Nuclear-Correctness

Discussion in 'Defence & Strategic Issues' started by Yusuf, Sep 13, 2012.

  1. Yusuf

    Yusuf GUARDIAN Administrator

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    National Security Adviser (NSA) Shiv Shankar Menon was at an Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) meet on August 27 to launch a revived Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan for nuclear disarmament. In his speech, he teased the audience with his claim that pre-1998, India faced “explicit or implicit” nuclear coercion on three occasions “to try and change India’s behaviour”.

    Making informed guesses, two obvious instances are, of course, the 1971 episode of the Enterprise carrier Task Group with aircraft armed with nuclear ordnance steaming into the Bay of Bengal holding out an explicit threat. Another equally explicit threat was, perhaps, made in 1995 thwarting Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s decision to test. The third instance is the tricky one but it happened, I believe, in 1974 imediately after the first test. Indira Gandhi had approved an open-ended series of underground tests but abruptly cancelled testing after just the first Pokharan explosion on May 11. The question why, had troubled a number of senior nuclear scientists at the time, who were aware that Dr. Homi Bhabha, the nuclear visionary, was killed by an American timed-explosive on board his Geneva-bound flight – which has since been borne out by an admission by the alleged agent who admitted placing the explosive on the plane. Bothe because stopping the Indian Bomb was a Washington priority and it was surprised by the Indian test, an implicit threat was likely conveyed to the Indian government to halt testing or face action. There was no further testing in Indira’s lifetime.

    Hard pressure and dire threats have always been part of the Standard Operating Procedure of the nuclear Haves to keep the nuclear club manageably small, and a way of imposing disarmament on the nuclear Have-nots. Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 Action Plan for a nuclear disarmed world was a quaint attempt to replicate Jawaharlal Nehru’s championing nuclear disarmament in the Fifties. Except, Nehru- cleverly sought “general and complete disarmament”, which required all countries to disavow nuclear weapons, of course, disband their conventional militaries, and retain only small constabularies for internal law and order purposes. The thinking behind Nehru’s stratagem was that general and complete disarmament being an unrealistic and unachievable goal, it allowed India to take the moral high-road while providing cover for an India furtively pursuing the weapon option and reaching the weapon threshold by 1964 with the commissioning of the plutonium reprocessing plant in Trombay.

    The main difference between the Nehruvian initiative and the Action Plan was that the latter lacked the former’s realpolitik foundations. People around Rajiv Gandhi actually believed that this Plan was a practicable proposition and that nuclear weapon states would rush to zero-out their thermonuclear arsenals as per a definite timetable. The same people, with Rajiv Gandhi’s confidante Mani Shankar Aiyar in the van, are now seeking to revive that Plan at a time when President Barack Obama’s Prague Initiative, eventuating in two nuclear summits in Washington in 2009 and in Seoul two years later, packs far greater international weight and credibility. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has been a regular at these summits, and endorsed this U.S.-led effort. With the Indian government on the Obama bandwagon and the nuclear summits trumping the Action Plan, not only does the latter not have a chance, it does not even pack much moral heft that Nehru’s advocacy did 60 years ago. It is rather like a tired, old mare being whipped to go round the track one more time.

    As to why Congress party stalwarts, like Aiyar, see political value in reviving the Rajiv Plan, is hard to say, except in terms of trying to remain relevant in a Nehru-Gandhi party because, in the real world, more countries are inching towards the safety and security afforded by nuclear weapons. Actually, with uncertainty and spreading international anarchy, nuclear weapons are a security comforter for nations. In the event, Shiv Shankar Menon’s straight talk on the subject at the ICWA event — “Until we arrive at that happy state [of] a world truly free of nuclear weapons”, India will not disarm — was the firmest official declaration to-date. It also -torpedoed the refloated Action Plan.

    Alas, the NSA stuck to the Establishment view revolving around the minimum deterrence concept, which seriously needs to be junked. Derived from this concept is the view that Menon dutifully mouthed, that nuclear weapons are not meant for “war fighting”. Naturally, a small nuclear force cannot perform diverse strategic roles other than try and deter the adversary with threat of “massive retaliation”. But this is a manifestly incorrect take on the military aspects of the Bomb incessantly propagated by the late K. Subrahmanyam. Unfortunately, it has put down deep roots in the higher bureaucratic and military circles.

    In the nuclear realm, as in the conventional military sphere, the greater the variety of armaments and more of them that a country has in its nuclear weapons inventory, the larger will be the array of options available to meet different military contingencies, and why is that not preferable to limiting one’s choices?

    Because for every incident, the Indian response is “massive retaliation”, it didn’t take Pakistan, for instance, long to work out that it can get away with “small” provocations and, hypothetically, even initiation of low-yield nuclear weapons use on aggressing Indian formations on its own territory because massive retaliation is simply too disproportionate a reply to be credible. This is the reason why “minimum deterrence” and secondary precepts (No First Use, etc.) are worth discarding in substance, if not as rhetoric.

    There’s a desperate need, moreover, for a large and diverse arsenal with nuclear weapons in every yield bracket, and tactical doctrines for their use. Deterrence may be the desired end-state, but nuclear war fighting and the Strategic Forces Command practicing and preparing for this eventuality – are the means of enforcing it. Parroting the “not for war fighting” mantra may be the politically correct thing to do, and reassuring to the political leadership, but to actually stick to it would be for India to lose the strategic nuclear game before it begins.

    Nuclear Correctness | Security Wise
     
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  3. hit&run

    hit&run Elite Member Elite Member

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    Two things:
    1.
    Unfortunately India has Congress- I as main political party with Congress-I/Nehruvian conditioned bureaucracy.

    They have to learn the limits of diplomatic elasticity. Relying merely on diplomacy not only put intrinsic stress and strain on our nation but gives wrong signals to impulsive enemy hell bent on inflicting all kinds of harm on us. Diplomacy is complemented by military power, alone diplomacy has its limits can dangerously make us vulnerable to insulting compromises.

    2.

    Developing working nuclear arsenal is a race and we have already lost its way back not because of the yield but numbers and missing the date.

    Gen K.Sunder Ji was a genius because he realized that failure and coined that term deterrence is not war-fighting. The failure made him clever genius and any clever military mind would have done the same after being failed by leadership or we can say destiny. He coined that term to provide next generation of Indians (expecting they will find their way out by investing in technology and R&D) another chance and time, let diplomacy over take (Indian minister visit to China and other peace initiatives) for a while but ‘hell’ never to be stagnant and benign relying on limited arsenal.

    The ultimate goal for any nuclear armed state should be developing war fighting arsenal. It’s a game of numbers (Delivered) not yield and the numbers are under ambiguity; will be revealed only after tossed at you. It’s always good to have more than less regardless of arguments and political correctness of minimal credible deterrence.
     
  4. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    Do explain how did that help USSR again and when was the last time someone used nukes again?

    The war of future will still remain conventional. And thank god for that.
     
  5. hit&run

    hit&run Elite Member Elite Member

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    And Chinese are increasing their arsenal as we talk, proliferating it to rouge states and investing military stakes on them, what a hypocrite you people are.
     
    Last edited: Sep 13, 2012
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  6. hit&run

    hit&run Elite Member Elite Member

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    The first answer was for your troll this one is to put things in perspective you were unable to comprehend.

    Fall of USSR has nothing to do with what we are talking here.

    USSR is still nuclear war fighting and nuclear battle field ready nation. USA and Russia have been threatening nations both conventional and nuclear wars because of their nuclear war fighting capabilities. Russia has threatened Israel, China and USA has Iraq, Pakistan. How many they have threatened behind closed doors is anyone's guess. Some where I read that one of Your (PLA) officer pissed in pants when an American officer briefed him for how for many days they will keep torching you nation without a break.
     
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  7. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    I see only rants with no substance.

    Come back when you really understand the question. :lol:
     
  8. hit&run

    hit&run Elite Member Elite Member

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    Chinese lol....lol.......lol again..huuurrrrrrrrrrr.
     
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  9. no smoking

    no smoking Senior Member Senior Member

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    Can you prove that? Obviously you know more than CIA!
     

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