digest the fact that Rahul Gandhi #pappu is going to be a contender for being a PM, let alone seeing him as a PM.
 

Indx TechStyle

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Hope it is reciprocal. Even otherwise its good for business I hope.
Most likely it'll be reciprocal (although I don't know). But India's relations with ROK have been very limited in past. If we could establish a strong one to get hands on their semiconductors and giving them our low end stuffs at cheaper rates, what better could be?
Second, ROK has been closer to Pak because of non existentent relations with India & member of coffee club opposing India's permanent seat in UNSC. A lot of geopolitical hurdles can be neutralized.
I hope they are checked properly, South Korea is an evangelist Hell Hole.
? More than half of their population is irreligious, some 7-8% is Buddhist, only a quarter is Christianized but again, how much religion does matter in East Asia?
Koea is part of same set of cultures which are identity of Japan, China & India.
 

sorcerer

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DIPLOMACY AT WORK
By PUBLIC
7-9 minutes
By Dr D.K. Giri
Bringing back Christian Michel and securing the extradition of Vijay Mallya are being exhibited by the ruling BJP as a big victory for Indian diplomacy. Christian Michel is the main accused in receiving and distributing the kickbacks from Augusta Westland Chopper deal, and Vijay Mallya has charged with embezzling Rupees 9000 cr from Indian banks, and divesting a number of his employees of their salaries. There are others on the run, hiding in safer havens of foreign countries – Lalit Modi, Mehul Choksi, Nirav Modi. They have to be brought back too. One is not sure when. But the Government is claiming that a beginning has been made, the heads have begun to roll, and it is only the question of time, other fugitives are dragged back to the country to be tried for financial frauds.

Arguably, the Government machinery and the enforcement agencies have achieved tangible success in extradition of Michel and Mallya. The claim is that the agencies’ efforts have come to fruition with support of its Foreign Ministry, and its diplomats at work. One need not grudge that credit to our diplomats as they have helped deliver Christian Michel and Vijay Mallya, although the latter may exercise the appeal-options in British courts. It is question of a few more months. But, anyone having knowledge of operation of British system would understand that winning appeals with higher authorities is not easy in British system. Unlike India, Britain follows ‘the rule of law’, and the senior officers and senior judges go by the letter of law, not discretion. So Mallya‘s extradition to India is a foregone issue, he should rather begin packing his bags.

It is in order that, in the light of the unprecedented success by our diplomats, we assess the intent and initiatives of our diplomats in finding the fugitives and chasing them back to our country, and putting them on trial for their lawless activities.

Obviously, the intent exists as may be seen from the latest move in the G-20 meeting earlier this month. The Indian Prime Minister managed to insert a nine-point action-plan to deal with fugitive financial offenders. This was done by invoking the UN provisions on economic offenders, like the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), and UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime (UNTOC).

Indeed, the nine-point programme needs elaboration as it aims at an international understanding, essential to nab the economic offenders, and obtain their extradition which is a complex international legal process. The nine points are: (1) Strong and active cooperation across G-20 countries to deal comprehensively and efficiently with the menace of fugitive economic offenders. This means co-operation in legal processes, aligning them, effectively implementing them, and actively helping the country that seeks extradition.


(2) Cooperation in the legal process such as effective freezing of the proceeds of crime, early return of the offenders and efficient repatriation of the proceeds of crime should be enhanced and streamlined. This stresses on the repatriation of the proceeds of the crime in addition to the extradition of the criminal. Many offenders deposit the loot abroad. It is no secret that tons of money is stashed away in Swiss banks by Indians.


(3) Joint effort by G-20 countries to form a mechanism that denies entry and safe havens to fugitive economic offenders. Without joint efforts, fugitives will roam around the world by exploiting legal loopholes in the host countries.


(4) Principles of UNCAC, UNOTC, especially related to the international cooperation should be fully and effectively implemented. There are many UN provisions that are observed more in non-compliance or slackness, than implementation. Hence, there is a need for effective implementation. India underlined this need.


(5) FATF (Financial Action Task Force) should be called upon to assign priority and focus to establishing international cooperation that leads to timely and comprehensive exchange between the competent authorities and FIUs – Financial Intelligence Unit. A signing priority by FATF is the priority suggested by India. Interestingly, New Delhi has set up a FATF cell in the Ministry of Revenue.


(6) FATF should be tasked to formulate a standard definition of fugitive economic offenders. This is important as there would be no agreement on legal cooperation without a common understanding of a fugitive offender.


(7) FATF should also develop a set of commonly agreed and standardised procedures related to identification, extradition and judicial proceedings for dealing with fugitive economic offenders to provide guidance and assistance to G-20 countries, subject to their domestic law. FATF must make the process uniform for others to follow and share.


(8) Common platform should be set up for sharing experience and best practices including successful cases of extradition, gaps in existing systems of extradition and legal assistance etc. A common platform is necessary for information and experience sharing which will help the process to be universal and transparent.


(9) G-20 Forum should consider initiating work on locating properties of economic offenders who have a tax debt in the country of their residence for its recovery. Unless a beginning is made in locating the properties and proceeds related to the crime, justice for the affected country will be delayed.


The above agenda was prompted by the heightened efforts by Indian diplomats to go after the economic offenders like Vijay Mal(Prof. International Politics, JMI)

lya, Nirav Modi, Mehul Choksi and Lalit Modi etc. This agenda if agreed upon will help nail the fugitive like the diamantaire Mehul Choksi hiding in Antigua who is exploiting the gaps in Antigua and Barbuda Government’s extraditions laws. Mehul Choksi of Gitanjali Gems, in connivance with his nephew Nirav Modi, is accused of defrauding the Indian banks of 14000 crore.

India, and the Government of Antigua and Barbuda have no bilateral extradition treaty, but both New Delhi and St. ‘John’s (the capital city of Antigua) are of the view that since, both India, and Antigua and Barbuda are members of Commonwealth of Nations, the sections 3(2) and 7(2) of Antigua and Barbuda’s Extradition Act 1913 do provide a scope for extradition. Article 3(2) says, “a person in Antigua and Barbuda who is accused of an extradition crime in a designated commonwealth country or who is alleged to be unlawfully at large may be arrested or returned to that country”; and Article 7(2) says “…following the purpose of section 3(2)…. this Act shall have effect in relation to the return of persons to any designated commonwealth country”.

In view of these provisions, Indian diplomacy may have to go over-drive in getting Mehul Choksi back to the country. So should be Nirav Modi and Lalit Modi, or any other economic offender who has fled the country.

Undoubtedly, getting the extradition of the economic fugitives will be a huge act of recovering staggering amounts of money, and checking corruption that is eating into the vitals of our economic development. Corruption has been the biggest obstacle to development and justice delivery in developing countries including India. This lethal virus needs to be completely neutralised in the body-politics and economy of any country. The disease is of corruption – kick-backs, money laundering, bank-defrauding is demoralising and debilitating for a country, its mood and machinery. With international support, deliberate or circumstantial, prosecuting the offenders is becoming a harder. Therefore, the diplomacy has to be at its best and always at work.—INFA

(The writers is Prof. International Politics, JMI)

http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2018/12/13/diplomacy-at-work/

-----------------------

Read how the Govt of India under Modi has really gotten these financial fugitves.
It took time..but they did try and make some UN amendments . Imagine the length at which these guys have worked patiently behind the scenes.
Jai Ho!
 

jackprince

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Dies anyone know if India is a signatory to the new migrant compact of UN?
 

YagamiLight

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Most likely it'll be reciprocal (although I don't know). But India's relations with ROK have been very limited in past. If we could establish a strong one to get hands on their semiconductors and giving them our low end stuffs at cheaper rates, what better could be?
Second, ROK has been closer to Pak because of non existentent relations with India & member of coffee club opposing India's permanent seat in UNSC. A lot of geopolitical hurdles can be neutralized.

? More than half of their population is irreligious, some 7-8% is Buddhist, only a quarter is Christianized but again, how much religion does matter in East Asia?
Koea is part of same set of cultures which are identity of Japan, China & India.
FFS stop thinking about everything in terms of shekels man. It's rather pathetic
1. SoKo opposes Indian membership to UNSC because it opposes Japanese entry to UNSC, just like how Porkis oppose Japanese membership despite being beggars of Japanese money for ages now because they oppose Indian entry. That's not going to change because of visa on arrival.
2. People coming to open up partnerships in semiconductor business aren't going to come and apply for visa on arrival
3. Soko is the biggest source of evangelism in the world today and no, the majority religion of their country now is Pretaism/worshipping the dead body. This won't change because you want to repackage what they are for a bit of silver
4. Surprising that you talk about culture all of a sudden, considering how big of a shekelstein you are. Nevertheless, South Korea is no longer part of the "Asian" Culture group today. They are bigger white wannabes than even people like you. For instance SoKo has the biggest plastic surgery industry in the world, in their pathetic attempt to look more white. They will not help bring anything useful to our culture either.

All in all this is another stupid idea which will result in massive increase in number of missionary trash entering into India. I don't like this move one bit
 

Indx TechStyle

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FFS stop thinking about everything in terms of shekels man. It's rather pathetic
Shekels matter more than anything.
Country which gets it is deemed to be glorious culturally by every country.

And here is no exception.
1. SoKo opposes Indian membership to UNSC because it opposes Japanese entry to UNSC, just like how Porkis oppose Japanese membership despite being beggars of Japanese money for ages now because they oppose Indian entry. That's not going to change because of visa on arrival.
  1. ROK is a member of coffee club which collectively opposes collective membership of G4. They have no disputes with India individually.
  2. Diplomatic favor can be won by stronger relationships. India-ROK relations aren't cold because of hostility but cold because they have been "limited". We never engaged with them despite a huge potential. Late is better than never.
  3. India became a dumping ground for Chinese cheap stuff. If it would have moved closer to Korea whose technological edge on India is contained by its small size, Indo-ROK relations would be more equal. And you know there's great potential of purchasing tech or transfering industries if we are equal. Korea got tech from Yanks, we have space, funds & labor for production.
2. People coming to open up partnerships in semiconductor business aren't going to come and apply for visa on arrival
It depends upon when India's able to establish its first fab. My goodness, I was about to update that thread too.
3. Soko is the biggest source of evangelism in the world today and no, the majority religion of their country now is Pretaism/worshipping the dead body. This won't change because you want to repackage what they are for a bit of silver
First, biggest evangelists are in west & Africa, not small population of ROK. Second, for their indigenous religions, Indian & East Asian religions are pretty different from Abrahamic ones which are imprinted in your mind as definition of religion.
Not Korean, go & research on Indian religion themselves & you'll find lot of things.

For evangelism, India has even stronger relations with West. Missionaries are controlled by government.
4. Surprising that you talk about culture all of a sudden, considering how big of a shekelstein you are. Nevertheless, South Korea is no longer part of the "Asian" Culture group today. They are bigger white wannabes than even people like you. For instance SoKo has the biggest plastic surgery industry in the world, in their pathetic attempt to look more white. They will not help bring anything useful to our culture either.
They still got Asian cultural & lingual roots with mongoloidal faces. That's enough. Pan Asianism & cultural emotional drama is only propaganda. Our ultimate goal is to reap economic, diplomatic & technological benefits.
I don't like this move one bit
As far as you are concerned, you won't like government's any step a bit as you have already your agenda about internal politics.

My humble advice, keep internal politics out of foreign relations.
 

ezsasa

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British Foreign policy report
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Select Committee on International Relations
UK foreign policy in a shifting world order


Screen Shot 2018-12-18 at 10.36.43 PM.png
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Regional powers
86.Witnesses noted a number of other countries that may become more influential at either a regional or global level in future. Professor Clarke listed Iran,122 Turkey, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Japan and Australia as being either “emergent” or already “regionally important powers.” Nigeria, South Africa, Indonesia and Mexico might also become more influential.123

87.Professor Evans said there was “a whole army of countries out there in Asia, Latin America and Africa that by definition are not big or powerful enough to change the dial themselves on anything but which, working through co-operative strategies, have sufficient capability—diplomatic and otherwise—credibility and creativity in the way they go about the business of international affairs to make a difference.” He cited Australia, Canada, the Scandinavian countries, South Korea, Vietnam, Indonesia, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt as examples.124 Given its size, status as a nuclear power and its historic relationship with the United Kingdom, its role as the largest member of the Commonwealth, and the significant Indian diaspora in the UK, we considered India, which the FCO described as “an economic powerhouse, with a growing role in Asian and international geopolitics”.125 The Foreign Secretary noted that the economies of India and China together “will exceed the GDPs of the entire G7 put together” by 2050.126

88.Professor Evans said that India had “punched below its weight for a long time.”127 Rahul Roy-Chaudhury, Senior Fellow for South Asia, International IISS, told us that under the premiership of Narendra Modi, India was now espousing a more proactive and pragmatic foreign policy. It was seeking to be a “leading power”, for example through moving away from the policy of ‘non-alignment.’ Prime Minister Modi was more outward looking in his approach, seeking to build stronger relations with a host of countries.128 Professor Kate Sullivan de Estrada, Associate Professor in the International Relations of South Asia, University of Oxford, said this approach meant “there may be a lack of clarity on India’s fundamental commitments geopolitically”, but suggested this could be an intentional “balancing act” of “multi-alignment”.129

89.Professor Sullivan de Estrada said India’s foreign policy ambitions were “both global and regional.” There were three lenses through which to view Indian foreign policy goals. Through the “economic lens”, India was seeking global market access for its goods and services, labour mobility and the physical connectivity to ensure resource security. In the “security lens”, India’s ambitions were “primarily regional”, but global in the context of being a nuclear state. In the “social lens of status”, India was seeking “a role of consequence in world politics”.130

90.Mr Roy-Chaudhury said Prime Minister Modi had “a ‘neighbourhood first’ policy”. Economic development was “the key aspect” of his agenda; it was “essential that there is a stable region” to deliver this. The first aspect of this was its relationship with China because “it is India’s greatest strategic challenge.”131 Professor Sullivan de Estrada said that while India did not disagree in principle with China’s infrastructure investment strategy, it was concerned about the lack of consultation between Beijing and its neighbours.132 Ms Palma told us “India has definitely not publicly accepted the belt and road, on the basis of sovereignty infringement” concerning China’s investment in the contested Kashmir region.133

91.A second aspect is maritime security concerns. Mr Roy-Chaudhury said that “the Government believe that the Indian Ocean is important to India’s security, which is why they have looked at supporting the interests of the smaller island states and developing policies in tandem with other countries using the Indian Ocean, which would also mean involving China at some point.”134

92.A third issue is India’s relationship with Pakistan. Mr Roy-Chaudhury said that, despite efforts by the Indian Prime Minister in the early days of his premiership, there had been no progress with the peace process at the official level since 2013. The nuclear aspect of the India–Pakistan relationship was a particular concern.135 Professor Sullivan de Estrada said there were not many confidence-building measures in place between India and Pakistan, but there was an understanding on both sides that it would be in no-one’s interest in south Asia for a nuclear exchange to take place.136

[paste:font size="4"]137 Professor Sullivan de Estrada, however, said that the UK had been “somewhat consigned to the back burner in India’s foreign policy ambitions”.138 Mr Roy-Chaudhury said “What has changed … is that other countries are assiduously seeking to engage with India and they appear to offer more than the UK either has or is able to commit to.”139There was “potent competition from the exporting states of Japan, France and Germany”.140 Mr Roy-Chaudhury noted Russia’s enduring importance to India due to its supply of 60 to 70% of India’s defence equipment.141

94.Professor Sullivan de Estrada told us that while the UK often thought about the views of Washington, Berlin or Paris, it needed to be better at asking “What will New Delhi think?”142

95.Mr Roy-Chaudhury said the relationship “from the UK side focuses primarily on trade and economic issues”. These were “good things”, but to elevate the relationship, the UK needed to focus on “the strategic content … security relationships, cybersecurity and military exercises”. The Indian government’s “mindset” was that “the UK is in second place and that it is interested only in trade issues that are beneficial to the UK”. To begin, the UK “could say that the strategic relationship with India is of primary importance—a strategic relationship that includes the Indo-Pacific.”143 Mr Roy-Chaudhury told us that France had succeeded in strengthening its relationship with India in part because it had included “the nuclear dimension, the arms dimension and the space dimension.” Mr Roy-Chaudhury identified one area of strength: the UK “is the favoured cybersecurity international partner for India.”144

96.The UK has prioritised economic and trade links with India, but the potential security relationship has been under-developed. The Government should seek to reset and elevate its relationship with India by focussing on strategic priorities such as cybersecurity and maritime issues in the Indo-Pacific.

97.The Government must recognise the negative impact of the restrictive UK regime for visas and migration on the UK-India relationship and soft power links between the two countries; and in the forthcoming White Paper and legislation on the UK’s post-Brexit immigration policy should reshape policy with the objective of addressing India’s concerns.

98.The Government should recognise the increasing regional influence of middle ranking emerging powers in Africa, Asia and Latin America and should work more closely with them in addressing problems and disputes arising in their regions. We welcome the Foreign Secretary’s commitment to this objective in his evidence to us.

https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld201719/ldselect/ldintrel/250/25002.htm
 

ezsasa

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From the same report
=======
264.Mr Roy-Chaudhury said that there was some interest from India in “re-energising the Commonwealth and on stepping up India’s role” in it. The UK and India could work together to some extent, but although India had “found a new rationale for the Commonwealth”, this “will not necessarily coincide with the UK’s views”. India looked at the Commonwealth “from its own national interest perspective”, considering issues such as “How do you deal with small states in the Commonwealth with which India does not have diplomatic relations?” Delhi would “try to shift the traditional Commonwealth human rights-based approach to one that focuses on capacity development and so on”.446

283.The policies of major powers—Russia, China and increasingly the United States—present considerable challenges to the multilateral institutions that underpin this order. Yet many of the problems facing states, such as climate change, terrorism and migration, are increasingly complex and trans-national. The Government should make the defence of the rules-based international order a central theme of all its bilateral relationships. This is particularly important in the UK’s engagement with the US, China, Russia and emerging powers such as India.

287.The UK should be a vocal champion of reform to international institutions. It should support reforms both to make these institutions more efficient, and to give a greater voice to emerging powers—particularly China and India—to build their support for the rules-based international order.

322.To maintain its influence and leadership on global issues, the UK needs a more agile, creative and entrepreneurial approach to foreign policy. It has an opportunity to demonstrate its value to old allies—such as the US—and other partners—such as India—by harnessing niche areas of UK expertise, such as cyber security and business and human rights.

363.Since 2010 the Government has included international students in its migration figures. Sir Ciarán Devane said that the British Council had “a long-held position that student numbers should not be in the net migration numbers. They are a deterrence. It is very bad for the UK brand in places such as India, which really matter.”605 The House of Lords Committee on Soft Power and the UK’s Influence described this policy to be “not only destructive of the UK’s attractiveness and international links, but … disingenuous”, and recommended that students should be removed from net migration targets.606

328.Work on the wider diplomatic network was also under way. Lord Ricketts said that the FCO had “been adapting for some years to the emergence of China and India”, as well as increasing its presence in South Africa and Brazil.555 Lord Hague thought there was “still a long way to go in Latin America and south-east Asia to make it clear that Britain is expanding and wants closer links”.556

Digital diplomacy and countering propaganda
372.We considered how digital and communications technology have affected UK diplomacy. Ms Bronnert said that new technologies were “changing the way that we do all sorts of things … In the Foreign Office we have used digital and social media capabilities quite extensively. We have been one of the foreign ministries that have blazed a trail in this area in the creative use of new technologies.”617 Mr Fletcher said that “diplomats around the world” were now “much better equipped with technology that allows them to be fleet-footed, flexible and better at information gathering and sharing than they were two or three years ago.”618

373.The FCO said it used “our own digital channels and partnerships to state clearly our position, rebut negative perceptions and deliver policy through influencing foreign governments, civil society and/or influencers.”619 Whitehall had “a programme of efforts designed to understand, attribute and counter the phenomenon often referred to as ‘Fake News’”, and was “the lead partner on communications in the Global Coalition against Daesh”. The Global Coalition had “been contesting the online space with concerted campaigns to undermine the Daesh message and brand”, used “messaging to promote positive narratives”, and undertaken “off-line activities to reduce Daesh’s ability to spread their activities on social media and websites.”620

374.Dr Bolt, however, thought the UK “ill-equipped” to deal with the “conversations, discourses, attitudes, ideas or public opinion” that result from digital technologies. He did “not see a strategic understanding of the use of information or how to position that understanding in a very dynamic climate”.621

375.Mr Wells said that the FCO and DfID had “gone past the stage of seeing digital and data as a way of measuring outcomes and reporting things to seeing how they can use it to shape and create outcomes.” For example, DfID was now helping countries to build data infrastructure.622Dr Becky Faith, Research Fellow, Institute for Development Studies, praised DfID’s recent Doing development in a digital world strategy, although it was “important not to exaggerate the possibilities of digital technologies to transform developments”.623

376.Dr Futter said the speed of crisis decision-making had been accelerated by technological developments, including in the media. Had the Cuban missile crisis happened today, “in a real-time, digital news media frenzy”, there was “no way that the President would have time. You would probably have CNN reporting directly.” This was “a whole new different way of thinking about a crisis and different capabilities.”624 Ms Thornberry said the world had ‘shrunk’ and that “people want immediate reactions to what is going on without the chance to think through what is happening in what can be extremely complex situations.”625 Tom Fletcher said that diplomats had to be “careful … not to be buffeted by the latest gadget or the latest tweet from the White House at 3 o’clock in the morning, and to focus instead on the essentials of the craft.”

377.Diplomacy mattered “more than ever in the digital age”—it was essential to address “the crisis of trust” and “the gulf between governments and technology leaders when it comes to discussing the challenges and opportunities of technology”. Diplomats needed to “master the new tools at our disposal and [try] to get better at connecting with people and reaching out … to … new groups of people who we did not have to engage with previously.”626 Professor Miskimmon and Professor O’Loughlin said digital diplomacy should be used “across all … fields” as “part of a balanced, hybrid communication strategy involving broadcast, radio and face-to-face communication too”.627

378.Dr Duncombe recommended more training for diplomats on using social media and how to recognise propaganda and disinformation.628She also proposed the appointment of “an ambassador for digital, tech or cyber affairs to contend with the evolution of online space as another geopolitical area within which the UK can pursue its national interests.”629
 

ezsasa

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An insider look into what Russia actually thinks of India

Last week, several members of India and Russia’s think tank community sat down for two days of conversation in Moscow. Since so much of our knowledge on Russian affairs comes filtered either through the prism of Western reportage or though pro-establishment Russian media, engaging in closed-door discussions with leading intellectuals and policy influencers was particularly valuable. Here are some of my impressions after participating in the talks.

First, what came across quite clearly is that the Russian establishment sees itself in a state of siege. US sanctions have raised international pressure on the country — even if the Russians are loath to admit — and are pushing Moscow into greater isolation. Consequently, the paranoia of the siege mentality colours both elite and popular perceptions of international events. So the Russians might see, say, India’s closer engagement of the United States, Australia and Japan, in the form of the Quad, as partly inimical to their own interests. They are aware but do not give too much credence to the argument that the Quad is part of India’s effort to manage China’s rising power in our extended neighbourhood.

Second, our Russian interlocutors uniformly disliked the idea of the ‘Indo-Pacific’. They see the term as an American construct to preserve US dominance in the region. They are miffed that the Indo-Pacific, which they see as implicitly excluding Russia, has replaced the term ‘Asia-Pacific’, which included them. Again, they are aware but don’t think important the Indian argument that ‘Asia-Pacific’ excluded us, while ‘Indo-Pacific’ doesn’t. It’s not merely semantics, because political, economic and security arrangements follow how a region is defined, and the Russians are having major FOMO.

Third, the Russians are quite aware that China is a long-term threat to them, not least in the Far East where their border divides regions with massive demographic asymmetry. Population densities on the Chinese side of the border can be ten to a hundred times higher than on the Russian side. Further, Chinese influence is fast rising in the Central Asian republics that have long been in Russia’s sphere of influence. Yet, the Russians say they have no choice but to get onto the same side as China in the short-term, both for reasons of domestic economy as well as international politics. Therefore, where China is undermining the Western-created liberal international order in order to remake it to suit its own interests, Russia is mostly playing along.

This is the second mistake the West made over the past two decades. The first was to underwrite China’s rise as a global power in the hope that it would become a ‘responsible stakeholder’ in the extant world order. The second was to push the boundaries of the European Union and NATO across what Russia saw as its geopolitical red lines. Western support for the ‘colour revolutions’ in Georgia and Ukraine fifteen years ago turned the Russia establishment into an adversary. In other words, the West not only nurtured its own strategic challenger, but also went on to provide it with a very useful ally.

Fourth, while seeking Indian support in their contest with the United States, the Russians have begun to use Pakistan as a bogey to persuade New Delhi. One Russian analyst explicitly warned us that they would sell advanced military equipment to Pakistan — including fighter aircraft and helicopters — should the order book from India decline further. None of my colleagues at the conference blinked, but it appeared to me that the Russians were getting somewhat desperate with New Delhi’s drifting away.

So, what should we make of our relations with Russia?

The fundamental challenge remains that our relations with Russia are massively concentrated on defence trade. It is best to purchase defence equipment from a country with whom we have broad and deep trade relations; failing which, to try and build such relations with the country we’re buying arms from. Russia falls into the latter category. Yet, bilateral trade has remained around $10 billion for years, with the balance being in Russia’s favour. India trades more with Venezuela, Belgium and South Africa. To be sure, New Delhi has been aware of this. If you look at joint statements, you’ll find the need to expand trade and investment mentioned several times. Official targets have been set for trade and investment.

Unfortunately, setting targets is very different from achieving them. That’s because in the Indian economy, at least, it is the private sector that drives trade and investment. I found that many of our Russian interlocutors had yet to appreciate that the Indian economy was driven by private industry and entrepreneurs, and that the latter had to be courted from Bangalore, Mumbai, Hyderabad, Chennai and other hubs of growth.

To be sure, governments can facilitate greater trade through measures such as permitting invoicing in local currencies. Yet, for trade to take off, businesspeople in both countries must be interested to explore and exploit opportunities. That they are not doing so merely suggests that there are lower-hanging fruits elsewhere.

Will this happen? Or should the ‘normal’ in India-Russia relationship be geopolitical opportunism and transactional arms trade? It’s hard to tell. It’s worth making the effort though, as long as it’s possible to buy Russian gear without having to buy their line too.

Nitin Pai is director of the Takshashila Institution, an independent centre for research and education in public policy.

https://theprint.in/opinion/an-insider-look-into-what-russia-actually-thinks-of-india/165344/
 

Haldiram

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:india::india::india::india::india::india::india:

We gotta keep going strong and not let THE FAMILY ruin the Growth Again
How fast things have changed. In 2015 CPEC was in full swing. It seemed like it would start traffic from Beijing to Lahore the next day. Now no one talks about CPEC now. NATO looked like it would invade Russia, but muh nigga Putin captured Crimea. Murica was set to topple Syria, now they have disappeared. Abu Bakr Al Bagdadi was household news in 2015. One day he suddenly disappeared. China looked like it had the better of us. Now things have turned. Britain seemed to be the undisputed leader in Europe, now they have been kicked out of EU. Murica threatened to wipe out N.Korea but that fat man brought the barking dogs to the negotiating table. US wanted to hit Iran, but they ended up having to settle for a deal. Something is melting. The leaders of the previous century are no longer going to be able to shape the destiny of other nations.

India did the right thing by not going along with the western alliance in Afghanistan. We stuck with Russia and Iran, and now even Afghanistan is going to yield dividends for us. That is why Trump be barking about the library. Sour grapes.
 

ezsasa

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Confirmation about no military component yet....
=========
Q: there isn't a military aspect to the Quad, is there?
Indian navy chief: not at the moment.

@raisinadialogue

 

binayak95

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Confirmation about no military component yet....
=========
Q: there isn't a military aspect to the Quad, is there?
Indian navy chief: not at the moment.

@raisinadialogue

You expect CNS to come out and say so on a public platform?

We exercise more with the US than any other nation, to the point that we are on the cusp of trilateral division size ops this year, with Japanese and Australian observers (and possibly French as well) but no, there is no alliance.
 

ezsasa

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You expect CNS to come out and say so on a public platform?

We exercise more with the US than any other nation, to the point that we are on the cusp of trilateral division size ops this year, with Japanese and Australian observers (and possibly French as well) but no, there is no alliance.
I’d say if there was military component, we’d be doing joint patrols. Joint exercises are a precursor, not the final goal.

May be in the future military cooperation will happen, not for now.
 

Tshering22

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:india::india::india::india::india::india::india:

We gotta keep going strong and not let THE FAMILY ruin the Growth Again
That is the only thing that worries me. Though I am digressing here, THE FAMILY and their THUGBANDHAN is my biggest concern.

After seeing Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh, I am worried. Our people aren't exactly the most aware lot when it comes to choosing capable leaders.

PM Modi's victory was a gift from the Heavens for India.

I really hope we get it again.
 

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