Not Just Modi: Guide to riots before 2002 and after

Discussion in 'Politics & Society' started by Daredevil, Apr 6, 2013.

  1. Daredevil

    Daredevil On Vacation! Administrator

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    From political discourse and media obsessions, a Martian landing in India would conclude that Gujarat 2002 was possibly the only communal conflagration to happen in independent India. Sometimes, BJP spokespersons, when pushed to the ropes in media interactions, try to inject Delhi 1984. But 2002 is the pre-dominant theme.

    A related obsession is to show that one man – Narendra Modi – is responsible for it all, when common sense tells us that a communal riot, even when it is organised by one community, happens between two communities.

    More often than not, rioting and attacks involve the direct or indirect collusion of political parties in provoking attacks, but in the case of 1984, it was Congress party members who led mobs in attacks on the Sikh community in retaliation for the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her body guards. 1984 thus does not fall into the category of communal riots between communities, and was in fact a direct attack by political party cadres on one community.


    Surely Narendra Modi must answer for 2002, but is he alone?

    However, now that the 2014 elections will make 2002 relevant again, it is as good a time as any to analyse all the riots India has witnessed since independence, and the 5 March issue of Outlook gives us a good bird’s eye-view on the issue. It shows the Gujarat 2002 communal riots in perspective.

    Outlook notes that there have been “58 major communal riots in 47 places since 1967. Ten in South India, 12 in East, 16 in West and 20 in North India. Since 1964, Ahmedabad has seen five major riots and Hyderabad four. The 1990s saw the most riots in the last five decades: 23. The 1970s saw seven riots, the 1980s 14; the 2000s have seen 13. Total toll: 12,828 (South 597, West 3,426, East 3,581 and North 5,224). In 1964, a wave of rioting in Calcutta (now Kolkata), Jamshedpur and Rourkela killed 2,500.” Riots with a toll of less than five were excluded; deaths due to communal bomb blasts were also excluded. (Read the full Outlook story here).

    Now, let us see which party ruled the relevant state during the riots and who was Chief Minister in incidents where more than 100 lives were lost.
    Table 1: Who ruled the state when more than 100 people died in riots -1967 onwards

    [​IMG]
    Table 1

    Of the 17 riots mentioned in Table 1, nine took place under Congress/Allies rule, three under President’s Rule, four under other parties and one under BJP rule. President’s rule includes Kanpur and Bhopal, which could be included under BJP rule because party state governments were dismissed in the aftermath of the events of 6 December 1992.

    Prior to 2002, there were four riots in Ahmedabad with a toll of 912, and three riots in Surat and Vadodara with a toll of 197. One holds no brief for Narendra Modi but most intellectuals have failed to highlight the fact that Gujarat has a history of Hindu-Muslim riots. They also forget that about 30 percent of the 1,267 killed in the post-Godhra violence were from the majority community.

    But barring Modi, no Chief Minister has ever been demonised for the communal riots that happened during their watch. As the data show, many, many parties and CMs have to be in the dock if Modi has to be held accountable for 2002.

    A point worth pondering is what happened even before independence. In the aftermath of Gandhi’s efforts at Hindu-Muslim unity during the Khilafat Movement, Babasaheb Ambedkar examined Hindu-Muslim relations between 1920 and 1940 in his book, Thoughts on Pakistan (published 1941). Here are some excerpts from his listing:

    “1920 – Moplah Rebellion was essentially a rebellion against the British government but Hindus were raped, converted and killed, foul outrages upon women.

    1924 – riots at Kohat, where about 155 were killed, Hindus had to evacuate city.

    1925-26 – antagonisms between Hindus-Muslims became widespread. Riots in Calcutta, United Provinces and Bombay Presidency.

    40 riots took place during the 12 months ending 1/4/1927 resulting in the deaths of 197 and injuries to 1,598. In 1927, the Afridis and Shinwaris were called upon to expel all the Hindus living in the neighborhood of the Khyber Pass. The year 1937 was full of communal disturbances at Panipat, Punjab, Sind to name a few places”. (Read more excerpts from Ambedkar’s book here).

    The point is not that riots ought to be seen as routine, but that there is a history of communal conflict that predates 2002, and there is a recent history that postdates 2002 as well. Assam 2012, several riots in Uttar Pradesh after the Samajwadi victory in the last elections, and today’s report on rioting in Rajasthan are part of the same story.

    Why do riots occur? When anger gets accumulated in the minds of a community and society/government is unable to find a solution, political elements may provide the tipping point for a conflagration. A small incident could trigger violence, where the intent is to injure, destroy property and/or kill members of the other community. The intent behind terrorists exploding bombs in crowded places is similar. It also creates fear in the minds of all concerned. For example, the Mumbai train blasts of July 2006.

    Unlike a riot, where the attackers are local and identifiable, those responsible for blasts are not visible, and might not even be local, but the message is loud and clear. Further, the reasons for blasts are mostly unknown to (or unacknowledged by) the common man. This makes it easier for any government to blame Pakistan after a bomb-blast even though every mission needs local support. In a deeper sense, riots and bomb blasts are similar.

    Indian’s tryst with bomb blasts and terror attacks started with the 1993 Mumbai blasts, where convictions were recently confirmed by the Supreme Court. Some 1,446 Indians died and 4,333 were injured in blasts from 1993 to 6 March 2013. The figures exclude those killed in the Khalistani/Kashmiri terrorist movements and Ulfa violence in Assam. (To read details of each blast, click here)

    An analysis of who ruled the state when terror attacks took place is insightful is given in Table 2.


    Table 2: Terror attacks/blasts since 1993 to date in which more than 25 lives were lost*
    *Excludes dead in the Khalistani/Kashmiri terrorist movements and ULFA violence.

    [​IMG]
    Table 2

    Note that 10 of the 14 attacks took place under Congress/Allies rule and law and order is a state subject. No wonder, noted security expert B Raman wrote in 2009, “there have been four acts of mass terrorism since 1981. All the four were carried out when the Congress was in power in New Delhi. There have been three instances of targeted attacks on foreigners since 1991 – two in Jammu and Kashmir and one in Mumbai. All the three were carried out when the Congress was in power. There have been seven acts of ISI-sponsored aircraft hijackings since 1971. Six of them were carried out when the Congress and one when the BJP was in power. There has been one instance of an Air India plane being blown up in mid-air killing over 250 persons. This took place when the Congress was in power.”

    Around 52 percent of the 1,446 killed are in India’s terror capital, Mumbai. Has the Congress High Command or any Chief Minister of Maharashtra ever explained why they have not made Mumbai terror-resistant? The lackadaisical approach of the state government can be explained by the fact that the trial for the 2006 train blasts accused is still on nearly seven years after the event. Further, in February 2012, the Bombay High Court upheld the death penalty for three convicts in 2003 twin blasts case. What happened after that?

    Be it riots or terror attacks, the Congress too has a lot of answering to do. Surely Narendra Modi must answer for 2002, but is he alone? Successive US Presidents must explain why the US supports regimes with a poor human rights record and why it attacked a country in a fraudulent search for weapons of mass destruction that never existed.

    Not just Modi: Guide to riots before 2002 and after | Firstpost
     
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  3. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    I cannot see the table ?
     
  4. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    The biggest issue between Godhra riots and others is the media coverage and why Modi still suffers from the ghost of Godhra.

    The emotional impact of the visceral visuals of the Godhra riots

    It is very tough to divorce yourself from what you have seen vs what you have read.
     
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  5. arnabmit

    arnabmit Homo Communis Indus Senior Member

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    Mr. Manish Tiwari, you were saying...???
     
  6. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    [​IMG]

    Okay this table is different from the one posted in Outlook


    [​IMG]
     
  7. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    A Beast Asleep?


    Ten years after Gujarat 2002, Outlook asks if we’re likely to witness such horror again


    India is a nation that was born in the bloodshed and displacement of the Partition riots. In its DNA, it inherited the schizoid gene of being a large Hindu nation with one of the world’s largest Muslim populations. It was a historical faultline that was exploited for politics time and again. Ahimsa was the Gandhian ideal we paid lip service to but the reality far too often was mass violence. In urban ghettos, in the old cities across the land, small riots were part of the cycle of life. A religious procession would be taken out, a skirmish would take place, curfew would be clamped, a minor riot would have just taken place or been barely averted.

    But the Gujarat riots of 2002 marked the apogee of communal hatred. Ten years after the Sabarmati Express coach was set afire in Godhra on February 27, and after the bloodbath that followed, we must pause and ask: can it happen again? Many would argue that it cannot because, in the long term, Narendra Modi has had to pay a price for presiding over a bloodbath after the advent of 24-hour television. In the immediate aftermath of the riots, however, he gained enormously. Modi ran a communally charged election campaign six months after the violence, when he would famously use “Mian Musharraf” as a rhetorical term for the entire Muslim community. Modi had been sent to Gujarat in October 2001, at a time when the BJP under Keshubhai Patel was doing badly and had lost a byelection. He began his first term as CM on Oct 7, 2001; five months later, the carnage happened; later in the year, in December 2002, he won the state election with a huge margin and began his second term. He has now been the longest-serving chief minister of Gujarat and will contest later this year for a fourth term.

    He most famously used communal polarisation as a political technique and it worked within the boundaries of Gujarat. Sociologist Ashis Nandy says that the problem also arose because for “months afterwards, Modi celebrated the riots. He appeared to be showing off”. Even the Shiv Sena, which had a decade before Gujarat orchestrated vicious riots in Mumbai, looked like relative amateurs at the riot technique compared to the systematic method that was applied and revelled in inside Gujarat. Nandy points out that the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 actually claimed the largest toll. But it’s a blot the Congress always tries to live down and not celebrate. “The whole psychology was different as Sikhs were a prosperous community that people admired and envied,” says Nandy. The Hindu-Muslim equation is another story.

    As for Modi, he has become the development man, the business-friendly leader, but his image makeover as an acceptable national figure has not worked. Even BJP president Nitin Gadkari says, “What happened in Gujarat was an unfortunate incident. I don’t think it can or should happen again.”


    Modi is stuck with the taint because Gujarat was the first mega riot in the age of 24-hour TV. There were victims in Mumbai, Surat, Bhagalpur, Jamshedpur, Hyderabad, Moradabad, Bhiwandi, earlier riots in Ahmedabad, a city that actually recorded one of the first big post-Partition riots in 1969. But they were just numbers, death tolls, the faceless victims of communal carnage.

    But in Gujarat 2002, the stories were documented in heart-wrenching detail and etched in our collective memories. How Bilqis Bano’s daughter was snatched from her hands, flung against a rock, killed, and the pregnant woman raped repeatedly; how Zahira Sheikh survived the grisly burning of the Best Bakery in which her family was roasted alive; how limbs of children were hacked and little boys flung to their death in Naroda Patiya; how Ehsaan Jafri begged for the life of those who had sought his protection in Gulberg Society; how his widow Zakia Jafri still fights for justice and says her husband called the CM’s residence for help. The photograph of Qutubuddin Ansari begging for his life epitomises the plight of an entire community in Gujarat; thankfully, Ansari survived.

    The 2002 Gujarat riots also marked the coming of age of anti-communal activism. Several citizens, activists and lawyers who live within Gujarat have consistently fought against a state administration determined to block any probe. On the national stage, individuals like Teesta Setalvad have never relented, losing one legal battle to come back with another. Although Modi has been able to stay one step ahead of the legal snare, he is certainly bogged down by it. Outside Gujarat, he may have appeal for the BJP cadre, but regional parties want to keep a distance from him. If the big players of any regional front in the future are to be Mamata Banerjee, Naveen Patnaik and Nitish Kumar, the CMs of Bengal, Orissa and Bihar would not like to share a platform with Modi even if realpolitik were to force any sort of arrangement with the BJP. Indeed, one can argue that the political price of riots is now too high. Modi is quite stuck.

    The perpetrators of riots are long-term players in the political landscape. The Thackerays have again bounced back in the local polls in Maharashtra. But the city of Mumbai has changed under their watch. The ferocity and cruelty of the violence that ripped right through Bombay (which became Mumbai later) in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition, in two phases in December 1992 and January 1993, came to symbolise the worst face of a seemingly inclusive city. Till then the city would be described as a cosmopolitan megacity where caste, class and religion were not the dominant markers of public life. Bombay was the city of dreams, its streets offered anonymity, its pavements could turn into homes, its constant whirring machine of enterprise and entrepreneurship played the great equaliser. Surely, such a place could not be derailed by communal violence? This belief turned into a shattered myth in those two spans of ’92-93 when nearly 850 people were killed, 575 of them Muslims; over 2,000 injured and nearly 1,00,000 displaced.

    After that, Bombay became Mumbai and no one really calls it a cosmopolitan place any longer. Resilient, yes, but not cosmopolitan. Bombay had its Hindu- and Muslim-dominated neighbourhoods but they were not community-insulated as has happened in the post-riots era. The ghettoising effect of 1993, which continues even today, has made the divisions sharper. In fact, it’s easier now to target this or that community and in many areas the “other” is not welcome at all, says Farooq Mapkar, who was witness to five namazis being shot in Hari Masjid by policemen, was wrongly accused of rioting and acquitted after 16 long years. A bank employee now, he says, “There is now a Muslim Mumbai and a Hindu Mumbai.”

    The Shiv Sena in 1993 called itself the “defender of Hindus”. The Srikrishna Commission report famously indicted Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray and said that “like a veteran general, he commanded his loyal Shiv Sainiks to retaliate by organised attacks against Muslims, especially in January 1993”. The Mumbai police registered four offences against him for a communally provocative editorial exhorting such violence, but the go-ahead to prosecute was not given by the state government; then CM Sudhakarrao Naik famously said if certain leaders were arrested, Bombay would burn; it escaped his notice that the city had already burnt.

    ***
    Riot After Riot

    Fifty-eight major communal riots in 47 places since 1967
    Ten in South India, 12 in East, 16 in West, 20 in North India
    Ahmedabad has seen five major riots; Hyderabad, four; Calcutta, none since ’64*
    The 1990s saw the most riots in the last five decades: 23
    The 1970s saw seven riots, the ’80s, 14; the 2000s have seen 13
    Total toll: 12,828 (South 597, West 3,426, East 3,581, North 5,224).

    * In ’64, a wave of rioting in Calcutta, Jamshedpur and Rourkela killed 2,500.
    Note: Only riots with a toll of five or more included; deaths due to bomb blasts not included
    Data: Alka Gupta

    Year Place Toll
    Aug ’67 Hatia, Ranchi 183
    Mar ’68 Karimganj, Assam 82
    Sep ’69 Ahmedabad 512
    May ’70 Bhiwandi, Mah. 76
    May ’70 Jalgaon, Mah. 100
    Oct ’77 Varanasi 5
    Mar ’78 Sambhal, UP 25
    Sep ’78 Hyderabad 20
    Oct ’78 Aligarh 30
    April ’79 Jamshedpur 120
    Aug ’80 Moradabad 1,500
    Apr ’81 Biharsharif 80
    Sep ’82 Meerut 12
    Dec ’82 Baroda 17
    Feb ’83 Nellie, Assam 1,819
    Sep ’83 Hyderabad 45
    May ’84 Bhiwandi, Mah 146
    Oct ’84 Delhi 2,733
    Apr ’85 Ahmedabad 300
    Jul ’86 Ahmedabad 59
    Apr/May’87 Meerut 70
    Mar ’89 Bhadrak, Orissa 17
    Oct ’89 Indore 27
    Oct ’89 Bhagalpur 1,161
    Oct ’90 Ahmedabad 41
    Oct ’90 Jaipur 52
    Oct ’90 Jodhpur 20
    Oct ’90 Lucknow 33
    Oct ’90 Chandni Chowk, Delhi 100
    Oct ’90 Hailakandi, Assam 37
    Oct ’90 Patna 18
    Oct ’90 Hyderabad 165
    Nov ’90 Agra 31
    Dec ’90 Hassan, Mandya, Mysore 60
    Dec ’90 Hyderabad 200
    Dec ’90 Aligarh 150
    May ’91 Baroda 28
    May ’91 Meerut 40
    Oct ’92 Sitamarhi, Bihar 44
    Dec ’92 Surat 152
    Dec ’92 Malpura, Andhra 24
    Dec ’92 Kanpur 254
    Dec ’92 Bhopal 143
    Dec ’92/Jan ’93 Bombay 872
    Nov/Dec ’97 Coimbatore 20
    Feb ’98 Coimbatore 60
    Dec ’98 Surathkal, Karnataka 12
    Mar 2001 Nalanda, Bihar 8
    Mar ’01 Kanpur 14
    Oct ’01 Malegaon 13
    Feb-May ’02 Gujarat 1,267
    May ’02 Marad, Kerala 9
    Apr ’06 Aligarh 6
    May ’06 Baroda 6
    Dec ’07 Kandhamal 12
    Oct ’08 Bhainsa, Andhra 6
    Sep ’09 Miraj, Karnataka 5
    Sep ’11 Bharatpur 10

    [​IMG]

    Till ’92-93, the city police was seen as a proud force in khaki, worthy of being compared to Scotland Yard; their brutality and vehemence during the ’92-93 carnage turned them in the public eye into a force that did not hesitate to display the saffron beneath the khaki. As police officers and constables told the Indian People’s Tribunal in the immediate months, they “were Shiv Sainiks at heart and policemen of a supposedly secular state by accident”. As many as 32 policemen, including then joint commissioner R.D. Tyagi, were severely indicted by the Srikrishna Commission (SKC) for acts of omission and commission during the riots. None was punished; in fact, Tyagi was promoted to the post of city commissioner during the Sena-BJP regime in Maharashtra soon after.

    Senior Sena leaders refuse to discuss the riots but point to the “thousands of illegal Bangladeshi migrants and Pakistani sympathisers” who live in the myriad lanes of the metropolis and “sometimes need to be put in their place”. If at that time the Muslims were the target, today the “other” is the bhaiyya or migrant from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

    Though political organisations may have found it increasingly difficult to stoke such large-scale, mind-numbing violence in recent years, Mumbai is still a tinderbox and vested interests can still play with people. Besides, the question of justice can’t be forgotten when we talk of riots. It rankles the victims that justice has still not been done; not only is justice a prerequisite for reconciliation, it’s also a necessary signal to those who believe they stand to gain by engineering such violence, victims say. The bomb blasts that followed in March 1993, killing 257 and injuring 800, have resulted in convictions, but no one has been punished for the ’92-93 riots except former Sena MLA Madhukar Sarpotdar who was convicted in July 2008 and let off on a Rs 5,000 bail. When the Shiv Sena-BJP came to power in Maharashtra in 1994, barely a year after Bombay burned, the administration withdrew as many as 3,000 cases registered against their workers. The subsequent Congress governments did not drop cases against Muslims that even the SKC concluded were false.

    This one-sided justice has exacted its price. The Muslims in the ghettos are angry and often justifiably so. Every bomb blast and terror attack since has meant comb-and-search-and-arrest operations in their mohallas. Now after every major and minor terror attack on Mumbai, mohalla committees mobilise their peace soldiers in bastis, community elders come out requesting calm and peace, Muslims display their patriotism through solidarity marches in case they’re perceived as anti-nationals. The peace is kept but the tensions simmer.

    Still, the cycle has been broken in other cities. Hyderabad, for instance, has moved on. The old city is still a hothouse, but communal violence no longer pays. Amir Ali of the influential Urdu daily, Siasat, recounts this brief history of his city’s riots. Before 1994, he says, violence took place every year over processions of Ganesh Chaturthi, Moharram or Bonalu (an Andhra festival). The violence stopped in 1994, when the TDP came to power, though one could not pinpoint an exact reason. Then, in 1998, a poster appeared in the old city of Hyderabad depicting Ganesh with Kaaba under one foot and Medina under the other. Police investigations revealed that the poster was the handiwork of a Hindu politician and former mayor of Hyderabad. He was in fact a member of the Majlise-e-Ittehadul-Muslimeen run by the Owaisi family that still has a grip on sections in the city! The linkages are circuitous, to say the least.

    ==Contd.===

    What this story illustrates is that an attempt to trigger a riot is a political tactic. Paul R. Brass, author and political scientist from the University of Washington, who’s studied India’s communal tension and violence, calls it the institutionalised riot system or IRS. This IRS, he says, was created largely in northern and western India and it can be activated by politicians during political mobilisation or elections, and “the production of a riot involves calculated and deliberate actions by key individuals, like recruitment of participants, provocative activities and conveying of messages, spreading of rumours”. There are frequent rehearsals until the time is ripe and the context is felicitous and there are no serious obstructions in carrying out the performance. Does such an IRS still prevail in Mumbai, or Bhiwandi, Malegaon, Aurangabad, Nashik, Moradabad, Ahmedabad?

    Recently, activists of the Hindu right were arrested in Karnataka trying to raise a Pakistan flag in a Muslim area. They presumably hoped they would trigger a riot and blame it on Muslims. One must conclude that small riots can and in all likelihood may continue to happen (there was recently a Gujjar-Muslim clash in Mewat not far from Delhi), but it would take a certain conjunction of politics, intent and regime to trigger anything on the scale of the Gujarat riots.

    Meanwhile, the political saga of Modi continues, with his national ambitions all too obvious. As things stand now, he can be a national player only if the BJP gets a majority on its own. As that currently seems unlikely, Modi can perhaps examine his predicament from a philosophical, moral or literary viewpoint. He could ruminate over that quote of Lady Macbeth’s who kept washing her hands. “Out, damn’d spot! out, I say”!

    Riot Triggers

    Social: The feeling of being left out of the discourse. Especially prevalent among minorities who are excluded, deliberately or otherwise, from mainstream events and activities, leading to ghettoisation.
    Economic: The feeling of being left behind. Poor education, unemployment lead to marginalisation of the have-nots. Heightened by sense of deprivation and sight of conspicuous consumption.
    Political: Parties and politicians play on the emotions of votebanks, often to expand it, by mobilising mobs and whipping up passions and fears over illegal immigration and demographic change
    Administrative: The feeling of being targeted and/or ignored by the immediate touchpoints of government—the police and civic administration. Denial of rights and harassment spawn sense of injustice.
    Religious: Perceived slights to sentiments. Can be sparked by a procession in a ‘sensitive’ area; a loud prayer, a road blocked for prayers, or an animal’s carcass thrown into a place of worship
    Commercial: Rivalries sparked off by encroachment of traditional areas of business and economic activity
    Verbal: Provocative speeches that stereotype and instigate the intended target on the basis of language, religion and sexual habits. Rabble-rousing about ‘appeasement’. Sporting events as a test of patriotism and nationalism.
    Global: Rumours and whispers that travel across the wired world about defacement or denigration of holy scriptures and holy figures in books, movies, newspaper articles, posters, cartoons.

    ***

    http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?280032
     
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  8. arnabmit

    arnabmit Homo Communis Indus Senior Member

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    There is a disclaimer...

     
  9. VIP

    VIP Ultra Nationalist Senior Member

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    I don't wanna talk about small-small clashes in ahmedabad before 2002. Still you can see ahmedabad's name frequently before 2002.In simple language, 2002 was a spring action.
     
  10. A chauhan

    A chauhan "अहिंसा परमो धर्मः धर्म हिंसा तथैव च: l" Senior Member

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    @OP Eye opener article for those who have closed there eyes against Hindus and for those who have turned the Hindus into a scapegoat for the misdeeds of someone else.
     
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  11. sob

    sob Moderator Moderator

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    This is very interesting if people have bothered to read both the articles i.e the First Post article posted by @Daredevil and the original article posted by @Singh.

    The FP article is derived from the Outlook piece, but look at the slant in both the article. The FP piece tries to put the riots in a proper perspective without an agenda but from the Outlook article you can clearly see that there is an agenda.

    Nellie riots were much bigger and brutal in scale. The riots in Delhi 84 were also brutal and one sided, but from the article it seems that they were just aberrations. No wonder First Post is becoming so popular.
     
    Last edited by a moderator: May 10, 2015
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  12. Snuggy321

    Snuggy321 Regular Member

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    Politics aside, the mere fact that people kill each other because of RELIGION! is so pitiful for India :facepalm:

    The vast majority of this population consists of backward idiots.

    Had to be said.
     
  13. nrj

    nrj Stars and Ambassadors Stars and Ambassadors

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    I can confirm that kind of IRS described above very well exists in Aurangabad, Malegaon and few other places in Maharashtra. I will exclude Nashik from the list, it is not that sensitive anymore.


    Right on spot. Problem starts here because habitual nuisance elements believe that they will get away from their wrongdoings with the help of of big brother at top.
     
  14. nrj

    nrj Stars and Ambassadors Stars and Ambassadors

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    This is very important point. Godhra got extensive media coverage during the riots and even after that. Also modes of communication were way better than before in 2002. I remember my cousin emailing photos and a video.

    Riots or clashes before Godhra did not have much visual coverage. Even if it was there, Govt regulation on media was high. Records of Amitabh Bacchan's hateful talk in '84 were burned by DD.
     
  15. A chauhan

    A chauhan "अहिंसा परमो धर्मः धर्म हिंसा तथैव च: l" Senior Member

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    BJP reads Congress the riot act

    By Pratul Sharma,Published: 27th Oct 2013 07:57:28 AM

    To neutralise the attack on Narendra Modi and the Gujarat riots, BJP think-tank PPRC prepares a comparative document that reveals a horrifying chronicle of communal violence under non-BJP governments.

    [​IMG]


    Death and destruction are staple fodder for demagogues to ignite popular passions during elections. Riots are the stormy petrels of confrontationist politics and are used by mainstream parties, especially Congress, to capitalise on minority insecurity. In spite of Rahul Gandhi’s faux pas on Muzaffarnagar youth being contacted by ISI after last month’s riots, Congress pipers continue to play a single tune—‘Narendra Modi’s hands are stained with blood of 2002 Gujarat riot victims.’

    With seven months to go for the 2014 general elections, strategists on both sides are at work to change the political discourse for political gains. To counter the Congress gameplan to target Modi on the Gujarat riots, the BJP’s newly minted think-tank, Public Policy Research Centre (PPRC), re-launched on October 21 and headed by director Vinay Sahasrabuddhe has drafted a nine-page document on the history of communal riots in India. The well researched document suggests that the communal record of Congress governments and that of other non-BJP parties is far worse than Modi’s one time taint and the Gujarat riots should not been seen in isolation.

    The research paper entitled ‘A Factsheet on Communal Riots in India’ documents the history of sectarian violence in India, which it states has become a “permanent phenomenon after the 1960s” due to politics of “vote bank and appeasement.”

    It goes on to record India’s long history of communal strife. As the purpose of the document is to counter the ‘secular ‘offensive on Narendra Modi, the think tank has presented a comparative study of causes and responsibilities regarding other major riots including the 1983 Nellie Massacre, the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the Ahmedabad riots of 1969. The comparative graph forms a virtual arsenal to attack the Congress’s failed record of maintaining communal stability in states it has ruled. In the 1983 Nellie Massacre (result of clash es between ethnic Assamese and Bangladeshi settlers) 1,819 Muslims were killed on Congress watch. During the 1984 Delhi riots that followed Indira Gandhi’s assassination, around 2,733 Sikhs were butchered. In the 1969 Ahmedabad riots in Congress-ruled Gujarat triggered by an attack on a temple, the toll was 512.

    Source : BJP reads Congress the riot act - The New Indian Express

    Notice the asterisk (*) in the pic above.
     
  16. A chauhan

    A chauhan "अहिंसा परमो धर्मः धर्म हिंसा तथैव च: l" Senior Member

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    Saffron study nails congress's riot governance

    By Pratul Sharma
    Published: 27th October 2013 07:33 AM

    In a bid to counter the Congress gameplan to target Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi on the riots in his state, the BJP think tank, Public Policy Research Centre (PPRC) was re-launched on October 21. Headed by director Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, the think-tank drafted a nine-page document on the history of communal riots in India.

    Recording India’s long history of communal strife, the think-tank has presented a comparative study of causes and responsibilities regarding other major riots. The comparative graph forms a virtual arsenal to attack the Congress’s failed record of maintaining communal stability in states it has ruled. In the 1983 Nellie Massacre (result of clashes between ethnic Assamese and Bangladeshi settlers), 1,819 Muslims were killed on Congress watch. During the 1984 Delhi riots that followed Indira Gandhi’s assassination, around 2,733 Sikhs were butchered. In the 1969 Ahmedabad riots in Congress-ruled Gujarat triggered by an attack on a temple, the toll was 512, out of which 430 were Muslims. During the 2002 Gujarat riots, 1,267 Hindus and Muslims were killed and 223 were reported missing. The comparative analysis notes the convictions of rioters. The paper says that not one rioter or killer involved in the Nellie holocaust was convicted. Many were acquitted for participating in the Delhi riots. In the case of those arrested for involvement in the 2002 Gujarat riots, there have been 294 convictions in 19 cases till date; 184 Hindus, 65 Muslims (31 for Godhra and 34 for post-Godhra violence) have been sentenced including the powerful former minister in the Modi cabinet, Maya Kodnani.

    The comparative graph also notes the way prime ministers were regarded in the aftermath of riots. It concludes by saying that no probe was initiated against Indira Gandhi after the Nellie riots; there were no SITs, Supreme Court intercessions or media trials. In 1984, as Congress goons hunted and massacred Sikhs, Rajiv Gandhi commented that when a giant tree falls, earth shakes. It took 25 years for the Congress to apologise. The research paper notes that the party is still protecting Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar for their complicity. But in the case of the 2002 riots, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi continued to be blamed for 11 years, the report says.

    The paper records 58 major communal riots as having taken place in 47 places since 1967, of which 10 were in South India, 12 in the East, 16 in the West and 20 in North India. The overall number of riots stood at 12,828 (South (597,) West (3,426) East (3,581) North (5,224). Referring to 18 major (where over a 100 people died) riots, the PPRC document says 10 took place under Congress or allies’ rule; three under President’s Rule (President’s Rule was imposed in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh after the Babri Masjid demolition), four under other parties and only one under BJP rule in 2002.

    “There were 1,194 communal violence incidents documented in India from 1950 to 1995. Out of these, 871 or 72.95 per cent were during Nehru, Indira and Rajiv’s PM-ship,” the paper added. On the UPA’s rule, the research paper says, the “Sonia (Gandhi)–Manmohan (Singh) led UPA regime witnessed 5,921 communal incidents causing 943 deaths.”

    “Congress-ruled Assam witnessed the bloodiest violence in Bodoland territorial districts in July-August 2012... The local Bodos clashed with illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. An estimated 97 people lost their lives... The Congress’ alliance partner Samajwadi Party-ruled Uttar Pradesh witnessed 27 incidents of communal violence since it formed the government in the state. Among these, three incidents were big, which occurred at Mathura, Bareilly and Faizabad,” the paper argues. Specifically referring to riots that occurred during Congress rule in Gujarat (1950-1995), the PPRC paper notes that the state reported 244 cases of communal violence with casualties numbering 1,601; Ahmedabad alone reported 71 incidents claiming 1,071 lives.

    Sahasrabuddhe, the main architect of this document, told The Sunday Standard, “The idea behind the research and the institute is to help the party formulate its views. The current political discourse is skewed and does not present a holistic picture... The discourse is biased against Gujarat, as it was clear from (Rahul) Gandhi’s recent speeches... The BJP is portrayed as an aggressor who has done more wrongs. The research would help clear this misconception, help functionaries and party leaders to formulate their views so that we have the arsenal ready to influence the discourse.”

    Sahasrabuddhe explains that the current political discourse was media-driven. Due to shortage of space and time, it presents only the contemporary context and fails to present a holistic picture. PPRC is currently funded by party affiliated trust Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Nyas. Along with him, the body has two more board members—Nalin Kohli and Dr Sumeet Bhasin who are assisted by two researchers.

    The research institution intends to broaden its horizons and engage with academia. It will employ interns to help in research and even assist academics who adhere to party ideology. “Our purpose is to strengthen them so that they should not feel alone,” Sahasrabuddhe added.

    The Centre was launched by former BJP president Nitin Gadkari in 2011 and functioned out of a humble basement in Lajpat Nagar. After bringing out a series of papers and “feeling confident” that it can become a full-fledged research centre to help the BJP, the PPRC was re-launched last week, and shifted to its current upmarket Subramania Bharati Marg address, a few meters away from the world’s costliest market Khan Market, which is home to many other party-affiliated trusts.

    Source: Saffron study nails congress's riot governance - The New Indian Express
     
  17. anoop_mig25

    anoop_mig25 Senior Member Senior Member

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    Thanks that u mentioned it .I was just thinking how come outlook become anti-congress

    Or they have changed top level mangement just like Hindu
     
    Last edited by a moderator: May 10, 2015
  18. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    Gujarat’s bloody history of violence


    At times it is necessary to look into the past to understand any event fully. The same is true for the Gujarat riots. The state undoubtedly saw riots after Godhra in which about 1,000 people were killed. Had the same number of people been killed in communal riots in, say, Nagpur city of Maharashtra, it would indeed have been considered as ‘large-scale riots’. This is because, Nagpur region is a region which has hardly seen any communal riots since 1927. But since the riots took place in Gujarat, the events have to be viewed in totality, in view of Gujarat’s history of communal violence.


    If one looks at the past history of communal riots in Gujarat, one would understand that the Gujarat riots of March 2002 were absolutely nothing as compared to the past communal riots in the state. The state saw far worse riots in 1969 and 1985. In 1969, curfew was imposed for 65 days in a row, while in 1985 the riots lasted six months. It also saw riots of a large scale in 1980, 1982, 1990-1991- 1992.


    Hindu-Muslim conflicts have been going on for the past 1300-1400 years. But in Gujarat, communal riots between Hindus and Muslims have been going on since as far back as AD 1714, i.e. since the medieval times. This was hundreds of years before the birth of any of the organizations of the Sangh Parivar. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was founded in 1925, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh was founded in 1951, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in 1964, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980. Even today, conflicts continue between Muslims and Hindus in India, Muslims and Buddhists in China, in Myanmar, Muslims and Christians in Nigeria, in Algeria, in Philippines, in Morocco, in Chechnya etc. It is not the VHP or the Sangh Parivar that is common in all these places.


    Hindus and Muslims have clashed in battles, wars and riots since as far back as AD 636 when Arabs invaded Thane (near Mumbai) and were repulsed. This attacks on India started in 636 AD within 14 years of establishment of Islam in AD 622 (beginning of Hijra, first people to become Muslim converted in AD 610, Khadija) and within 4 years of Muhammad’s death in AD 632-the Prophet of Islam. Even before AD 712, the battles were taking place in western kingdoms ofIndia. In AD 712, Mohammad-bin-Qasim invaded Sindh and defeated its king, Raja Dahir. Even before this event, ever since the Muslims attacked Thane in 636 AD, they kept attacking western Indian kingdoms. A brief summary of this is given in the book (“Gujarat Riots: The True Story”) but is not available on this site. For just a brief and cursory (very very brief, and very very cursory) history of Islam in India, see this.
    History of Muslim attacks on India: History of Muslim attacks on India


    The great revolutionary and freedom fighter, Swatantryaveer Savarkar wrote in his book, ‘Saha Soneri Pane’ (Six golden pages of Indian history) that the Hindus kept on defeating and repulsing invading Muslims at India’s western borders for as many as 300 years at a stretch, i.e. from 712 AD to 1001 AD, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India.


    Riots are nothing new to India. For the past 125 years, since about 1880 riots have frequently occurred in all parts of India. But among all the Indian states, Gujarat was by far the most communally sensitive state.


    If we take the history of Ahmedabad for last five centuries, the city was ruled by the Muslims and the Mughals for about 340 years the rest by Marathas & the British. Coming to the incidents of communal riots during this era of five centuries, the major incidences are:


    (1) The 1714 Holi riots:
    A Hindu named Hari Ram while celebrating Holi with his friends at his residence unintentionally sprinkled ‘Gulal’ a red powder on one Muslim, and the casual frolic was strongly protested by the Muslims. A mob got assembled near Jumma Masjid under the leadership of Sunni Bohra Mullah Abdul Aziz. The Afghan soldiers of the Muslim viceroy also joined the mob seeing the situation. A Kazi interfered for cooling down the angry mob. But the mob set on fire the house of this Kazi. The rioters thereafter looted the shops of Hindu Mohalla, Shops and set their houses to fire. The rioters could be controlled only by armed guards of a Hindu, Kapurchand Bhanshali.


    (2) The 1715 communal riot:
    The 1715 communal riots were due to looting of shops of the Hindus by the Muslim soldiers. The riot came to an end with replacement of Muslim viceroy Daudkhan.


    (3) The 1716 Id riots:
    Consequently during the third year also, communal disturbances broke out during Id in 1716.
    The Bohra community, a Muslim sect, gathered cows and buffaloes for Id celebration. A Muslim Havaldar just out of pity released one of such gathered cows. The Muslim protested before the Kazi Khairullakhan seeing no outcome to their expectation, the Muslims resorted to riots arson and mass looting of Hindu establishments. The situation could come to normalcy with Hindu viceroy Ajitsinh’s concerted efforts.


    (4) The 1750 temple demolition:
    The 1750 riots by Muslims were provoked simply with an excuse that their Namaz was being disturbed due to noise of ringing of bell in an adjoining temple. The Muslims while returning from the Masjid after Namaz totally destroyed the temple and thus wounded the Hindu sentiments.


    (5) The September 1927 Ahmedabad Riots:
    Muslim prayer in a mosque and a Hindu song in a temple were the apparent cause of conflict.


    (6) The 1941 riots:
    Communal disturbances broke out on 18th April 1941. The Muslims diverted to Muslim League programmes after the incidence of these riots.

    (7) The 1946 Rath Yatra riots:
    1st July 1946 was a Rath Yatra day. Rath Yatraas usual was passing through Shaher Kotda police station area, on this auspicious day. There took a hot exchange between a Hindu Akhada man and a Muslim watching the procession. The incidence turned into breaking out of communal violence, viz. arson, cudgelling, stone throwing, stabbing etc. There was also a police firing and curfew was finally imposed to control the situation.


    (8) The 1953 Ahmedabad Riots:
    The Ganapati festival and Moharram were the occasions of riots in the city of Ahmedabad


    (9) The 1965 Sikh incidence:
    The 1965 riots were resulted out of the murder of two Sikh rickshaw drivers by some Muslims. The aggrieved Sikhs took out funeral procession of both these dead bodies. The situation got disturbed at Delhi Darwaja and got converted into a communal riot soon.


    (10) The 1969 historic communal riots:
    It was 18th September 1969, the last day of Urs. The violence crept up in the evening time on the ground that Jagannath Mandir cows going back to temple premises disturbed the Urs. It may be mentioned that movement of cows was a daily routine irrespective of Urs celebration taking place simultaneously. A hot discussion took place that provoked communal tension with a series of violent incidences killing, linking, and soon in various parts of the city.

    The riots of 1969 were biggest of its type in Independent India having taken lives of thousands of persons.
    (Source: VSK, Gujarat)

    Among others were the 1985 bloody riots in Gujarat, the 1980, 1982 riots in Ahmedabad and Godhra, the 1990 and 1992 riots.
    What follows is a write up by Hemant Babu published in Himal magazine dated 6 July 2003 reproduced by Countercurrents.org | Educate | Organize | Agitate :
    … “A sign of this normalcy is the number of incidents of communal violence in the state as recorded officially. Judicial commissions of inquiry, the Justice Reddy Commission and the Justice VS Dave Commission, were instituted after two major riots, of 1969 and 1985 respectively. Both commissions referred in some detail to Gujarat’s history of communal violence. The Justice Dave Commission traced the history of communal violence in Ahmedabad as far back as 1714 when a bloody riot was sparked off during the Holi celebrations. The city then was still under Mughal control. Subsequent riots broke out in 1715, 1716 and 1750…

    Hindu-Muslim violence continued in the centuries that followed, with the pace and intensity picking up in the second half of the twentieth century. When communal riots broke out in 1941, curfew had to be imposed for over two-and-a-half months. The Justice Reddy Commission identified as many as 2938 instances of communal violence in the state between 1960 and 1969, that is, an average of approximately three riots every four days during this ten-year period…

    During this period, riots began to spread over a much wider geographical area of the sate, affecting towns like Veraval, Junagadh, Patan, Godhra, Palanpur, Anjar, Dalkhania, Kodinar and Deesa, all of which have been hit by the ongoing violence.

    … But violence of a different, more systematic and sustained order was inaugurated in 1969. The Hindu-Muslim riots of that year mark a major break with the hitherto prevalent pattern of steady if unspectacular social conflict. More than two years of hectic Muslim and Hindu fundamentalist activity preceded the outbreak of these riots. Communal violence in the state acquired a more organised form against the backdrop of the India-Pakistan war of 1965.

    … A riot of this magnitude, unprecedented in both scale and duration, had a foundational significance for the politics of the state and the techniques of mobilisation and orchestration that increasingly came into use. The discrete and scattered violence of the preceding period can be presumed to be manifestations of everyday class, caste and community struggles arising from socio-economic conflicts of a more or less local nature. To that extent, their individual histories and repercussions were confined to the respective localities of incidence. The 1969 riots had the critical mass that lent it state- and nation-wide visibility and gave it a prominent place in the historical inventory of community grievances. This riot could now be invoked at will, not just in Gujarat but wherever else tension had to be engineered. In effect, this was the first explicit politicisation of both communalism and public violence in the state.

    Most importantly, the riots of 1969 took Gujarati society past the psychological threshold of normally tolerable public violence, and this not just of the communal variety. Once the barrier to the use of violence in inter-party conflicts was crossed, its repeated use acquired a tacit legitimacy as the social conscience became gradually more immune to the incremental doses of it that the polity administered

    … The BJP’s active influence on the 1985 agitation explains many of its more curious features. The riots began on 19 March, the day after the newly elected Congress government assumed office, and was directed against a policy measure declared more than two months prior. In January, the Congress government had announced an increase in the quota of jobs in government and seats in public educational institutions reserved for backward castes. The riots lasted six months, much after the policy had been revoked by the government. … South Gujarat, which had previously been unaffected, now found itself on the riot map of the state. The social base of the violence expanded to include gangsters, bootleggers and professional killers. Various reports of the period quote doctors who described the stab wounds they attended to as the work of trained hands. The agitation finally degenerated to a point where sections of the state constabulary abandoned their uniforms and relinquished their responsibilities to join the riots.

    …Gujarat again witnessed riots in 1992 when the disputed Babri Masjid at Ayodhya was razed to the ground a few hours after kar sevaks stormed the monument. Surat experienced intermittent disturbances over a six-month period. In 1993, more riots followed, after the blasts in Bombay, allegedly masterminded by the Muslim underworld. Perhaps these riots were attempts at forging a Hindu unity that, on the face of it, seemed impossible. Whatever the intention, there is no denying that the rath yatra precipitated a political crisis in which the existing intra- and inter-party equations began to break down. And, there is no getting away from the fact that, though not uniformly successful across India, the BJP from the 1991 general elections has secured more than 50 percent of the votes cast in the state…”



    A staunch anti-BJP man wrote this article. The website that reproduced it; Countercurrents.org | Educate | Organize | Agitate is one of the most anti-BJP ones on the entire Internet. Yet, even in its horribly anti-Sangh Parivararticle, the writer discloses some very important things. And one of them is Gujarat’s bloody history of communal violence.


    We already have seen the bloody history of Godhra town of engineering riots since 1927-28. The following is the report of theVishwa Sanwad Kendra on the comparisons between the 1969, 1985 and the 2002 riots:
    “Comparative analysis of Government response to communal riots during 1969, 1985 and 2002
    The communal tension in the state of Gujarat is not an unknown phenomenon. Prior to the present situation, all communal disturbances before Godhra incident, two major communal incidents took place in 1969 and 1985. To inquire into the factors leading to the communal violence in 1969 and 1985, the State Government appointed Judicial Commission to thoroughly inquire into all the aspects leading to communal violence and the response of the state Administration. Both the Commissions have come to specific conclusions and while coming to the conclusion they have come to specific conclusions and while coming to the conclusion they have also made specific observations.

    On September 18, 1969, a major communal riot broke out in Ahmedabad City and subsequently spread in the other districts of the State. The incident which sparked the communal violence took place on 18th September 1969 at 3.45 pm in Ahmedabad near Lord Jagannath Temple. Hon. Justice Jagmohan Reddy inquired into the violence which broke out during the said communal disturbances. After 1969, a major agitation and communal riots broke out in 1985. Justice Dave Commission inquired into the incidents which took place during the course of anti-reservation agitation and also communal disturbances during February 1985 to July 1985.

    The response of the State Government in the earlier incidents and the recent incident brings to the fore certain important facts which are as under:
    In 1969, the incident of violence reported on 18th September at 3.45 pm. The army was pressed into service on 21st September 1969 at 16.30 pm in limited areas (three Police Station only) while army was deployed in the entire city on 22nd September 1969 at 18.00 hrs. In 1985, the riot broke out on 15/4/85 and the army was requisitioned on 16/4/85. By then, 177 deaths had already been reported. Compared to this, the army was requisitioned on the same day, i.e. on 28th February itself. It is very relevant to note that unlike the earlier occasions, army at this point of time is deployed on the border. Therefore, the deployment of army was difficult at a short notice. However, Hon. Chief Minister impressed upon the Hon. Prime Minister and the Defence Minister to deploy the army forthwith in view of the prevailing condition in the State. The Central Government also reacted very fast and army was airlifted to Ahmedabad the same night. The army was in action from next day of the incident, having completed all the formalities of nominating Executive Magistrates, allocation of vehicles etc.

    The incident in 1969 occurred on 18th September 1969 but the situation was out of control, even on the 5th and 6th day. The violation incidents continued to be reported even after the 6th day. The disturbances in 1985 were spread over a period of five months from February 1985 to July 1985. However, in the present case, the situation has been brought under control within three to four days only.

    In the present case, the curfew was clamped within four hours in Godhra (actually within 2 hours, at 9:45 am) on the same day. Compared to this, there was delay in ordering curfew in the earlier incidents. The grievance for such delay was reported before the Enquiry Commission.
    The complaint about inaction from the Police authorities and the local administration were made before the Inquiry Commission. In the present case inGujarat, the Law and Order Enforcing Authority has taken a proactive stand to curb the violence effectively. Police Authorities have fired more than 3900 rounds, they have used more than 6500 rounds of tear gas and arrested more than 2800 people. One should also take a note of the fact that 90 people have been killed in police firing(Actually 98 people were killed) which shows that police showed no lenient approach towards elements spreading violence, arson and looting. It is also very pertinent to note that the geographical areas under grip of such untoward incident was much larger in 2002, compared to the earlier incidents of 1969 and 1985.

    The above facts clearly show that the Government had reacted to the situation very quickly, effectively and also with strong political will.”
    (Source: VSK, Gujarat Welcome To Vishva Samvad Kendra - Gujarat)


    NDTV-Star News had broadcast a programme ‘The Big Fight’ live from Ahmedabad in December 2002, a week or so before the Gujarat Assembly elections. The participants were Harin Pathak of the BJP (BJP MP from Ahmedabad) and Shankersinh Vaghela of the Congress, and a victim of the Gujarat riots, Bandukwala. In that debate quoting an article from ‘The Hindustan Times’ of 1969, Harin Pathak said that the official death toll in the 1969 riots was around 5000, but it was actually three to five times the number. At that time, the Congress was in power with the great Gandhian Hitendra Desai as the Chief Minister. The actual number of people killed in 1969 thus ranges from 15,000 to 25,000. Contrast this with the 2002 riots with 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus and a total of 223 people missing, as per figures given a Congress Union Minister!


    The following is a write-up by Devendra Swarup in weekly Organiser dated 16 May 2004:
    “ Use of Mahatma Gandhi’s name and views certainly makes it emotional but does not seem in accordance with history. Perhaps, the respected judges ignored the fact that Gujarat has a long history of communal violence. During Gandhi’s life itself Gujarat had burnt in such violence. His pain at the 1924 riots of Ahmedabad is visible in his complete works; since Independence sparks of violence have been spreading in the Muslim-dominated areas of Godhra and Ahmedabad; Mohammad Ghazni was extended invitation to again prevent the reconstruction of Somnath temple which caused unbearable pain to Gandhi. Gujarat has had a long history of riots during the Congress regime that called itself the sole inheritor of Gandhi’s legacy even after his death. In 1969, during Gandhian Hitendra Desai´s rule as Chief Minister, Ahmedabad witnessed communal frenzy, in which more than 3,000 people were killed, i.e. much more than those killed in the riots of 2002. Hence instead of getting caught in the quagmire of ideology, it is necessary to probe into the causes of this endless chain of communal riots in the state.”


    Here, however, Devendra Swarup says only 3,000 people were killed in 1969 in Ahmedabad. He has used this figure out of a sense of moderation and caution, and gives it only for Ahmedabad. The correct official figure is 5,000 and actual 15 to 25 thousand, as quoted by Harin Pathak, former Union Minister of State for Home.


    The Times of India reports in its issue dated 12 April 2002:
    “Ahmedabad: If it took a shocking massacre like Godhra to trigger off massive communal riots in the state in the 21st century, history shows that trivial incidents caused most riots in the 20th century. An inquiry report prepared by justice V S Dave of Rajasthan High Court, who headed a commission of inquiry to investigate the 1985 anti-reservation and subsequent communal riots, devotes a special chapter to the ‘history of riots and agitations in Gujarat’. Tracing the riots way back from 1714, the report points out at the causes of riots as festivals and religious celebrations, aggressions and changing of the secular complex of the ‘pols’, ‘khanchas’ and ‘by-lanes’ within the walled city due to migration to areas of greater security. On April 18, 1941, communal riots broke out and curfew imposed in most localities, was in force for two and a half months. As a result, the civil disobedience movement in the city engineered by the Congress was suspended till October 1941. Both communities suffered in varying degrees in Ahmedabad and elsewhere in the state. Tracing the records, the report observes an important consequence of the riots “after this sad episode, the Muslims of Ahmedabad turned their faces and embraced the programme of the Muslim League.” This was followed soon by the communal riots on July 1, 1946, during the rath yatra due to police firing. Curfew was imposed. Records suggest that the communal riots broke out at about 12.30 pm, in the sherkotda police station. One Sikandar who was a well-known Muslim gymnast, accompanied by three or four members of his akhada was watching the performance of a Hindu akhada which formed the part of a procession. Sikandar allegedly criticized the style of weight-lifting adopted by one Chitranjan Chintamani. This led to a scuffle, in which Sikandar and Chintamani were injured; Sikandar and some sadhus, both of whom were excited, were arrested and put in lock-up. This led to riots. This was followed by the 1958 riots and police firing at Khadia. The then district magistrate had eloquently described Khadia locality in connection with a firing on August 12, in the following words, “The worst area was as it had invariably been in the previous disturbances, the Khadia ward in Ahmedabad city.” However, it will be wrong to believe that the communal tension has always been between Hindus and Muslims. In 1965, the city witnessed the first-ever Sikh Muslim riot in the city, when two Sikh auto rickshaw drivers were murdered by some Muslims. On the following day during the funeral procession, some irate Sikhs broke open some Muslim shops and attacked them. The riots in 1969 have become a history by themselves. The report held “…that there was never any riot in the state of Gujarat of magnitude as was witnessed in September 1969, which took a heavy toll of human lives and property belonging to both the communities.” Justice P J Reddy commission which inquired into this riots found that at least 560 people died, while 561 were injured. These riots were sparked by a trivial incident on September 18, 1969, when a large number of people had gathered for ‘urs’ of the Bukhari Saheb’s chhila. At about 3.45 pm when a herd of the cows accompanied by their keepers had almost reached the temple gates, some Muslims objected as to why the sadhus of the temple had allowed animals to disturb the fair. An altercation followed between some Muslims and the sadhus in which some sadhus were injured. Incidents of violence, thereafter, happened in rapid succession in various parts of the city, taking a heavy toll of lives and property. This was followed by 1985 anti-reservation agitation which took the colour of communal riots and then in 1992 occurred post-Babri riots.”
    Trivial reasons sparked earlier riots - The Times of India



    An analysis on this article by “The Times of India” really discloses the full story. All these riots happened even without any cause as the Godhra incident. While in 2002, despite the mind-numbing roasting alive of karsevaks, an incidence which has no parallel at least in independent India, riots of far less magnitude took place.



    The following is the report of GeoCities service is no longer available - Yahoo! GeoCities written by V Gangadhar :
    “During the 1941 communal riots, the Hindus took a terrible beating and never forgot it. Khadia, within the walled city, became a stronghold of Hindus, but there was no militancy in the area. The 1945 communal riots were milder, but when India became free, it was hoped that Hindus and Muslims could live together in peace. This happened for some time…Yet Hindus and Muslims fought together in the Mahagujarat Movement which established a separate Gujaratstate in 1960.

    The Congress has always been the major force in the city. The socialists and communists could never get a foothold. The Congress split of 1968-69 had a major impact on the political, economic and communal future of Gujarat, which was the bastion of the traditional Congress-O led by Morarji Desai.

    The year 1969 was a watershed in communal relations. The Hindu-Muslim riots killed more than 5,000 people and Ahmedabad became a vast burial ground. The riots were aggravated because of the conflict between the Congress government led by Indira Gandhi at the Centre, and the state government led by Hitendra Desai of the Congress-O…

    Congress-O leader Morarji Desai was not personally communal, but he hardly did anything to control the situation. For the first time in the city’s history, the labour areas were affected. The killings here were most brutal. Since then, Gujarat has never been the same.”



    This author V Gangadhar is another staunch anti-BJP man. The website,GeoCities service is no longer available - Yahoo! GeoCities is among the most anti-BJP websites. Laughable claims such as, “The Bajrang Dal killed 2 lakh Sikhs in New Delhi in 1983-84” are posted on this website. And yet, this website and this author help us to a large extent in realizing the history of violence in Gujarat.



    Vadodara also saw horrible riots in 1982, just like Ahmedabad and Godhra. Gujaratalso saw riots in 1990, between April and December, which saw nearly 1400 communal incidences, which left officially 224 people dead and 775 injured. Nearly 120 riots took place in Gujarat in 1991 between January and April which left at least 38 people dead officially and 170 injured. Ahmedabad again saw riots in October 1990 after L.K.Advani’s Rath Yatra began, which saw 41 people dead officially. Vadodara again saw riots between April 1991 and July 1991, which was a result of a petty incidence of a boy getting hit by an auto rickshaw. Surat saw bloody riots in 1992, which left about 200 people dead, after the demolition of the disputed structure in Ayodhya.

    (Source: IPCS research papers, Volume 3, March 2004, written by B Rajeshwari)



    The author B Rajeshwari is also a professor at the Jawaharlal NehruUniversity, New Delhi. She belongs to a staunch Leftist school of thought. A professor at the JNU is seeped in the vicious anti-Hindu mould, and despite that, this author does give some important information to us.



    The above instances are enough for anyone to understand Gujarat’s history of communal violence. To see newspaper editors and freelancers writing ‘white lies’ on English dailies’ editorial pages that, “Narendra Modi is responsible for the worst massacre of Muslims in independent India” or “Modi killed 2,000 Muslims in Gujarat” etc etc is all disgusting. This is not only because of the factual errors, but because these people themselves know Gujarat’s history of violence. Most of the instances mentioned in this book (of Gujarat’s past violence) are taken from sources of these people only. And yet, they lie through the skin of their teeth.


    Shridhar Patel wrote in weekly Organiser dated 22 December 2002:

    “…Hardly any newspaper has taken the trouble to understand Gujarat.

    Strangely enough, the one English-language newspaper to make that effort is the NRI journal published from New York
    “India Abroad” (May 17, 2002). Sheila Bhat’s article “Wounds of history” should be made compulsory reading for our hate-filled columnists. Sheila Bhat recounts how Gujarat’s pride was broken and how “Centuries of being under the exploiters’ yoke has left deep scars” on the Gujarati psyche. The last Hindu to rule over Gujarat independently was Karan Vaghelo who fled his kingdom in 1298 . ‘From then on’, writes Sheila, ‘there have been small pockets under Hindu kings ruling as vassals of various conquerors but Gujarat was never independent from 1300 to 1947…The past is never, ever, far from the present…’Our ‘intellectual’ columnists do not know history, much less Gujarati psychology. They know only hate. The truth is that in IndiaGujarat is a special case. Maharashtra can boast of a Shivaji who stood up to Muslim rule and bears no psychological wounds, Rajasthan has several Hindu heroes like Rana Pratap for one, South India had its great Vijaynagar Empire to be proud of but Gujarat with its open borders has been at the mercy of anyone who has chosen to come in with rape and plunder and pillage. If one does not understand that, one does understands nothing, either about Narendra Modi, or about Gujarat…”


    Our newspaper editors are of course blind to the historical facts. They are blind to the demolition of the sacred temple at the birthplace of Lord Ram in Ayodhya by Babur in 1528 and they attach it no significance. They are also blind to the atrocities committed on Hindus by Muslims in the medieval period, and also the atrocities which the Hindus suffered in Gujarat at the hands of Muslims not only since AD 1298, but also in the communal riots throughout the 1940s.


    In 1399, Timur killed 100,000 Hindus in a single day. Professor K S Lal, in his Growth of Muslim Population in India, writes that according to his calculations, the Hindu population decreased by 80 million between the years 1000 and 1525, probably the biggest holocaust in world history. (Source: Article by Francis Gautier onwww.rediff.com dated 11 March 2003)


    The Gujarat riots of 1969 were far more serious than the 2002 riots. The death toll, as a proportion of population was far higher and the violence had spread to many parts of the state.


    Godhra (and its twin city of Dahod) is famous in the subcontinent as the birthplace of Aurangzeb, the fanatical Mughal emperor. It is also a well known trouble spot that has seen violent riots between Hindus and Muslims for over a hundred years. A large number of people of Godhra have links with people in violence-prone Karachi in Pakistan.

    (Source: Rediff.com - India, Business, Stock, Sports, Cricket, Entertainment, Bollywood, Music, Video and Breaking news, Rediffmail NG, Shopping dated 2nd March 2005 and also The Times ofIndia dated 30 May 2002)



    Even a staunch anti-Hindu fortnightly like ‘Frontline’ reports: “The Rath Yatra has often sparked communal violence in Ahmedabad, including the worst massacre in 1969.” (Frontline 13-26 March 2002)


    The same weekly also reports:
    The Hindutva experiment

    DIONNE BUNSHA

    DURING the last two months and more of mayhem, questions regarding the extent to which the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Hindutva ideology has permeated the public mind have sprung up. In order to understand how the BJP has been able to mobilise different sections of society from the Patidars (or Patels) to Dalits and other backward classes (OBCs), it is necessary to look at Gujarat‘s history of communal violence.

    The earliest recorded riot here dates back to 1714 during Mughal rule – it occurred in Ahmedabad. It was sparked by a minor incident – the accidental sprinkling of ‘ghulal’ during the Holi festival, according to the V.S. Dave Commission report on the 1985 riots. Several riots took place during the Maratha rule, which lasted until 1817. During the British Raj, riots broke out in 1941, following which the Civil Disobedience Movement was suspended. It also marked the time when Ahmedabad’s Muslims started supporting the Muslim League. In 1946, trouble broke out in the city again. in post-Independence India, there were riots in Ahmedabad in 1958, 1965 and 1969. The 1969 riots were also sparked by a minor event but led to one of the bloodiest riots in Gujarat.

    (Frontline: 14-26 May 2002)


    That is, a fortnightly as anti-BJP and anti-Narendra Modi as the Frontline admits the fact that Gujarat’s worst riots were in 1969 under the Congress Party, and not in 2002 under Narendra Modi.


    The following is some text of Rakesh Sinha’s article in ‘The Pioneer’ dated 20 April 2002:


    “Give a dog bad name and hang it”
    It is not for the first time that Gujarat has witnessed communal riots. Its history is replete with communal tension and feuds .

    In September 1969, Gujarat plunged into one of the severest riots after Partition. The immediate reason for the riot was attack on two sadhus of Jagannath Temple by a mob of about 1,000 Muslims, who gathered to celebrate Urs on September 18, 1969, provoking organised violence in Ahmedabad and many other areas, including Baroda. Official figure counted 660 dead and 1,100 injured. The magnitude of riots could be gauged by the figure that 6000 families lost their houses, properties and belongings. The Sampradayikta Virodhi Committee’s report “Gujarat‘s riot X-rayed” mentioned the figure of dead people as 3000.

    “Religious-quake” was witnessed during the riots. Incidents were reported but they did not unravel religious identities of the victims.The Times of India reported on its front-page on September 20, 1969, a father and son being burnt alive when the son was taking his ailing father to hospital. Incidents like these hit our humanitarian sentiment rather than religious or communal feelings, when they are reported with restraint. They do not transcend the communal hatred beyond the boundaries of the communally charged region or the State. This spirit was maintained by the media throughout the riot-span (for a month) in 1969. The 1969 riots were not transformed into a political battle to destabilise the government or to blame the ruling Congress or to settle scores with Hitendra Desai, the then Chief Minister of Gujarat. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s short visit on September 25 was both preceded and followed by premeditated violence. Seventeen passengers were killed in the Janata Express near Ahmedabad the same day. But the institution of the Prime Minister was not trivialised or her stature was not questioned due to such horrendous incidents.


    During 1969 riots,
    The Times of India reported, “Sabarmati Harijan Ashram too not spared” (September 23, 1969) as hooligans attacked the Ashramites and damaged the ashram…“


    This article also shows that the 1969 riots were far worse than the 2002 riots. In reality, its not just the 1969 riots, but most of the major post-independence riots in Gujarat, such as the 1980, 1982, 1985,1990-1991-1992 riots which were worse than the 2002 riots and that too without any immediate cause as the Godhra incident.


    The following is the interview given to “The Times of India” by the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi dated 30th March 2002:
    “Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in an exclusive interview to The Times of India says his state is returning to normalcy. Excerpts from the interview:


    Q.: In your view, was the burning of 58 kar sevaks in the Sabarmati Express at Godhra a planned attacked or a spontaneous one? Was there an untoward incident on the station platform which sparked the attack?


    A.: If one looks at the nature of the heinous attack on the Sabarmati Express and the manner in which 58 innocent kar sevakswere burnt alive in a compartment of the ill-fated train, it would be apparent that it was a deep rooted conspiracy and a pre-planned, cold-blooded attack.

    The train arrived at Godhra at 7:43 a.m. and within five minutes, i.e. at 7:48 a.m., it left Godhra. It was stopped at Signal Falia about 500 metres away and a mob attacked the compartment collectively. How can such an attack be spontaneous? Moreover, the train departed from Faizabad and arrived in Godhra after 36 long hours, and no incident was reported on the behaviour of the kar sevaks en route. But the president of the Gujarat unit of the Congress, Amarsinh Chaudhary, has alleged in a television interview that the attack took place because the
    kar sevaks did not pay money for a cup of tea at the railway station. Is it not ridiculous to justify a ghastly incident such as this?


    Q.: There are reports that the Tableegi Jamiat of the Deobandi school of Islam has been fanning fundamentalist ideology in Godhra and that there were instances of members of the majority community being burnt in the past few years. Are these reports true? If so, on what dates were they burned and by whom and what is the action taken against the persons concerned?

    A.: The long history of communal violence in Godhra is not an unknown phenomenon, but it has taken an ugly and serious turn in the last 25-30 years. Two families have been burnt alive in the same area in the past in a ghastly incident. And ten years ago, four teachers, including two women teachers, were mercilessly cut to death in a school in the presence of children.
    While the then Congress rulers have registered court cases in a routine manner, they have failed miserably to punish the real culprits. Not only this, the main culprit named Asaraf was done to death while in a jail by other accused persons and the whole event was pushed into a corner forever.



    Q.: Reports of the violence in Ahmedabad give the impression that it was well organised. The reports said armed mobs went around with voting lists targeting Muslims. An IAS officer, Harsh Mander, has given a chilling account of the violence in Ahmedabad. Why has the state not been able to tackle the situation? There are allegations that the police was partisan. Please comment.

    A.: Those who are acquainted with Gujarat know that this state is very sensitive to communal violence. There have been serious communal disturbances triggered by petty and minor incidents relating to kite flying or a cricket match. In the past, communal violence has broken out in 200 places at a time and curfew has been imposed in about 300 villages and towns for months together.

    Compared to this, the Godhra massacre was unparalleled in history, but we took all proactive measures to curb the violence within 72 hours. The police fired more than 3,900 rounds initially and the army was airlifted from the border area and deployed within 16 hours in the disturbed areas. There was no complacency on the part of the government or the police…”



    Imagine a state where communal riots take place at 200 places at the same time, and many more villages and towns affected by violence, and curfew in 300 places for many months together! The Godhra town also remained in curfew throughout the year in 1980 and also 1985. As compared to that the violence in 2002 was absolutely nothing.


    But despite knowing this, the media just doesn’t want to know. It has exhausted all its resources to attack and target one man- Narendra Modi, one party- the BJP. Instead of thinking objectively and appreciating the spirited work of the Gujarat government in controlling the communal violence, the media has irrationally and irresponsibly accused the BJP government of turning a blind eye to the riots. But someone who does not want to see the truth cannot see it. We will see the reason for this Ostrich approach in another chapter.

    Gujarat’s bloody history of violence | Gujarat Riots: The True Story

    *********************************

    Take it for what is it worth.
     
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    Gujarat’s bloody history of violence


    At times it is necessary to look into the past to understand any event fully. The same is true for the Gujarat riots. The state undoubtedly saw riots after Godhra in which about 1,000 people were killed. Had the same number of people been killed in communal riots in, say, Nagpur city of Maharashtra, it would indeed have been considered as ‘large-scale riots’. This is because, Nagpur region is a region which has hardly seen any communal riots since 1927. But since the riots took place in Gujarat, the events have to be viewed in totality, in view of Gujarat’s history of communal violence.


    If one looks at the past history of communal riots in Gujarat, one would understand that the Gujarat riots of March 2002 were absolutely nothing as compared to the past communal riots in the state. The state saw far worse riots in 1969 and 1985. In 1969, curfew was imposed for 65 days in a row, while in 1985 the riots lasted six months. It also saw riots of a large scale in 1980, 1982, 1990-1991- 1992.


    Hindu-Muslim conflicts have been going on for the past 1300-1400 years. But in Gujarat, communal riots between Hindus and Muslims have been going on since as far back as AD 1714, i.e. since the medieval times. This was hundreds of years before the birth of any of the organizations of the Sangh Parivar. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was founded in 1925, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh was founded in 1951, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in 1964, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980. Even today, conflicts continue between Muslims and Hindus in India, Muslims and Buddhists in China, in Myanmar, Muslims and Christians in Nigeria, in Algeria, in Philippines, in Morocco, in Chechnya etc. It is not the VHP or the Sangh Parivar that is common in all these places.


    Hindus and Muslims have clashed in battles, wars and riots since as far back as AD 636 when Arabs invaded Thane (near Mumbai) and were repulsed. This attacks on India started in 636 AD within 14 years of establishment of Islam in AD 622 (beginning of Hijra, first people to become Muslim converted in AD 610, Khadija) and within 4 years of Muhammad’s death in AD 632-the Prophet of Islam. Even before AD 712, the battles were taking place in western kingdoms ofIndia. In AD 712, Mohammad-bin-Qasim invaded Sindh and defeated its king, Raja Dahir. Even before this event, ever since the Muslims attacked Thane in 636 AD, they kept attacking western Indian kingdoms. A brief summary of this is given in the book (“Gujarat Riots: The True Story”) but is not available on this site. For just a brief and cursory (very very brief, and very very cursory) history of Islam in India, see this.
    History of Muslim attacks on India: History of Muslim attacks on India


    The great revolutionary and freedom fighter, Swatantryaveer Savarkar wrote in his book, ‘Saha Soneri Pane’ (Six golden pages of Indian history) that the Hindus kept on defeating and repulsing invading Muslims at India’s western borders for as many as 300 years at a stretch, i.e. from 712 AD to 1001 AD, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India.


    Riots are nothing new to India. For the past 125 years, since about 1880 riots have frequently occurred in all parts of India. But among all the Indian states, Gujarat was by far the most communally sensitive state.


    If we take the history of Ahmedabad for last five centuries, the city was ruled by the Muslims and the Mughals for about 340 years the rest by Marathas & the British. Coming to the incidents of communal riots during this era of five centuries, the major incidences are:


    (1) The 1714 Holi riots:
    A Hindu named Hari Ram while celebrating Holi with his friends at his residence unintentionally sprinkled ‘Gulal’ a red powder on one Muslim, and the casual frolic was strongly protested by the Muslims. A mob got assembled near Jumma Masjid under the leadership of Sunni Bohra Mullah Abdul Aziz. The Afghan soldiers of the Muslim viceroy also joined the mob seeing the situation. A Kazi interfered for cooling down the angry mob. But the mob set on fire the house of this Kazi. The rioters thereafter looted the shops of Hindu Mohalla, Shops and set their houses to fire. The rioters could be controlled only by armed guards of a Hindu, Kapurchand Bhanshali.


    (2) The 1715 communal riot:
    The 1715 communal riots were due to looting of shops of the Hindus by the Muslim soldiers. The riot came to an end with replacement of Muslim viceroy Daudkhan.


    (3) The 1716 Id riots:
    Consequently during the third year also, communal disturbances broke out during Id in 1716.
    The Bohra community, a Muslim sect, gathered cows and buffaloes for Id celebration. A Muslim Havaldar just out of pity released one of such gathered cows. The Muslim protested before the Kazi Khairullakhan seeing no outcome to their expectation, the Muslims resorted to riots arson and mass looting of Hindu establishments. The situation could come to normalcy with Hindu viceroy Ajitsinh’s concerted efforts.


    (4) The 1750 temple demolition:
    The 1750 riots by Muslims were provoked simply with an excuse that their Namaz was being disturbed due to noise of ringing of bell in an adjoining temple. The Muslims while returning from the Masjid after Namaz totally destroyed the temple and thus wounded the Hindu sentiments.


    (5) The September 1927 Ahmedabad Riots:
    Muslim prayer in a mosque and a Hindu song in a temple were the apparent cause of conflict.


    (6) The 1941 riots:
    Communal disturbances broke out on 18th April 1941. The Muslims diverted to Muslim League programmes after the incidence of these riots.

    (7) The 1946 Rath Yatra riots:
    1st July 1946 was a Rath Yatra day. Rath Yatraas usual was passing through Shaher Kotda police station area, on this auspicious day. There took a hot exchange between a Hindu Akhada man and a Muslim watching the procession. The incidence turned into breaking out of communal violence, viz. arson, cudgelling, stone throwing, stabbing etc. There was also a police firing and curfew was finally imposed to control the situation.


    (8) The 1953 Ahmedabad Riots:
    The Ganapati festival and Moharram were the occasions of riots in the city of Ahmedabad


    (9) The 1965 Sikh incidence:
    The 1965 riots were resulted out of the murder of two Sikh rickshaw drivers by some Muslims. The aggrieved Sikhs took out funeral procession of both these dead bodies. The situation got disturbed at Delhi Darwaja and got converted into a communal riot soon.


    (10) The 1969 historic communal riots:
    It was 18th September 1969, the last day of Urs. The violence crept up in the evening time on the ground that Jagannath Mandir cows going back to temple premises disturbed the Urs. It may be mentioned that movement of cows was a daily routine irrespective of Urs celebration taking place simultaneously. A hot discussion took place that provoked communal tension with a series of violent incidences killing, linking, and soon in various parts of the city.

    The riots of 1969 were biggest of its type in Independent India having taken lives of thousands of persons.
    (Source: VSK, Gujarat)

    Among others were the 1985 bloody riots in Gujarat, the 1980, 1982 riots in Ahmedabad and Godhra, the 1990 and 1992 riots.
    What follows is a write up by Hemant Babu published in Himal magazine dated 6 July 2003 reproduced by Countercurrents.org | Educate | Organize | Agitate :
    … “A sign of this normalcy is the number of incidents of communal violence in the state as recorded officially. Judicial commissions of inquiry, the Justice Reddy Commission and the Justice VS Dave Commission, were instituted after two major riots, of 1969 and 1985 respectively. Both commissions referred in some detail to Gujarat’s history of communal violence. The Justice Dave Commission traced the history of communal violence in Ahmedabad as far back as 1714 when a bloody riot was sparked off during the Holi celebrations. The city then was still under Mughal control. Subsequent riots broke out in 1715, 1716 and 1750…

    Hindu-Muslim violence continued in the centuries that followed, with the pace and intensity picking up in the second half of the twentieth century. When communal riots broke out in 1941, curfew had to be imposed for over two-and-a-half months. The Justice Reddy Commission identified as many as 2938 instances of communal violence in the state between 1960 and 1969, that is, an average of approximately three riots every four days during this ten-year period…

    During this period, riots began to spread over a much wider geographical area of the sate, affecting towns like Veraval, Junagadh, Patan, Godhra, Palanpur, Anjar, Dalkhania, Kodinar and Deesa, all of which have been hit by the ongoing violence.

    … But violence of a different, more systematic and sustained order was inaugurated in 1969. The Hindu-Muslim riots of that year mark a major break with the hitherto prevalent pattern of steady if unspectacular social conflict. More than two years of hectic Muslim and Hindu fundamentalist activity preceded the outbreak of these riots. Communal violence in the state acquired a more organised form against the backdrop of the India-Pakistan war of 1965.

    … A riot of this magnitude, unprecedented in both scale and duration, had a foundational significance for the politics of the state and the techniques of mobilisation and orchestration that increasingly came into use. The discrete and scattered violence of the preceding period can be presumed to be manifestations of everyday class, caste and community struggles arising from socio-economic conflicts of a more or less local nature. To that extent, their individual histories and repercussions were confined to the respective localities of incidence. The 1969 riots had the critical mass that lent it state- and nation-wide visibility and gave it a prominent place in the historical inventory of community grievances. This riot could now be invoked at will, not just in Gujarat but wherever else tension had to be engineered. In effect, this was the first explicit politicisation of both communalism and public violence in the state.

    Most importantly, the riots of 1969 took Gujarati society past the psychological threshold of normally tolerable public violence, and this not just of the communal variety. Once the barrier to the use of violence in inter-party conflicts was crossed, its repeated use acquired a tacit legitimacy as the social conscience became gradually more immune to the incremental doses of it that the polity administered

    … The BJP’s active influence on the 1985 agitation explains many of its more curious features. The riots began on 19 March, the day after the newly elected Congress government assumed office, and was directed against a policy measure declared more than two months prior. In January, the Congress government had announced an increase in the quota of jobs in government and seats in public educational institutions reserved for backward castes. The riots lasted six months, much after the policy had been revoked by the government. … South Gujarat, which had previously been unaffected, now found itself on the riot map of the state. The social base of the violence expanded to include gangsters, bootleggers and professional killers. Various reports of the period quote doctors who described the stab wounds they attended to as the work of trained hands. The agitation finally degenerated to a point where sections of the state constabulary abandoned their uniforms and relinquished their responsibilities to join the riots.

    …Gujarat again witnessed riots in 1992 when the disputed Babri Masjid at Ayodhya was razed to the ground a few hours after kar sevaks stormed the monument. Surat experienced intermittent disturbances over a six-month period. In 1993, more riots followed, after the blasts in Bombay, allegedly masterminded by the Muslim underworld. Perhaps these riots were attempts at forging a Hindu unity that, on the face of it, seemed impossible. Whatever the intention, there is no denying that the rath yatra precipitated a political crisis in which the existing intra- and inter-party equations began to break down. And, there is no getting away from the fact that, though not uniformly successful across India, the BJP from the 1991 general elections has secured more than 50 percent of the votes cast in the state…”



    A staunch anti-BJP man wrote this article. The website that reproduced it; Countercurrents.org | Educate | Organize | Agitate is one of the most anti-BJP ones on the entire Internet. Yet, even in its horribly anti-Sangh Parivararticle, the writer discloses some very important things. And one of them is Gujarat’s bloody history of communal violence.


    We already have seen the bloody history of Godhra town of engineering riots since 1927-28. The following is the report of theVishwa Sanwad Kendra on the comparisons between the 1969, 1985 and the 2002 riots:
    “Comparative analysis of Government response to communal riots during 1969, 1985 and 2002
    The communal tension in the state of Gujarat is not an unknown phenomenon. Prior to the present situation, all communal disturbances before Godhra incident, two major communal incidents took place in 1969 and 1985. To inquire into the factors leading to the communal violence in 1969 and 1985, the State Government appointed Judicial Commission to thoroughly inquire into all the aspects leading to communal violence and the response of the state Administration. Both the Commissions have come to specific conclusions and while coming to the conclusion they have come to specific conclusions and while coming to the conclusion they have also made specific observations.

    On September 18, 1969, a major communal riot broke out in Ahmedabad City and subsequently spread in the other districts of the State. The incident which sparked the communal violence took place on 18th September 1969 at 3.45 pm in Ahmedabad near Lord Jagannath Temple. Hon. Justice Jagmohan Reddy inquired into the violence which broke out during the said communal disturbances. After 1969, a major agitation and communal riots broke out in 1985. Justice Dave Commission inquired into the incidents which took place during the course of anti-reservation agitation and also communal disturbances during February 1985 to July 1985.

    The response of the State Government in the earlier incidents and the recent incident brings to the fore certain important facts which are as under:
    In 1969, the incident of violence reported on 18th September at 3.45 pm. The army was pressed into service on 21st September 1969 at 16.30 pm in limited areas (three Police Station only) while army was deployed in the entire city on 22nd September 1969 at 18.00 hrs. In 1985, the riot broke out on 15/4/85 and the army was requisitioned on 16/4/85. By then, 177 deaths had already been reported. Compared to this, the army was requisitioned on the same day, i.e. on 28th February itself. It is very relevant to note that unlike the earlier occasions, army at this point of time is deployed on the border. Therefore, the deployment of army was difficult at a short notice. However, Hon. Chief Minister impressed upon the Hon. Prime Minister and the Defence Minister to deploy the army forthwith in view of the prevailing condition in the State. The Central Government also reacted very fast and army was airlifted to Ahmedabad the same night. The army was in action from next day of the incident, having completed all the formalities of nominating Executive Magistrates, allocation of vehicles etc.

    The incident in 1969 occurred on 18th September 1969 but the situation was out of control, even on the 5th and 6th day. The violation incidents continued to be reported even after the 6th day. The disturbances in 1985 were spread over a period of five months from February 1985 to July 1985. However, in the present case, the situation has been brought under control within three to four days only.

    In the present case, the curfew was clamped within four hours in Godhra (actually within 2 hours, at 9:45 am) on the same day. Compared to this, there was delay in ordering curfew in the earlier incidents. The grievance for such delay was reported before the Enquiry Commission.
    The complaint about inaction from the Police authorities and the local administration were made before the Inquiry Commission. In the present case inGujarat, the Law and Order Enforcing Authority has taken a proactive stand to curb the violence effectively. Police Authorities have fired more than 3900 rounds, they have used more than 6500 rounds of tear gas and arrested more than 2800 people. One should also take a note of the fact that 90 people have been killed in police firing(Actually 98 people were killed) which shows that police showed no lenient approach towards elements spreading violence, arson and looting. It is also very pertinent to note that the geographical areas under grip of such untoward incident was much larger in 2002, compared to the earlier incidents of 1969 and 1985.

    The above facts clearly show that the Government had reacted to the situation very quickly, effectively and also with strong political will.”
    (Source: VSK, Gujarat Welcome To Vishva Samvad Kendra - Gujarat)


    NDTV-Star News had broadcast a programme ‘The Big Fight’ live from Ahmedabad in December 2002, a week or so before the Gujarat Assembly elections. The participants were Harin Pathak of the BJP (BJP MP from Ahmedabad) and Shankersinh Vaghela of the Congress, and a victim of the Gujarat riots, Bandukwala. In that debate quoting an article from ‘The Hindustan Times’ of 1969, Harin Pathak said that the official death toll in the 1969 riots was around 5000, but it was actually three to five times the number. At that time, the Congress was in power with the great Gandhian Hitendra Desai as the Chief Minister. The actual number of people killed in 1969 thus ranges from 15,000 to 25,000. Contrast this with the 2002 riots with 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus and a total of 223 people missing, as per figures given a Congress Union Minister!


    The following is a write-up by Devendra Swarup in weekly Organiser dated 16 May 2004:
    “ Use of Mahatma Gandhi’s name and views certainly makes it emotional but does not seem in accordance with history. Perhaps, the respected judges ignored the fact that Gujarat has a long history of communal violence. During Gandhi’s life itself Gujarat had burnt in such violence. His pain at the 1924 riots of Ahmedabad is visible in his complete works; since Independence sparks of violence have been spreading in the Muslim-dominated areas of Godhra and Ahmedabad; Mohammad Ghazni was extended invitation to again prevent the reconstruction of Somnath temple which caused unbearable pain to Gandhi. Gujarat has had a long history of riots during the Congress regime that called itself the sole inheritor of Gandhi’s legacy even after his death. In 1969, during Gandhian Hitendra Desai´s rule as Chief Minister, Ahmedabad witnessed communal frenzy, in which more than 3,000 people were killed, i.e. much more than those killed in the riots of 2002. Hence instead of getting caught in the quagmire of ideology, it is necessary to probe into the causes of this endless chain of communal riots in the state.”


    Here, however, Devendra Swarup says only 3,000 people were killed in 1969 in Ahmedabad. He has used this figure out of a sense of moderation and caution, and gives it only for Ahmedabad. The correct official figure is 5,000 and actual 15 to 25 thousand, as quoted by Harin Pathak, former Union Minister of State for Home.


    The Times of India reports in its issue dated 12 April 2002:
    “Ahmedabad: If it took a shocking massacre like Godhra to trigger off massive communal riots in the state in the 21st century, history shows that trivial incidents caused most riots in the 20th century. An inquiry report prepared by justice V S Dave of Rajasthan High Court, who headed a commission of inquiry to investigate the 1985 anti-reservation and subsequent communal riots, devotes a special chapter to the ‘history of riots and agitations in Gujarat’. Tracing the riots way back from 1714, the report points out at the causes of riots as festivals and religious celebrations, aggressions and changing of the secular complex of the ‘pols’, ‘khanchas’ and ‘by-lanes’ within the walled city due to migration to areas of greater security. On April 18, 1941, communal riots broke out and curfew imposed in most localities, was in force for two and a half months. As a result, the civil disobedience movement in the city engineered by the Congress was suspended till October 1941. Both communities suffered in varying degrees in Ahmedabad and elsewhere in the state. Tracing the records, the report observes an important consequence of the riots “after this sad episode, the Muslims of Ahmedabad turned their faces and embraced the programme of the Muslim League.” This was followed soon by the communal riots on July 1, 1946, during the rath yatra due to police firing. Curfew was imposed. Records suggest that the communal riots broke out at about 12.30 pm, in the sherkotda police station. One Sikandar who was a well-known Muslim gymnast, accompanied by three or four members of his akhada was watching the performance of a Hindu akhada which formed the part of a procession. Sikandar allegedly criticized the style of weight-lifting adopted by one Chitranjan Chintamani. This led to a scuffle, in which Sikandar and Chintamani were injured; Sikandar and some sadhus, both of whom were excited, were arrested and put in lock-up. This led to riots. This was followed by the 1958 riots and police firing at Khadia. The then district magistrate had eloquently described Khadia locality in connection with a firing on August 12, in the following words, “The worst area was as it had invariably been in the previous disturbances, the Khadia ward in Ahmedabad city.” However, it will be wrong to believe that the communal tension has always been between Hindus and Muslims. In 1965, the city witnessed the first-ever Sikh Muslim riot in the city, when two Sikh auto rickshaw drivers were murdered by some Muslims. On the following day during the funeral procession, some irate Sikhs broke open some Muslim shops and attacked them. The riots in 1969 have become a history by themselves. The report held “…that there was never any riot in the state of Gujarat of magnitude as was witnessed in September 1969, which took a heavy toll of human lives and property belonging to both the communities.” Justice P J Reddy commission which inquired into this riots found that at least 560 people died, while 561 were injured. These riots were sparked by a trivial incident on September 18, 1969, when a large number of people had gathered for ‘urs’ of the Bukhari Saheb’s chhila. At about 3.45 pm when a herd of the cows accompanied by their keepers had almost reached the temple gates, some Muslims objected as to why the sadhus of the temple had allowed animals to disturb the fair. An altercation followed between some Muslims and the sadhus in which some sadhus were injured. Incidents of violence, thereafter, happened in rapid succession in various parts of the city, taking a heavy toll of lives and property. This was followed by 1985 anti-reservation agitation which took the colour of communal riots and then in 1992 occurred post-Babri riots.”
    Trivial reasons sparked earlier riots - The Times of India



    An analysis on this article by “The Times of India” really discloses the full story. All these riots happened even without any cause as the Godhra incident. While in 2002, despite the mind-numbing roasting alive of karsevaks, an incidence which has no parallel at least in independent India, riots of far less magnitude took place.



    The following is the report of GeoCities service is no longer available - Yahoo! GeoCities written by V Gangadhar :
    “During the 1941 communal riots, the Hindus took a terrible beating and never forgot it. Khadia, within the walled city, became a stronghold of Hindus, but there was no militancy in the area. The 1945 communal riots were milder, but when India became free, it was hoped that Hindus and Muslims could live together in peace. This happened for some time…Yet Hindus and Muslims fought together in the Mahagujarat Movement which established a separate Gujaratstate in 1960.

    The Congress has always been the major force in the city. The socialists and communists could never get a foothold. The Congress split of 1968-69 had a major impact on the political, economic and communal future of Gujarat, which was the bastion of the traditional Congress-O led by Morarji Desai.

    The year 1969 was a watershed in communal relations. The Hindu-Muslim riots killed more than 5,000 people and Ahmedabad became a vast burial ground. The riots were aggravated because of the conflict between the Congress government led by Indira Gandhi at the Centre, and the state government led by Hitendra Desai of the Congress-O…

    Congress-O leader Morarji Desai was not personally communal, but he hardly did anything to control the situation. For the first time in the city’s history, the labour areas were affected. The killings here were most brutal. Since then, Gujarat has never been the same.”



    This author V Gangadhar is another staunch anti-BJP man. The website,GeoCities service is no longer available - Yahoo! GeoCities is among the most anti-BJP websites. Laughable claims such as, “The Bajrang Dal killed 2 lakh Sikhs in New Delhi in 1983-84” are posted on this website. And yet, this website and this author help us to a large extent in realizing the history of violence in Gujarat.



    Vadodara also saw horrible riots in 1982, just like Ahmedabad and Godhra. Gujaratalso saw riots in 1990, between April and December, which saw nearly 1400 communal incidences, which left officially 224 people dead and 775 injured. Nearly 120 riots took place in Gujarat in 1991 between January and April which left at least 38 people dead officially and 170 injured. Ahmedabad again saw riots in October 1990 after L.K.Advani’s Rath Yatra began, which saw 41 people dead officially. Vadodara again saw riots between April 1991 and July 1991, which was a result of a petty incidence of a boy getting hit by an auto rickshaw. Surat saw bloody riots in 1992, which left about 200 people dead, after the demolition of the disputed structure in Ayodhya.

    (Source: IPCS research papers, Volume 3, March 2004, written by B Rajeshwari)



    The author B Rajeshwari is also a professor at the Jawaharlal NehruUniversity, New Delhi. She belongs to a staunch Leftist school of thought. A professor at the JNU is seeped in the vicious anti-Hindu mould, and despite that, this author does give some important information to us.



    The above instances are enough for anyone to understand Gujarat’s history of communal violence. To see newspaper editors and freelancers writing ‘white lies’ on English dailies’ editorial pages that, “Narendra Modi is responsible for the worst massacre of Muslims in independent India” or “Modi killed 2,000 Muslims in Gujarat” etc etc is all disgusting. This is not only because of the factual errors, but because these people themselves know Gujarat’s history of violence. Most of the instances mentioned in this book (of Gujarat’s past violence) are taken from sources of these people only. And yet, they lie through the skin of their teeth.


    Shridhar Patel wrote in weekly Organiser dated 22 December 2002:

    “…Hardly any newspaper has taken the trouble to understand Gujarat.

    Strangely enough, the one English-language newspaper to make that effort is the NRI journal published from New York
    “India Abroad” (May 17, 2002). Sheila Bhat’s article “Wounds of history” should be made compulsory reading for our hate-filled columnists. Sheila Bhat recounts how Gujarat’s pride was broken and how “Centuries of being under the exploiters’ yoke has left deep scars” on the Gujarati psyche. The last Hindu to rule over Gujarat independently was Karan Vaghelo who fled his kingdom in 1298 . ‘From then on’, writes Sheila, ‘there have been small pockets under Hindu kings ruling as vassals of various conquerors but Gujarat was never independent from 1300 to 1947…The past is never, ever, far from the present…’Our ‘intellectual’ columnists do not know history, much less Gujarati psychology. They know only hate. The truth is that in IndiaGujarat is a special case. Maharashtra can boast of a Shivaji who stood up to Muslim rule and bears no psychological wounds, Rajasthan has several Hindu heroes like Rana Pratap for one, South India had its great Vijaynagar Empire to be proud of but Gujarat with its open borders has been at the mercy of anyone who has chosen to come in with rape and plunder and pillage. If one does not understand that, one does understands nothing, either about Narendra Modi, or about Gujarat…”


    Our newspaper editors are of course blind to the historical facts. They are blind to the demolition of the sacred temple at the birthplace of Lord Ram in Ayodhya by Babur in 1528 and they attach it no significance. They are also blind to the atrocities committed on Hindus by Muslims in the medieval period, and also the atrocities which the Hindus suffered in Gujarat at the hands of Muslims not only since AD 1298, but also in the communal riots throughout the 1940s.


    In 1399, Timur killed 100,000 Hindus in a single day. Professor K S Lal, in his Growth of Muslim Population in India, writes that according to his calculations, the Hindu population decreased by 80 million between the years 1000 and 1525, probably the biggest holocaust in world history. (Source: Article by Francis Gautier onwww.rediff.com dated 11 March 2003)


    The Gujarat riots of 1969 were far more serious than the 2002 riots. The death toll, as a proportion of population was far higher and the violence had spread to many parts of the state.


    Godhra (and its twin city of Dahod) is famous in the subcontinent as the birthplace of Aurangzeb, the fanatical Mughal emperor. It is also a well known trouble spot that has seen violent riots between Hindus and Muslims for over a hundred years. A large number of people of Godhra have links with people in violence-prone Karachi in Pakistan.

    (Source: Rediff.com - India, Business, Stock, Sports, Cricket, Entertainment, Bollywood, Music, Video and Breaking news, Rediffmail NG, Shopping dated 2nd March 2005 and also The Times ofIndia dated 30 May 2002)



    Even a staunch anti-Hindu fortnightly like ‘Frontline’ reports: “The Rath Yatra has often sparked communal violence in Ahmedabad, including the worst massacre in 1969.” (Frontline 13-26 March 2002)


    The same weekly also reports:
    The Hindutva experiment

    DIONNE BUNSHA

    DURING the last two months and more of mayhem, questions regarding the extent to which the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Hindutva ideology has permeated the public mind have sprung up. In order to understand how the BJP has been able to mobilise different sections of society from the Patidars (or Patels) to Dalits and other backward classes (OBCs), it is necessary to look at Gujarat‘s history of communal violence.

    The earliest recorded riot here dates back to 1714 during Mughal rule – it occurred in Ahmedabad. It was sparked by a minor incident – the accidental sprinkling of ‘ghulal’ during the Holi festival, according to the V.S. Dave Commission report on the 1985 riots. Several riots took place during the Maratha rule, which lasted until 1817. During the British Raj, riots broke out in 1941, following which the Civil Disobedience Movement was suspended. It also marked the time when Ahmedabad’s Muslims started supporting the Muslim League. In 1946, trouble broke out in the city again. in post-Independence India, there were riots in Ahmedabad in 1958, 1965 and 1969. The 1969 riots were also sparked by a minor event but led to one of the bloodiest riots in Gujarat.

    (Frontline: 14-26 May 2002)


    That is, a fortnightly as anti-BJP and anti-Narendra Modi as the Frontline admits the fact that Gujarat’s worst riots were in 1969 under the Congress Party, and not in 2002 under Narendra Modi.


    The following is some text of Rakesh Sinha’s article in ‘The Pioneer’ dated 20 April 2002:


    “Give a dog bad name and hang it”
    It is not for the first time that Gujarat has witnessed communal riots. Its history is replete with communal tension and feuds .

    In September 1969, Gujarat plunged into one of the severest riots after Partition. The immediate reason for the riot was attack on two sadhus of Jagannath Temple by a mob of about 1,000 Muslims, who gathered to celebrate Urs on September 18, 1969, provoking organised violence in Ahmedabad and many other areas, including Baroda. Official figure counted 660 dead and 1,100 injured. The magnitude of riots could be gauged by the figure that 6000 families lost their houses, properties and belongings. The Sampradayikta Virodhi Committee’s report “Gujarat‘s riot X-rayed” mentioned the figure of dead people as 3000.

    “Religious-quake” was witnessed during the riots. Incidents were reported but they did not unravel religious identities of the victims.The Times of India reported on its front-page on September 20, 1969, a father and son being burnt alive when the son was taking his ailing father to hospital. Incidents like these hit our humanitarian sentiment rather than religious or communal feelings, when they are reported with restraint. They do not transcend the communal hatred beyond the boundaries of the communally charged region or the State. This spirit was maintained by the media throughout the riot-span (for a month) in 1969. The 1969 riots were not transformed into a political battle to destabilise the government or to blame the ruling Congress or to settle scores with Hitendra Desai, the then Chief Minister of Gujarat. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s short visit on September 25 was both preceded and followed by premeditated violence. Seventeen passengers were killed in the Janata Express near Ahmedabad the same day. But the institution of the Prime Minister was not trivialised or her stature was not questioned due to such horrendous incidents.


    During 1969 riots,
    The Times of India reported, “Sabarmati Harijan Ashram too not spared” (September 23, 1969) as hooligans attacked the Ashramites and damaged the ashram…“


    This article also shows that the 1969 riots were far worse than the 2002 riots. In reality, its not just the 1969 riots, but most of the major post-independence riots in Gujarat, such as the 1980, 1982, 1985,1990-1991-1992 riots which were worse than the 2002 riots and that too without any immediate cause as the Godhra incident.


    The following is the interview given to “The Times of India” by the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi dated 30th March 2002:
    “Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in an exclusive interview to The Times of India says his state is returning to normalcy. Excerpts from the interview:


    Q.: In your view, was the burning of 58 kar sevaks in the Sabarmati Express at Godhra a planned attacked or a spontaneous one? Was there an untoward incident on the station platform which sparked the attack?


    A.: If one looks at the nature of the heinous attack on the Sabarmati Express and the manner in which 58 innocent kar sevakswere burnt alive in a compartment of the ill-fated train, it would be apparent that it was a deep rooted conspiracy and a pre-planned, cold-blooded attack.

    The train arrived at Godhra at 7:43 a.m. and within five minutes, i.e. at 7:48 a.m., it left Godhra. It was stopped at Signal Falia about 500 metres away and a mob attacked the compartment collectively. How can such an attack be spontaneous? Moreover, the train departed from Faizabad and arrived in Godhra after 36 long hours, and no incident was reported on the behaviour of the kar sevaks en route. But the president of the Gujarat unit of the Congress, Amarsinh Chaudhary, has alleged in a television interview that the attack took place because the
    kar sevaks did not pay money for a cup of tea at the railway station. Is it not ridiculous to justify a ghastly incident such as this?


    Q.: There are reports that the Tableegi Jamiat of the Deobandi school of Islam has been fanning fundamentalist ideology in Godhra and that there were instances of members of the majority community being burnt in the past few years. Are these reports true? If so, on what dates were they burned and by whom and what is the action taken against the persons concerned?

    A.: The long history of communal violence in Godhra is not an unknown phenomenon, but it has taken an ugly and serious turn in the last 25-30 years. Two families have been burnt alive in the same area in the past in a ghastly incident. And ten years ago, four teachers, including two women teachers, were mercilessly cut to death in a school in the presence of children.
    While the then Congress rulers have registered court cases in a routine manner, they have failed miserably to punish the real culprits. Not only this, the main culprit named Asaraf was done to death while in a jail by other accused persons and the whole event was pushed into a corner forever.



    Q.: Reports of the violence in Ahmedabad give the impression that it was well organised. The reports said armed mobs went around with voting lists targeting Muslims. An IAS officer, Harsh Mander, has given a chilling account of the violence in Ahmedabad. Why has the state not been able to tackle the situation? There are allegations that the police was partisan. Please comment.

    A.: Those who are acquainted with Gujarat know that this state is very sensitive to communal violence. There have been serious communal disturbances triggered by petty and minor incidents relating to kite flying or a cricket match. In the past, communal violence has broken out in 200 places at a time and curfew has been imposed in about 300 villages and towns for months together.

    Compared to this, the Godhra massacre was unparalleled in history, but we took all proactive measures to curb the violence within 72 hours. The police fired more than 3,900 rounds initially and the army was airlifted from the border area and deployed within 16 hours in the disturbed areas. There was no complacency on the part of the government or the police…”



    Imagine a state where communal riots take place at 200 places at the same time, and many more villages and towns affected by violence, and curfew in 300 places for many months together! The Godhra town also remained in curfew throughout the year in 1980 and also 1985. As compared to that the violence in 2002 was absolutely nothing.


    But despite knowing this, the media just doesn’t want to know. It has exhausted all its resources to attack and target one man- Narendra Modi, one party- the BJP. Instead of thinking objectively and appreciating the spirited work of the Gujarat government in controlling the communal violence, the media has irrationally and irresponsibly accused the BJP government of turning a blind eye to the riots. But someone who does not want to see the truth cannot see it. We will see the reason for this Ostrich approach in another chapter.

    Gujarat’s bloody history of violence | Gujarat Riots: The True Story

    *********************************

    Take it for what is it worth.
     
  20. dhananjay1

    dhananjay1 Regular Member

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    People often forget that Gujarat riots were only few months after 9/11, when Jihadis had got a boost from the events in US and were dreaming about a new Caliphate. They found out that Gujarat is not Afghanistan. Modi was already a popular CM before the riots, he didn't need all the rabid hate of secularists to come to power.
     
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