Tumult in Opposition parties after Modi win

Discussion in 'Politics & Society' started by Ray, May 21, 2014.

  1. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Riding a tiger in Bengal

    he Lok Sabha election fought by both the left and the right against a common adversary in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, produced expected results. The Trinamool Congress led by Ms. Banerjee has won 34 of 42 seats with 39.30 per cent of the votes, which is marginally more than what the TMC got in the 2011 Assembly election. Since the first general election in 1952, no single party has got as many seats in West Bengal as the TMC in 2014. In 1980, the Left coalition captured almost all the 42 seats, though none of the Front allies were close to 34 on their own. On the other hand, within a decade and a half of its formation, the TMC emerged as the fourth largest party in the country, while its key rival, the CPI(M), got two seats, the lowest ever since its formation in 1964. Mamata Banerjee should have been elated at her first media conference after the results, but she was not.

    Perhaps the reason was that alongside her massive victory the BJP put in a strong showing in West Bengal. The BJP got 16.80 per cent of the votes — its highest ever in the State. While before and after Independence, the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jan Sangh or the BJP got 16 per cent or more in a few seats on several occasions here, in 2014 the BJP polled 2 lakh to 3.5 lakh votes in more than 20 seats across the State, that is, a 20-25 per cent vote share in half the seats. In more than 20 seats the BJP was in the third position, pushing the Left or the Congress to the fourth spot, and the party was the first runner-up in five. The BJP also won in a couple of dozen Assembly segments, including Bhawanipore where Ms. Banerjee resides. The BJP’s rise is changing the nature of politics in West Bengal where class rather than identity politics has been the general norm. In Basirhat in North 24 Parganas district, the BJP’s campaign was orchestrated largely around last year’s communal flare-up in the area. Similar events are reported from other parts of the State. Clearly, Ms. Banerjee’s challenge is to restrict such religious-identity driven politics as the State has a huge minority population. At the same time, she also needs to check the slide in her Hindu vote bank. The task is difficult as the semantics introduced by the TMC over the last few years in West Bengal’s politics, oblivious of the State’s violent past, overtly appealed to the minority community for en bloc votes, thus jeopardising the long-term interest of the minorities. By stepping up attacks against Narendra Modi, Ms. Banerjee encouraged polarisation, so that the BJP gains at the cost of her main rival, the CPI(M). Her plan has worked in 2014, but it may boomerang in 2016 or even earlier in 2015, in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation election. The Chief Minister is now clearly riding a tiger, and thus had reason to be worried even on a day of historic achievements.
    Riding a tiger in Bengal - The Hindu
     
  2.  
  3. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Akhilesh sacks 36 SP leaders with MoS status in view of party's poor electoral performance

    Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav on Tuesday sacked 36 party leaders with minister of state ranks in view of the poor performance in the Lok Sabha poll. Akhilesh said that his party was only able to win five seats because the party failed to communicate its achievements to the public.

    The move came a day after the Samajwadi Party held a party meeting to take stock of their poor poll performance in Uttar Pradesh.
    SP sources said six leaders from the minority community were among those who got the axe. As the political fallout of the resouding BJP win in UP spread, the sources said some cabinet and state ministers may be also sacked.

    mid demands for his resignation, Akhilesh, however, indicated that he was in no mood to quit and said reasons behind SP's poor show were being reviewed. He was speaking after presiding over the first state Cabinet meeting in the aftermath of the poll results.

    Prominent among those who have been removed are Narendra Bhati and Surendra Mohan Agarwal, who lost in Gautam Buddh Nagar and Kanpur seats respectively, RLD turncoat Anuradha Chowdhury, traders' body leader Sandeep Bansal, ex-Agra Mayor Anjula Mahaur, Surabhi Shukla, Ranjana Bajpai, KC Pandey, Kamlesh Pathak, Ashu Malik, Satish Dixit and Manoj Rai.

    Those from the minority community included Anis Mansori, Mohammad Abbas, Iqbal Ali, Haji Iqram and Kamruddin, the sources added.
    Raja Chaturvedi and Ram Singh Rana, former student leaders, were also sacked.
    In 2009 general elections, the party won 23 seats in the state.

    Akhilesh sacks 36 SP leaders with MoS status in view of party's poor electoral performance - IBNLive
     
  4. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Heads roll in BSP as Mayawati overhauls party setup

    LUCKNOW: Disappointed with her party's debacle in the just concluded Lok Sabha elections, Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati overhauled the organizational structure of the party completely on Tuesday.

    Presiding over a closed-door all-India party workers meeting at party state headquarters in Lucknow, an angry Mayawati not only dissolved the existing zonal committees headed by her close aides like Naseemuddin Siddiqui, Munquad Ali and Baliram who were the zonal coordinators but also district level committees headed by over 70 district coordinators.

    While Naseemuddin happened to be the Muslim face of BSP, Munquad Ali was one of the most powerful zonal in charge of west UP. Baliram had contested from Lalganj reserved constituency but lost to BJP's Neelam Sonkar. It was only a day before when Mayawati removed BSP Rajya Sabha MP Jugal Kishore as zonal coordinator in the party.

    Under the new arrangement, the zonal coordinators will make way for a Lok Sabha in charge in each parliamentary constituency. This way there will be 80 parliamentary constituencies in charge. Each in charge will be aided by a team of each cadre and cover different assembly constituencies.

    Likewise, the district committee will be taken care of by an eight-member committee headed by a district president. Other members will be vice-president, general secretary, four secretaries and a treasurer.

    Mayawati came down heavily on candidates and cadres that did not fare well. She said the party had been keeping close watch on them. "They would not be given by party ticket in future," she threatened. But, she said those who contested spiritedly even though came second or third would be repeated in the next Lok Sabha elections.

    The BSP chief asked the cadres categorically to bring into the party fold not only people from the SC category but also from the upper castes as well as Muslims. Even the youths will have to be convinced of the party objectives, she said. Many party workers at the meeting did apprehend that a major chunk of young voters from the SC category had drifted from BSP to vote for the BJP. The BSP chief, however, said the SCs remained firm with the party and its movement. "It was the OBC, Muslims and people from the upper castes that got divided, eventually helping the BJP win," she said.

    "We will convince the youth about the party's philosophy so that more and more come into party fold," said Lokesh Dixit, MLA of Baduat assembly constituency in Baghpat district. He maintained that the party president was sure the party would bounce back in the assembly elections in 2017, as well as in subsequent Lok Sabha elections.

    Former assembly speaker and BSP leader Sukhdeo Rajbhar said the party president analysed the cause of the poll debacle and asked workers not to lose heart over the defeat. Significantly, none of the BSP leaders were willing to come forth on reasons that led the core vote bank of the party drifting away.

    At the same time, Mayawati handed over party workers a bunch of booklets informing about the party movement. She asked the workers to start spreading the message before the assembly polls.

    Heads roll in BSP as Mayawati overhauls party setup - The Times of India
     
  5. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    After Modi's big win, is the Gandhi political dynasty finished in India?

    [​IMG]
    NEW DELHI — On Friday, as opposition leader Narendra Modi swept to victory and fireworks exploded throughout the capital, the mood at the governing Congress party headquarters was grim.

    Late in the afternoon, the mother and son who lead India’s oldest political dynasty finally emerged to speak to supporters and journalists.

    “There’s a lot for us to think about,” said a chastened Rahul Gandhi, the party’s heir apparent and chief campaigner. “As vice president of the party, I hold myself responsible for what has happened.”

    But then, as he stepped aside to let his mother speak, he smiled — some observers thought with relief. The Twitterverse took note.

    Gandhi, whose lineage includes three prime ministers, had been groomed for India’s top job for a decade. But his evident ambivalence about the prospect was among the drivers of the Indian National Congress party’s worst drubbing in its history, analysts said. The party won just 44 seats in the 543-seat lower house of Parliament, while Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party took 282 in a landslide.

    Even before the Gandhis departed without taking questions, the postmortem had begun: The Congress party was out of touch with voters, analysts said. Its leaders were corrupt and inefficient. And unlike the canny chief minister preparing for his triumphant arrival in the capital, they had missed India’s moment. Even Congress’s own members, still dazed by the scale of the defeat, could see that.

    “India has changed,” said Sachin Pilot, 36, one of the Congress party’s younger leaders, who was defeated Friday in the state of Rajasthan. “The party has failed to connect with the new India of aspirations. We haven’t been able to tap into the imagination of the new India, the youth and the middle classes, the upwardly mobile people. . . . Somewhere our message was not clear, was not appropriate for the new era.”

    The Congress party has governed the country for most of the years since India won its fight for independence from Britain in 1947. Many of its policies today have roots in the vision shaped by the country’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru — Rahul Gandhi’s great-grandfather — of uplifting the masses.

    Yet, despite that history of political success and its recent 10-year rule, the party seemed woefully unprepared as it headed into the 2014 general election.

    Rahul and his mother, Sonia, the Congress party president, campaigned in their usual way, appearing at large rallies where they emphasized signature subsidy programs such as distribution of wheat and grains to the poor, and talked about rural employment.

    Modi, meanwhile, was spreading his message of economic opportunity via a sophisticated 24-hour campaign operation with millions of volunteers, including many from the Hindu nationalist movement, and teams of technology gurus to manage his wide-ranging social media efforts.

    Modi’s campaign “was not about this dole or that dole; it was not about how much free rice or free wheat his party will give. It was about all the things that were wrong with the country — unemployment, corruption, inflation,” said Manisha Priyam, the India coordinator for research on elections at the London School of Economics. “No previous election in India has been able to remove welfare populism completely from its language. Modi has achieved that.”

    Some voters said that the Gandhi family seemed elitist and out of touch with the people’s problems.

    “The Congress party used to listen to us, but they no longer do,” said Usha Sharma, 64, a retiree from New Delhi. She said that the Congress party of years gone by would help with jobs but that she lacks running water even now. “There’s no point in voting for them.”

    Rahul Gandhi, in particular, seemed unable to connect with voters, spending much of his time with his nose in his smartphone or going over spreadsheets with his cadre of advisers, many of whom had been educated overseas, party critics said. Many of his efforts to reach younger voters — such as a pilot primary system to make campaigns more egalitarian — failed. It was the 63-year-old Modi, who blogs and tweets, whom India’s more than 100 million first-time voters embraced.

    The stunning defeat has led to a call for the first family’s ouster and to questions about whether the country’s long love affair with dynastic politics is finally over.

    Conservative pundit Surjit S. Bhalla, in a piece titled “The Gandhis Should Resign” in Saturday’s Indian Express newspaper, wrote that the party and the dynasty are finished.

    “When will the leaders realize that feudalism is over, that monarchy is over?” Bhalla wrote.

    Yet, many of the party’s leaders fear that without the first family and its charisma, the party will fall apart. It splintered briefly in the 1990s before Sonia Gandhi, the widow of the slain former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, finally agreed to step in as president.

    Pilot counters that the reality is “not so simplistic.”

    “Some hard decisions have to be taken” when party leaders gather Monday to assess the damage, Pilot said. “We have to fix our shop on many fronts. Mrs. Sonia Gandhi led us to two successive victories and nobody at that time said the family was irrelevant. We all share the credit, and we have to share the blame, too.”



    Jalees Andrabi contributed to this report.

    After Modi's big win, is the Gandhi political dynasty over in India? - The Washington Post

    *****************************************************************

    Good reasons for the West to lament the defeat of the Unholy Roman Empire.
     
  6. Vishwarupa

    Vishwarupa Senior Member Senior Member

    Joined:
    Sep 15, 2009
    Messages:
    2,030
    Likes Received:
    2,208
    I wanted the JD(secular) in Karnataka to lose all the seats. They are not fit to be a regional party & they have not done anything significant to Karnataka & its people.

    JD(S) is congress B Team in Karnataka helping them to divide BJP votes. Thought Kumaraswamy as CM did a pretty good job they are not fit to enter loksabha.

    Devegowda( Former PM) had told that he would pray god so that in his next birth he would like to be born as Muslim in India & fight for their cause & upliftment. He had also said he would quit politics & leave India if Modi becomes PM of the country. Sad state of affairs that such people want to represent our people in Loksabha. I dont know what idea/developmental agenda does he have for our country.
     
  7. AVERAGE INDIAN

    AVERAGE INDIAN EXORCIST Senior Member

    Joined:
    Sep 22, 2012
    Messages:
    2,762
    Likes Received:
    2,718
    Location:
    Detroit MI
    Blaming Modi for mob violence is purely Indian Congress and Communist party's attack to label BJP as a communal party. It is no more communal than the GOP in the US or the Christian Democratic PArty in Germany or most European countries.

    Gandhis stay on: moral accountability be damned

    In this country, politicians don't quit, period. No matter that accusations of corruption or ongoing criminal cases against them may deem it unfit for them to hold any public office.Or a pitiable leadership record like in the case of Rahul Gandhi has led to a dramatic drubbing in not one but several poll outcomes. Or for that matter old age and new leadership has rendered them irrelevant as with L K Advani.The hunger for power makes Indian leaders clasp to their seat come what may.

    :tsk:

    Gandhis stay on: moral accountability be damned | Business Standard
     
  8. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Is that clot Deve Gowda quitting politics?

    After all, Modi has become the PM.
     
  9. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    UP of ‘timepass youth’ and purposeless waiting

    For too long, UP politics has been trapped in a time warp. This verdict shows that it feels left behind.

    The results of the 2014 national elections, particularly for UP, are a complete reversal of the 2009 mandate. The tectonic shift in UP is significant as it was the battleground from where three major contenders — Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal — fought the election. Moreover, it is not a victory for the BJP as much as it is for Modi in UP and elsewhere. In 2009, the Congress party won 21 seats in UP, which was one of the 12 states that powered the UPA to victory. This led observers to comment that the party was on the path to recovery in the state. But in 2014, it has only won the two family seats of Sonia and Rahul Gandhi.

    The BSP and SP — which obtained 20 and 23 seats, respectively, in 2009 — have been wiped out. The former won zero seats and the latter five, all of which have gone to Mulayam Singh Yadav and his family members. The BSP, whose vote share has been rising since the 1989 national election, gained 4.2 per cent of the votes but did not get a single seat. In UP, it lost all 17 reserved seats to the BJP, and even strongholds like Sitapur, Misrikh and Ambedkar Nagar. In constituencies where the BSP and SP fielded Muslim candidates, the latter’s nominees reportedly gained more votes. While it could be argued that the results would have been different in an assembly election, the BJP, which had won 10 seats in 2009, has obtained 71 out of the 80 seats in UP this time round. It mopped up the Hindu vote, effectively decimating the Congress and penetrating the backward and Dalit base of the BSP and SP.

    While a detailed analysis of the results is required, three preliminary explanations can be proffered. First, the Muzaffarnagar riots and communal mobilisation that followed polarised voters, which helped the BJP. The BJP, following its decline in the state after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, did not have a well-established organisation in UP. However, the appointment of Amit Shah as strategist and campaign manager and the support of the RSS changed that. Together, these well-planned decisions revived the Hindutva agenda, revamped the organisation by setting the old guard aside and by bringing in younger candidates, and took the campaign deep into the countryside. Also, while Modi initially spoke mainly on development issues in his UP rallies, during the last phase of polling, there was a definite communal appeal.

    Second, the anger against the government for failing to prevent the riots and its inept handling of them and for poor governance was also a factor that went against the SP. The victory of the SP in the assembly elections in March 2012 and the appointment of Akhilesh Yadav as chief minister had raised expectations. People thought that a young, educated chief minister would be able to improve UP’s economy. By 2014, the public was disappointed with the CM because he had failed to maintain law and order, provide clean governance or development or establish his authority over a family-controlled party. Time was spent distributing laptops and renaming welfare policies started by the previous government. No new or innovative programme was implemented. This was reinforced by the disappointment with the Congress-led UPA 2 for its failure to prevent corruption, low growth rates and high unemployment.

    However, while much has been written on the above, a third significant factor merits consideration. Since the late 1990s, the two main national parties — the Congress and BJP — have been in decline in UP. The SP and BSP were the main players in the state, between which there was a constant turnover of power. During this period, neither party attempted to address issues of underdevelopment, backwardness or poverty. Rather, both parties were more concerned with pursuing narrow, sectarian agendas through which they could strengthen their identity-based vote banks and keep the other party out of power. Consequently, despite the attempt by the SP to use Mandal to unite backward castes, it has shrunk to become a party mainly of the Yadavs led by a single family. Mayawati’s efforts to capture state power through the strategy of sarvjan made Dalits insecure and diluted the party’s bahujan identity, as this went against the original goal of the BSP-led movement of removing social hierarchies and discrimination.

    At Independence, UP was one of the best-governed states in the country. But during the first three decades of Congress rule, its socio-economic progress was slow. In the 1980s, for the first time, there was a structural shift from agriculture towards industry and a drop in poverty rates. But during the 1990s, due to destabilising identity-based politics, the state witnessed a steep decline. With the weakening of identity politics in the early 2000s, it was hoped that the SP or BSP would introduce a development-oriented agenda. But in contrast with other states, where leaders such as Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh, Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh and J. Jayalalithaa in Tamil Nadu have tried to move away from purely identity-based politics towards issues of development and governance, this did not happen in UP. UP remains trapped in traditional politics and has not been able to make use of the new opportunities provided by liberalisation. The fate of UP is well illustrated by Craig Jeffrey’s book, Timepass: Youth, Class and the Politics of Waiting in India, which shows how farmers in western UP, who benefited from the Green Revolution, gave their sons college/ university educations in the hope that they would obtain professional jobs. But the boys are still “waiting” for such opportunities, indulging in “purposeless timepass”, hanging around street corners and teashops, doing small jobs. This is leading to immense frustration and participation in petty politics. An aspirational younger generation is disturbed and the middle class is angry as the promised benefits of higher economic growth have proved elusive. The discussion on TV channels on the “Gujarat model” has made them feel left behind.

    The situation in UP is perhaps reflective of such feelings in many parts of the country. It is hoped that the Narendra Modi government will set aside divisive agendas that could cleave the country, and focus its energies on understanding and addressing the needs and aspirations that have been roused in the Hindi heartland.

    The writer is professor at the Centre for Political Studies and rector, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi

    UP of ‘timepass youth’ and purposeless waiting | The Indian Express | Page 99

    ******************************************

    Caste, community, religion seems to have lost steam in UP politics.

    It is now all about development and good governance.
     
  10. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Adhir dissolves Bengal Cong, sparks protests

    Even as questions were being raised about the lack of unaccountability of the party high command over the worst-ever performance of the Congress in the just-concluded Lok Sabha polls, Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, president of the West Bengal unit of the party, dissolved several district and block level committees in state Congress inviting sharp reactions from party leaders.

    As per the decision taken by Chowdhury late Monday, three district committees and 24 block committees (four in Kolkata, seven in North Bengal and 13 in South Bengal) would cease to exist. The district monitoring committee, scheduled caste department, minority cell and human rights cell of the party too have become defunct.

    With stalwarts failing to make much impact in the Lok Sabha polls —- Somen Mitra, Abdul Mannan and Om Prakash Mishra ended up at fourth position in Kolkata (north), Srerampur and Balurghat constituencies, respectively —- Chowdhury is planning a complete overhaul of the party. Several younger leaders are touted to get leadership roles.

    However, the decision drew sharp reactions with several senior leaders questioning the legality of Adhir’s move.

    “All I can say is that before initiating such a move, he need to get permission from the All India Congress Committee (AICC) chief (Sonia Gandhi),” said former WBPCC chief Pradeep Bhattacharya.

    Pradip Ghosh, president, central Kolkata Congress, said he came to know bout the PCC chief’s decision today from a party worker. “No discussions were held after the elections,” he added.

    A senior party leader, requesting anonymity, said a PCC chief doesn’t have the authority to dissolve the committees. “It can only be done by the AICC president as all the office bearers of the state Congress were appointed by her,” he said, adding that the move was a result of a secret understanding between Adhir and Chief Minister Mamata Benerjee. “That is one of the reasons why Mamata pitched a weak candidate like Indranil Sen from Adhir’s constituency,” he added.

    Another senior Congress state leader accused Adhir of being arrogant. “He never listens to any suggestions. We saw it during the selection of candidates for the LS polls. This latest move will lead to defections,” he said.

    The only voice in support of Adhir came from Shyamal Chowdhury, president of the Cooch Behar district Congress. “The old timers should be replaced with the young brigade, which is ready to work. The move will prove beneficial to the party in the long run,” he said.

    Contacted, Chowdhury refused to comment on the allegations but said the change was inevitable. “The day I took charge as PCC chief, all the existing committees had turned redundant. Now that the election is over, the reconstruction is quite natural,” he said.

    He said several other committees such as Mahila Congress, Youth Congress and Seva Dal would also be dissolved.

    However, Sobha Jha, national president, Mahila Congress, said that it was beyond the powers of the state president to dissolve the state Mahila Congress. “Any frontal committees such as the Mahila Congress, the Seva Dal or the Youth Congress can only be dissolved from their respective headquarters,” she said.

    Adhir dissolves Bengal Cong, sparks protests | The Indian Express | Page 2

    ********************************************************

    The blood letting bites the Congress too!
     
  11. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

    Joined:
    Apr 17, 2009
    Messages:
    43,118
    Likes Received:
    23,543
    Location:
    Somewhere
    Kaalapani likes this.
  12. anoop_mig25

    anoop_mig25 Senior Member Senior Member

    Joined:
    Aug 17, 2009
    Messages:
    5,195
    Likes Received:
    2,223
    Why isnt any Tumult in left parties.

    I mean are they happy with result ....

    Did they expected 0 win in lok sabha seats. so now that they have collectedly got 10 seats they are happy it which is 4 down from last
     

Share This Page