5. Conclusion
This paper provides one of the first systematic mappings of politically influential shrines across Pakistani Punjab. Taking into account multiple rounds of electoral data, we find strong evidence of political persistence. The political power of shrines is anchored in Punjab’s colonial history that placed pīrs in a favourable position, allowing them to combine their religious authority with landed power. Supported by systematic colonial patronage, shrine elites made an early entry into the politics of pre-partition Punjab and survive in the parliament to this day. In fact, the pir-zamindars remain an important component of dynastic politics. Our analysis suggests possible mechanisms for this persistence, highlighting four interrelated explanations for the survival of religious dynasties in politics. These pertain to the role of shifting political loyalties, use of marriage as a strategic political instrument, frequent military interventions, and the pir’s control of political brokerage. In doing so, we draw on several, previously un-consulted, sources and furnish rich information on relevant actors and their strategies, alliances, and control of economic resources. Punjab’s leading shrines offer a ready-made network for politics, bringing forth not only the unflinching support of their devotees but also the wider network of shrine brotherhood (pir-bhai) spread in neighbouring regions. The pīrs have a strong sense of class consciousness and protect their group solidarity. In the political domain, however, they are often engaged in acts of both cooperation as well as competition. Valued for their role in elite brokerage, political parties derive significant political externalities by enlisting their support. In broader terms, the evidence marshalled in this paper corroborates David Gilmartin’s astute observation that the religious and political authority is co-constituted in Punjab. Enshrining the combined influence of religion, land and politics, riverine shrines are an important component of de facto political power. This analysis underscores the need for a deeper understanding of the mutual intertwining of religion and politics for any holistic mapping of Punjab’s political economy. Although our analysis is limited to Punjab it has important parallels in other Muslim societies. In North Africa, where shrine personalities had figured less prominently in the political calculus, Sufi orders have re-asserted their power in the political domain and are providing a new lease of legitimacy to authoritarian regimes (Werenfels 2014). While casting fresh light on an important and under-studied subject, we identify several potential lines of enquiry for future researchers. Analysis based on aggregate data masks the considerable variation in the political influence of shrines. The constantly evolving dialectic between pīrs and political parties deserves a closer analysis. Depending on where they are located and the strength of their network, the pīrs can have a differential bargaining power vis-à-vis political parties. In regions where pīrs are not in a uniquely advantaged position, they are actively engaged in acts of negotiation and concessions. Another source of variation is purely temporal. Despite strong patterns of persistence, the pir’s political authority is subjected to new sources of contestation, such as the rise of media, education, urbanization and migration. A more refined understanding of both the emerging patterns of heterogeneity and their underlying drivers deserves close scrutiny. Admittedly, our analysis does not fully encapsulate the political impact of shrines, since it takes into account only the direct role of shrines in electoral politics. Many pīrs abstain from the electoral race but play an important kingmaker role from behind the scenes. In such instances, real power tends to reside in unelected brokers outside the parliament. Given its significance, supplementary work is needed to map such indirect political role of shrines.
