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http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article7103260.ecehttp://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article7103260.ece
The region has been described by the US President as the most dangerous place in the world. No one who lives here would disagree.
Pakistan's rugged tribal areas are now in the fourth year of a fierce struggle that shows little sign of ebbing and every indication that the daily toll in lives will continue to grow.
The past few days provide a telling snapshot. More than 70 people were killed in a bungled Pakistani air raid against suspected militants; 45 Shia Muslims were killed by Sunni suicide bombers in burkas; a police station was hit by a suicide car bomber, killing 7; and 25 died in another suicide attack on a market in Peshawar, the regional capital.
During this period US military drones continued their daily strikes in North Waziristan, while Pakistani forces engaged in fierce battles with Taleban fighters over their strongholds in Orakzai. The impact is starting to show on the deeply conservative Pashtun population that straddles the mountainous frontier between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Which way they turn could decide the future of the American campaign and ultimately the fate of this country.
In the village of Ghazni Khel, the arrival of three Western visitors this week came as a huge surprise to locals. Young children have never met anyone from London. Their parents say that the last time anyone bothered to visit was four years ago — that includes politicians from the capital only a few hours' drive away.
In particular, local residents were horrified when not a single representative of the central Government came to the funeral of 100 young people killed on New Year's Day by a Taleban suicide bomber during a volleyball game at the village of Shah Hasan Khel.
"We feel we have been forgotten," said Salim Saifullah Khan, the local tribal leader, who represents the area in the Pakistani senate. He has been trying to lobby for development projects — such as a new hydroelectric dam — and demonstrating to visitors that the real victims of the present war are civilians.
Their world changed dramatically four years ago when the Taleban began to assert their authority. Militant checkpoints appeared on the major roads. Music was banned and hi-fi systems ripped out of cars. Some changes were welcome, such as Taleban courts that administered justice in a matter of hours where the local authorities could take months. In some areas they also redistributed land, giving peasants areas previously owned by landlords. But Taleban rule also meant brutal summary justice. Money was extorted in the name of jihad against America. Kidnapping became commonplace and the local authorities found themselves under siege.
Doctors and other professionals have been hit particularly hard. They are frequently abducted and pressed into work before being ransomed.
Last year a GP, Dr Inshaullah, was intercepted by gunmen on his way home with his 13-year-old son. The two spent 70 days in North Waziristan, where their abductors demanded a ransom of £150,000. He eventually managed to escape but some of his colleagues are still missing.
The military insists that it has gone a long way to reassert control over the area at considerable cost. Certainly Taleban strongholds such as Bajaur, the Swat Valley and South Waziristan are now largely under government control. But the campaign of intimidation continues through skilful propaganda. Those who stand up to the militants receive threatening phone calls and are accused of being CIA spies. In Dr Inshaullah's case the police made it clear that they were not interested in pursuing his abductors even though he can identify them and knows where they live.
"People are very intimidated," Khalid Munir, a former army officer, said. "They have been terrorised by the Taleban. They are scared to go out at night. They are scared to speak. The war is not over.
"The Taleban may not be as visible as they were before but they are still there."
The region has been described by the US President as the most dangerous place in the world. No one who lives here would disagree.
Pakistan's rugged tribal areas are now in the fourth year of a fierce struggle that shows little sign of ebbing and every indication that the daily toll in lives will continue to grow.
The past few days provide a telling snapshot. More than 70 people were killed in a bungled Pakistani air raid against suspected militants; 45 Shia Muslims were killed by Sunni suicide bombers in burkas; a police station was hit by a suicide car bomber, killing 7; and 25 died in another suicide attack on a market in Peshawar, the regional capital.
During this period US military drones continued their daily strikes in North Waziristan, while Pakistani forces engaged in fierce battles with Taleban fighters over their strongholds in Orakzai. The impact is starting to show on the deeply conservative Pashtun population that straddles the mountainous frontier between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Which way they turn could decide the future of the American campaign and ultimately the fate of this country.
In the village of Ghazni Khel, the arrival of three Western visitors this week came as a huge surprise to locals. Young children have never met anyone from London. Their parents say that the last time anyone bothered to visit was four years ago — that includes politicians from the capital only a few hours' drive away.
In particular, local residents were horrified when not a single representative of the central Government came to the funeral of 100 young people killed on New Year's Day by a Taleban suicide bomber during a volleyball game at the village of Shah Hasan Khel.
"We feel we have been forgotten," said Salim Saifullah Khan, the local tribal leader, who represents the area in the Pakistani senate. He has been trying to lobby for development projects — such as a new hydroelectric dam — and demonstrating to visitors that the real victims of the present war are civilians.
Their world changed dramatically four years ago when the Taleban began to assert their authority. Militant checkpoints appeared on the major roads. Music was banned and hi-fi systems ripped out of cars. Some changes were welcome, such as Taleban courts that administered justice in a matter of hours where the local authorities could take months. In some areas they also redistributed land, giving peasants areas previously owned by landlords. But Taleban rule also meant brutal summary justice. Money was extorted in the name of jihad against America. Kidnapping became commonplace and the local authorities found themselves under siege.
Doctors and other professionals have been hit particularly hard. They are frequently abducted and pressed into work before being ransomed.
Last year a GP, Dr Inshaullah, was intercepted by gunmen on his way home with his 13-year-old son. The two spent 70 days in North Waziristan, where their abductors demanded a ransom of £150,000. He eventually managed to escape but some of his colleagues are still missing.
The military insists that it has gone a long way to reassert control over the area at considerable cost. Certainly Taleban strongholds such as Bajaur, the Swat Valley and South Waziristan are now largely under government control. But the campaign of intimidation continues through skilful propaganda. Those who stand up to the militants receive threatening phone calls and are accused of being CIA spies. In Dr Inshaullah's case the police made it clear that they were not interested in pursuing his abductors even though he can identify them and knows where they live.
"People are very intimidated," Khalid Munir, a former army officer, said. "They have been terrorised by the Taleban. They are scared to go out at night. They are scared to speak. The war is not over.
"The Taleban may not be as visible as they were before but they are still there."
