In 2005, Prime Minister Manmohan Singhappointed the Sachar committee to study the social and economic condition of Indiaâ€™s Muslim community. In 2006, the Prime Minister said that minorities have the â€œfirst claim on Indiaâ€™s resourcesâ€. In the same year, the government tried to conduct a survey on the religious affiliations of Indiaâ€™s soldiers. In 2009, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government enunciated the Right to Education (RTE), from the provisions of which minority schools are exempted but with which most â€œHinduâ€ schools must comply. In 2011, the UPA government brought forward the Communal Violence Bill, which did not recognize communal violence committed by minority communities against the majority community. In March 2013, Union home minister Sushilkumar Shindewrote to minority affairs minister K. Rahman Khanthat special Muslim-only fast-track courts would be set up for trial of terror cases. In January 2014, in an astounding display of New Delhiâ€™s executive interference in the functioning of statesâ€™ police and judiciary, Shinde wrote to all chief ministers asking them to set up special screening committees to look at cases where minority youths had been jailed, following up on a communication in September 2013 by the home minister that told all chief ministers to ensure â€œwrong arrestsâ€ of minorities were not made. In January 2014, Jains were declared a â€œminorityâ€ community by the government, the same month when the Union minority affairs minister said the government was seriously looking into religion-based reservations for minorities. Like in the case of the RTE, the government is creating incentives for the balkanization of society, since becoming a â€œminorityâ€ results in benefits flowing from the minority affairs ministry, and various exemptions become available with minority status under existing laws. This has happened before, when in 1980 perverse incentives forced Swami Vivekanandaâ€™s Ramakrishna Mission to try and declare itself non-Hindu in a bid to escape the Indian stateâ€™s intrusive hand. As early as 1951, T.S.S Rajan, a minister in the Madras state government, had said that it was the wish of Jawaharlal Nehru, that paragon of â€œsecularismâ€, that there should not to be any private temples. This thinking cemented government control on Hindu temples, but allowed â€œminorityâ€ places of worship to remain outside the stateâ€™s influence. Uttar Pradesh, which has been run by a â€œsecularâ€ Samajwadi Party government since 2012, has been creating Muslim-only welfare schemes. The state government has an education scheme only for Muslim girlsâ€”spare a thought for the Hindu girl denied aid because of her faith. The government has created special tribunals to expedite the hearing of cases relating to Muslim-owned property. The Akhilesh Yadavgovernment went so far as to attempt unilaterally dropping charges against those accused of terrorismâ€”something it had promised it would do before the 2012 assembly electionsâ€”but was restrained from doing so by the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad high court. In August 2013, Yadav announced that 20% of the share in all 85 state-administered development schemes would be reserved for minorities. Andhra Pradesh, under Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy(YSR) and the unquestionably â€œsecularâ€ Congress party, set a new benchmark for persistence in the pursuit of minority appeasement. As Arun Shouriedocumented in anIndian Expressarticle titled â€œChasing that bank of votes againâ€, the Reddy government tried relentlessly to create Muslim job reservations, starting June 2004, but kept being rebuffed by the judiciary which held that such reservations were unconstitutional. The state government eventually secured religion-based reservations within the other backward classes (OBC) quota for a subset of â€œcasteâ€ Muslims only. The YSR government also created a special allowance for Christians to visit Bethlehem, on the lines of the Haj subsidy provided for Muslims, besides doling out taxpayer funds to Christian organizations for the refurbishment and construction of churches. YSRâ€™s son-in-law, Christian evangelist Anil Kumar, held large-scale evangelism programmes with assistance from the state government.