What The Ancient Indians Did for Us

Bhadra

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They used Panchakki (water mill) to grind Iron ore !!

Besides the furnaces and accessories so graphically described (in Chapter XV,) certain other devices varying from area to area also appear to have been used in Indian metallurgy. One such was the use of the Panchakki (water-mill) in the crushing of ore by the manufacturers of Kumaon and Garhwal. According to J.D. Herbert and J. Manson 'in reducing the ore to fragments, the Dhunpoor miners employ the Panchakki or water-mill. When
water is present no better plan can be devised.


********

Referring to the letter of Dr Scott on wootz, it quoted him as having written that it 'admits of a harder temper
than anything known in that part of India.' What Dr Scott had actually stated was that 'it appears to admit of a harder temper
than anything we are acquainted with.' As is obvious, Dr Scott's 'we' implied 'we in Europe'. But as this must have seemed
inadmissible in the pages of the Philosophical Transactions, the bservation got altered to 'than anything known in that part of
India.' (See Philosophical Transactions, vol.85, p.322; and chapter XVII, pp.256 in this volume).) of the societies to which
such observers belonged, and were not in their essence derived from the subject observed and described, these, as mere
statements which generally hold true at all times, need not be disputed.
 

Bhadra

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why did they disappear?


Another question that arises from the above discussion on the manufacture of Indian iron and steel is that if the manufacturing processes were so very superior and widespread throughout the country, why did they disappear? So far, our knowledge of such widespread manufacture has itself been very scanty. Therefore, answers to such a question at present can merely be tentative. The disappearance seems to have resulted mainly from large-scale economic breakdown resulting from hostile state policy. From about 1800 onwards, India was to be treated as a consumer of British manufactures. Yet some of the British in India did visualise the undertaking of large scale production of iron and steel in India. But even they, when they came forth with such plans, were at great pains in stating that such production would in no way injure the production in Britain or the consumption of British iron in India. Even this type of proposition was, however, difficult for the British Government to contemplate. For example, replying to an early application for setting up such works in the Bengal area, the London authorities in 1814 stated: 'But as we entertain strong doubts as to the policy of encouraging the prosecution of such works to any extent, we direct that no further expense may be incurred.'

*****************************

The reasons for the lack of appropriate awareness or the prevailing indifference are manifold. Primarily the
responsibility for such a situation lies with the system of education which has prevailed in independent India, which by
nurturing indifference, even contempt, for everything indigenous effectively blocks such enquiries.
 
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Bhadra

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History Brings in Macaulay

Referring to the orientalists Macaulay observed:

"I have never found one amongst them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the
whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the western literature is indeed fully admitted
by those members of the committee [of Public Instruction] who support the oriental plan of education."

And then he added:

" It will hardly be disputed, I suppose, that the department poetry. And I certainly never met with any orientalist who
ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanskrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations.
But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded and general principles
investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to
say that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit
language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgement used at preparatory schools in
England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same."


Concluding, Macaulay refused to associate himself with any support or assistance to Indian learning and declaimed:


"If on the other hand, it be the opinion of the Government that the present system ought to remain unchanged, I beg
that I may be permitted to retire from the chair of the committee. I feel that I could not be of the smallest use to
them. I feel also that I should be lending my countenance to what I firmly believe to be a mere delusion. I believe that
the present system tends not to accelerate the progress of truth but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. I
conceive that we have at present no right to the respectable name of a Board of Public Instruction. We are a Board for
wasting the public money, for printing books which are of less value than the paper on which they are printed was
while it was blank,— for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics,
absurd theology,— for raising up a breed of scholars who find their scholarship an encumbrance and a blemish, who
live on the public while they are receiving their education, and whose education is so utterly useless to them that,
when they have received it, they must either starve or live on the public all the rest of their lives. Entertaining these
opinions I am naturally desirous to decline all share in the responsibility of a body which, unless it alters its whole
mode of proceedings, I must consider not merely as useless, but as positively noxious."
 

Bhadra

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India and Indian Processes Deeply Misunderstood


The doubts and declamations (of Playfair, Laplace, Macaulay, etc.), however, are not the sole causes of this ignorance and apathy. These seem to arise, partly, from much deeper issues which pertain to the conflicting hypotheses about state and society. The seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries' European view of society, and thus of science, technology, politics, etc., was diametrically at variance with the views about them held by non-European societies during the same period.

Consequently, the sciences and technologies of the non- European world also had different seekings and developments to those of Europe. Further, in countries like India, their organization was in tune with their more decentralist politics and there was no seeking to make their tools and work places unnecessarily gigantic and grandiose. Smallness and simplicity of construction, as of the iron and steel furnaces or of the drill ploughs, was in fact due
to social and political maturity as well as arising from understanding of the principles and processes involved. Instead of being crude, the processes and tools of eighteenth century India appear to have developed from a great deal of sophistication in theory and a heightened sense of the aesthetic.



It is in such a context that a man like Voltaire considered India 'famous for its laws and sciences', and deplored the mounting European preoccupation (both individual and national) of those in India with the amassing of 'immense fortunes'. This quest for riches intensified the struggles, plunder, etc., during his own time, and made him remark: 'If the Indians had remained unknown to the Tartars and to us, they would have been the happiest people in the world.' Looking back at what has happened since he wrote these lines, Voltaire seems to have been very perceptive in his judgment. But the whole world, if such contacts had not occurred, would have been very different not only in politics and society but also in science and technology.
 

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The Reasons why


During the centuries, particularly between the twelfth and seventeenth, there is no dearth of such external onslaughts. The onslaughts to an extent are absorbed and accommodated by Indian society. Over a time, however, they contribute not only to further political and military weakness, but also to damaging the various integrating factors which had provided the necessary intellectual and spiritual links between different regions and specialist as well as ethnic groups.

A question yet remains: Why have sciences and technologies— which seem to have been very much alive about 8-10
generations ago— been wholly eclipsed? Answers about the causes of such an eclipse are very complex. Some of them are also— till there is systematic and detailed research available about Indian science and society— largely speculative. A few of them may, however, be suggested here.

* The first is related to the economic breakdown of India during 1750-1900. (Economic plunder) No sciences or
technologies can survive intact such catastrophe.

* The second point relates to the contrary nature of the new state fiscal system when compared with the indigenous system (or systems) prevailing at the commencement of the European impact.

* Finally, the notion that all these sciences and technologies have wholly disappeared is not altogether true. Remnants of many still exist and continue to be of use; but, at a most neglected and impoverished level.

* The theory of atrophy (as usually applied to India by the Westerners)

* At the time of the European onslaught, the indigenous tendencies in India seem to have been in a state of slow
resurgence. The resurgence, while it restored a measure of confidence, weakened at the same time the political and military structure. With the beginning of European dominance in India, the resurgence got transformed into depression and unimaginable disorganization.

* Unlike the earlier invaders, Europeans of this period belonged to a wholly alien world in relation to
India. They were not only armed with the concepts and hierarchical institutions of a long feudal European past, but had
also been preparing for the occasion for two to three centuries. The subsequent application of their concepts and values
completed the destruction of Indian science and society which had been started by the political and military defeat of India at the hands of various invaders.
 

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The aftermath

What has developed in India in the field of science and technology during the past century, and at a greater pace since
1947, is mainly a transplanting of some of that which has developed during this period in the European world. Such
transplanting has happened not only at the level of theories, but ven more so as regards the organisation of technology and the direction of research. It is largely due to such transplanting and its unthinking acceptance that, though many individual Indian scientists and technologists are as creative and inventive as their colleagues in the European world, the impact of this science and technology on the larger society of India is in fact minimal. It is
no exaggeration, perhaps, to add that the field of science and technology in India, as far as it concerns its ordinary life, is only
a little less barren than India's state system and its politics.

Borrowing of ideas and practices in themselves need not be obstructive to India's development or creativity. During the centuries, India must have borrowed many ideas and practices from other lands— in the same manner in which Europe received much in the field of science and technology from the Arabs etc., or the Arabs and others did from India. To the extent that such borrowings lead to further innovation and creativity, they are to
be greatly welcomed. Unfortunately, so far, the past century's unthinking transplanting of European sciences and technologies
in India has resulted mainly in retarding and blunting of indigenous innovation and creativity.

The problem for India today, as perhaps for many other lands which are still recovering from the effects of eighteenth
and nineteenth century European dominance, is how to achieve and increase such innovation and creativity. Such innovation
and creativity can arise, however, only from a widespread indigenous base. Such a base has yet to be identified (and the
superstructure accordingly modified and linked with it) in countries like India. For that, knowledge and comprehension of
how they functioned before the beginning of this dominance seem to be essential. Even for the purposeful adaptations from
European (or for that matter Japanese, Chinese or any other) science and technology and their integration with indigenous
concepts, knowledge and forms, it is necessary that these countries achieve such self-knowledge and understanding at the
earliest possible.
 

Bhadra

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Whilst making love a necklace broke.
A row of pearls mislaid.
One sixth fell to the floor.
One fifth upon the bed.
The young woman saved one third of them.
One tenth were caught by her lover.
If six pearls remained upon the string
How many pearls were there altogether?
 

praneet.bajpaie

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What I don't understand the in the olden days we were so technologically advanced but now except for maybe ISRO to some extent, all other public or private institutions are not up to the mark w r t global standards.

HOW is this possible?
 

praneet.bajpaie

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Whilst making love a necklace broke.
A row of pearls mislaid.
One sixth fell to the floor.
One fifth upon the bed.
The young woman saved one third of them.
One tenth were caught by her lover.
If six pearls remained upon the string
How many pearls were there altogether?
30 in total

Bhadra Da, do you need the working notes?
 
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Bhadra

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30 in total
Oh yes, I am impressed !!!!!!

1- ( 1/6 + 1/5 + 1/3 + 1/10) = 06

Bhadra Da, do you need the working notes?

No, I am making readymade Notes for friends like you....

It is strange members are not responding and it has become a monologue
 
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Bhadra

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What I don't understand the in the olden days we were so technologically advanced but now except for maybe ISRO to some extent, all other public or private institutions are not up to the mark w r t global standards.

HOW is this possible?
Sir, read post 32 carefully.

The finding of the study, perhaps, is to tell that Scientific studies should be contextual, related to time, space, locale and meant to serve the needs of the local society rather than imposing science of Mexico on Bangladesh which may not work right there. The science must serve the society rather than multi national corporation.

The scientific method developed by a society would serve the society much better than killing those methods to make society subservient on others alien methods by the import of technology and hugely paying for such imports.

The purpose of the study was to demonstrate how at the end of 18th century Indian Science and technology was meeting the needs of the society and how by the end of 19th century those sciences and technologies were destroyed to serve the needs and purposes of Colonialism and colonial masters.

The scholar is a Gandhian and has Gandhian framework in view - village communities and their independence.

The study also demonstrates that Science and technology in order to develop and survive needs social, economic and political support ( or a framework) and that Science and technology is not something independent superstructure which can be imposed from top.
 
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vedA~Nga jyotiSha and other ramblings on early Hindu calenders

vedA~Nga jyotiSha and other ramblings on early Hindu calenders | mAnasa-taraMgiNI

The vedA~NGa jyotiSha has been a strikingly difficult text to fathom despite its small size. It is the late vedic text that appears to be a quick and handy guide for calenderical calculations. It has attracted much attention of Western scholars, despite not understanding much of it. Yet they use it as a starting point to suggest how the Hindus were definitely astronomical idiots. This trend set by the early Western scholars regarding Hindu astronomy is repeated to this date as a part of their program to present the picture of "India as the cul de sac" (vide Michael Witzel, a German Indologist). The view of the early white Indologists on Hindu astronomy is epitomized by the American Indologist Whitney (the translator of the atharva veda)'s comments on the VJ:

"And when we come to add that the Jyotisha (VJ) has no definable place in Sanskrit literature, or relation to the Vedic ceremonial.. we shall see that this famous datum, which has seemed to promise so much, has caused so much labour and discussion, and is even yet clung to by some scholars as the sheet-anchor of ancient Hindu chronology, is nothing but a delusive phantom."


While this and succeeding views of the white Indologists and their Japanese imitators have acquired wide currency, Hindu scholars have labored on interpretting the text correctly to a great measure. However, to give where credit is due an early white scholar Thibaut was fairly effective in interpretting a number of verses. The first Hindu scholar to make a major in road was S.B. Dikshit, who labored on this text not far from the place where I spent a good part of my life. Dikshit's work unfortunately did not acquire wide readership because it was written in the Maharatti language. He was followed by the Northerner Chote Lala and Sudhakara Dvivedi the paNDita from Kashi who successfully interpretted a little more of the text, though they were locked in conflict between themselves. The great B.G. Tilak then further clarified some points. The final assault on the text along with a modern English translation was provided by the smArta savant shrI kuppanna shAstrI, who more or less interpretted most of the text. If we can today understand some of the elegant devices of the VJ, it is only because of kuppanna shAstrI's enormous scholarship , setting the true standards for the kind of scholarship needed to tackle complex texts.

The vedic calenderic knowledge which provides the background for the VJ needs some description. There is clear evidence that the vedic kavI-s were fully aware of the precession of the equinox, and they had observations from the remote past of at 4000 BCE or beyond. From the early times the Arya knew of the year being approximately 365 days– the sAmidhenI hymns contain 360 syllables in the form of 15 gAyatrI-s + the oM bhurbhuvasvaroM forming the year by supplying the remaining days and its fraction. Two great vedic shrauta masters, the pa~nchAla prince babara prAvAhaNi and sArvaseni shaucheya declare the logic behind the pa~ncharAtra sacrifice. They say that the year which is the ya~jna is complete only by adding the 5 days. They say that 4 days is too few while 6 days is two many so to complete the year we add 5 last days to the year . This is how the 365 day approximate year is laid out (TS 7.1.10). Right in the R^igveda the shunaHshepa, the son of ajigarta notes that the intercalary month is used to correct for the imperfect match of the lunar and solar years (RV1.25.8).

Thus, the calenderical system presented by the VJ is not something present in isolation or borrowed from some Middle Eastern source (as some white authors foolishly propose) but it was based on what was considered common knowledge in the vedic sacrificial ritual. There are two extant jyotiSha-s the yajur and R^ik versions that differ some what in their contents but are over-all consistent. There is an atharvaNa jyotiSha, but it is unrelated and mainly a manual for reckoning muhurta. Dating by precession gives the date of the VJ as being around 1300 BC because the it states that the winter solistice was in the beginning for shraviShThA and summer in the mid-point of AshleShA. This is important because in the maitrAyaNi brAhmaNa, shAkhAyanya tells king bR^ihadratha that the winter solistice was in the middle of shraviShThA (MBU 6.14). Thus, the lagadha was clearly aware of the change from the epoch time little before his times. Subsequently, the Hindu encyclopedist varAhamihira, who was an acute observer, writing around 550 AD states that the spring equinox fell 10"² East of Zeta Piscium in revatI. An important observation made by Kuppanna Shastri concerns the intermediate period. We have a text of the nagna nAstika-s, termed sUrya-praj~nApti, where the same system of calenderics as the VJ is expounded. But the jaina-s correct the winter solstice to shravaNa, suggesting that they were after the VJ in the period when you would actually expect the jaina-s to be around. Thus, we have a continuous system of precessional corrections even in the period around the VJ, leave alone the vedic antiquity. Hence, it is clear that the VJ was indeed composed in the period we can astronomically infer.
 

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vedA~Nga jyotiSha and other ramblings on early Hindu calenders



vedA~Nga jyotiSha and other ramblings on early Hindu calenders | mAnasa-taraMgiNI


Interestingly, the total variation in day-light time is given as 6 muhUrta-s which corresponds approximately to the latitude of 35° N. This will be north of kubhA (kabul in modern Afghanistan), and might imply that the observations were inherited from the time the Aryas occupied the BMAC archaeological sites.

Some basics of the VJ:
———————-
The vedic measures of time as per VJ:
5 gurvakShara-s [long syllables]= 10 mAtrA-s
= 1 kAShTha
124 kAShThA-s = 1 kalA
10 1/20 kalA-s = 1 nADikA*
2 nADIkA-s = 1 muhUrta
30 muhUrta-s = 1 ahorAtra (civil day)
366 days = 1 saMvatsara= 12 mAsa-s
= 6 R^itu-s= 2 ayana-s
5 years = 1 yuga*
This progression is an old vedic system we have in the taittirIya AraNyaka: "kalA muhUrtAH kAShThAsh chaahotrAsh cha sarvavashaH | ardhamAsA mAsA R^itavas saMvatsarash cha kalpantAM ||"

* Time is kept using a water-clock. The volume of water of weight 50 pala-s, at room temperature, is one Adhaka (a volume measure).
4*Adhaka = 1 droNA [a volume]; 1/16 of Adhaka = 1 kudava;
In a standard vedic water-clock 1 droNa- 3*kudava is that volume of water that drains in one 1 nADikA. Thus, the vedic water clock drained in 24 minutes or 1 nADikA. The water-clock is mentioned in the kAla sUktaM of the bhArgava-s in atharva veda. Thus, both the time units and the water clock find mention in the veda, suggesting that the systems mentioned in the VJ was a standard aspect of the vedic time keeping.

* A yuga is defined as the "pairing (from the root yug- same as English yoke, Germanic *yuminaz=Gemini)" or coming together of two celestial bodies, or their nodes or their apogees in the same place on the ecliptic. Approximately the moon and the sun meet in the same asterismal position in 5 years. Hence this is the basic yuga in vedic parlance. The years of the yuga were named in the veda as: saMvatsara, parivatsara, idAvatsara, anuvatsara and idvatsara.

The yuga concept clarifies why the saMvatsara is described as 366 days, even though, even babara prAvAhaNi and sArvaseni shaucheya already knew in the days of the yajur veda that 366 was too much. In a yuga there are 366*5= 1830 days (yuga value) and this gives the required approximation for the yuga definition that is meeting of sun and moon in a nakShatra. It also gives a base to derive a number of other critical values for the period of the yuga easily:
1) Number of risings of shraviShThA above the horizon (the nakShatra at the winter solstice) = yuga + 5 = 1835
2) Number of moon rises = yuga-62=1768

The Number of nakShatra-s traversed by the sun in 1830 days is 135. The number of ayanas of the moon 1 less than that number= 134.

The value of the yuga also can be used to relate to the following easily, as explained in the yajur jyotiSha 31:
1) Number of sAvana months in on 1 yuga (that is the traditional months of the vedic ritual) = 61= 30 days
2) Number of synodic months in a yuga, i.e. the period between two new moons in a yuga = 62 = 29.51 days, a reasonable approximation (modern value= 29.530).
3) Number of sidereal months in yuga = 67 = 27.31 (modern value=27.32).

Given any 3 elements of the yuga that are not completely dependent on each other we can get every other element. This is an important computational device of the VJ. Thus, for example
Given any 3 elements of the yuga that are not completely dependent on each other we can get every other element. This is an important computational device of the VJ. Thus, for example:
Number of sidereal days (i.e. the time interval between two successive rising of a star) in a yuga = yuga +5 = 1835
Thus, we have ratio of sidereal day : civil day = 0.99727 (modern value= 0.997269)
So one can see that the for a vedic ritualist at 1300 BC the VJ gives decent quick approximations for key calenderical values using the yuga concept, and can hence be hardly called a primitive work.

titihis and nakShatra's for some key days
—————————————–
The yugArambha is given as when sun and moon are in the nakShatra of shraviShTha in the bright fortnight of the month of magha. Then the determination of the pakSha (kR^iShNa/shukla- k/s) and approximate nakShatras (n) and tithis (t) at the beginning of each of the ayana-s of the sun in the yuga is given:
1 n=shraviShThA, t=1s; 2 n=chitrA t=7s; 3 n=ArdrA, t=13s 4 n=pUrva-proShThapadA, t=4k; 5 n=anurAdhA, t=10k; 6 n=ashleShA, t=1s; 7 n=ashvini, t=7s; 8 n=pUrvAShADhA, t=13s; 9 n=uttara phalguni, t=4k; 10 n=rohiNi, t=10k;
These are days on which the solsticial sacrifices are performed.

The viShuva days or the equinoctial days are the other important ritual days. A formula is given for the number of pakSha-s(p) and tithi-s(t) having elapsed from the beginning of the yuga to the nth viShuva (n):
6*(2*n-1)*(p+.5*t); thus for viShuva 1 we have 6*pakShas+3*tithis or it occurs on tritIya.
The viShuva is declared as occurring in the shukla-pakSha at the end of the tR^itIya, navamI and paurNaMasya.

Rule for the tithi on which a R^itu begins is thus explained: The number of R^itus in a yuga is 30. The first R^itu of the yuga is shishira, in the month of tapas, as stated in the yajurveda (TS 4.4.11.1), begins on shukla prathamA. The next R^itu begins two tithis later on shukla tritIya, the next on shukla 5 panchami and so on till the 8th R^itu begins on paurNamAsya. Then the R^itu-s continue by the formula modulo(1+2*(n-1),15)

The logic of the peculiar division 124
—————————————
Given that there are 62 synodic months in a yuga, we have 124 pakSha-s in a yuga. Hence to keep the calculations as whole numbers the vedic day is divided into 124 parts or aMsha-s. From the earlier table we have a day having 603 kalA-s=74722 kAShTha-s, the latter being divisible by 124. [1 kAShTha=1.1563 seconds; 1 kalA= 2.388 minutes; part of the day/amsha= 11.612 minutes].

The part of the day when the pakSha ends is critical to determining the day when the sarcfices or iShTi-s are performed. The VJ gives the following procedure to figure out the part of the day when a pakSha ends:
The duration of each pakSha = yuga/124= 15 days – 30 parts (amshas) of the day.
Thus duration of each tithi =1 day – 2 parts of a day.
To find the part of the day the nth pakSha ends:
1) For the nth pakSha obtain x= modulo (n,4).
2) If x=1 then y=n+93; if x=2 then y=n+62; if x=3 then y=n+31; if x=0 then y=n
3) The number of parts of the day when the pakSha ends= modulo (y,124).
If the pakSha ends before 31 parts then it ends before civil mid-day.
E.g. 37th pakSha- x= modulo (37,4)=1; y=37+93=130; So the pakSha ends at modulo (130,124)=6. Thus it ends around 1 hour and 9.6 minutes of the day.

So one can see that the for a vedic ritualist at 1300 BC the VJ gives decent, rough and ready approximation for key values using the yuga concept, and can hence be hardly called a primitive work.
 

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OPERATION OF INOCULATION OF THE SMALLPOX AS PERFORMED IN BENGALL


(From Ro. Coult to Dr Oliver Coult in 'An account of the diseases of
Bengall' (Calcutta, dated February 10, 1731).)



Here follows one account of the operation of inoculation of the smallpox as performed here in Bengall taken from the
concurring accounts of several Bhamans and physicians of this part of India.


The operation of inoculation called by the natives tikah has been known in the kingdom of Bengall as near as I can learn,
about 150 years and according to the Bhamanian records was first performed by one Dununtary, a physician of Champanager,
a small town by the side of the Ganges about half way to Cossimbazar whose memory is now holden in great esteem as
being thought the author of this operation, which secret, say they, he had immediately of God in a dream.
Their method of performing this operation is by taking a little of the pus (when the smallpox are come to maturity and are
of a good kind) and dipping these in the point of a pretty large sharp needle. Therewith make severall punctures in the hollow
under the deltoid muscle or sometimes in the forehead, after which they cover the part with a little paste made of boiled rice.
When they want the operation of the inoculated matter to be quick they give the patient a small bolus made of a little of
the pus, and boiled rice immediately after the operation which is repeated the two following days at noon.
The place where the punctures were made commonly festures and comes to a small supporation, and if not the
operation has no effect and the person is still liable to have the smallpox but on the contrary if the punctures do supporate and
no feaver or eruption insues, then they are no longer subject to the infection.
 

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