An old disfigurement Pratap Bhanu Mehta NDA repeats the footlooseness of UPA It seems that the NDA has not learnt the first lesson from the UPAâ€™s mistakes. It appears hell bent on continuing the decimation of institutions that has been the bane of Indian politics. The same contagion of small-mindedness that corroded the UPA is spreading its poison, under the facade of the new. The joke doing the rounds in Delhi, that the party in power has changed but the politicians, lawyers and bureaucrats have not, seems to be coming true, alas. The surprise is not that itâ€™s business as usual. The surprise is how quickly business as usual has asserted itself. Think of the unseemly spectacles unfolding around us on institutions. The hallmark of a new governance paradigm is that one party does not use the past misdeeds of the other as an alibi to repeat the same mistakes. Yet this is exactly what has happened in the way in which this government has handled the matter of governors. An article of faith in a civilised democracy is that we sometimes hold our noses, but give the offices the respect due to them. After they assume office, governors are not individuals belonging to a party; they have to be judged in relation to a role. This government is right to say that certain political appointees, like H.R. Bhardwaj, demeaned the office of the governor by playing low politics. But that is at best an argument for transferring a couple of governors in states where there were reasonable political apprehensions. It is not an argument for the wholesale denigration of the office. One of the distortions the UPA produced was upsetting the constitutional deference due to offices. The idea of secretaries calling up governors, as if they were minions in the civil service, and asking them to leave, reflects a culture of corroded institutions, where all formal deference is subordinated to political whim. The objection made is that the governors, by virtue of being Congressmen, are unfit to be governors, that they will somehow not transmit what one spokesman called the â€œnational agendaâ€. But this is tacitly admitting that the last set of governors were right to do the Centreâ€™s bidding; now the government wants a set that can do its bidding rather than discharge the duties of the office. The governmentâ€™s argument against the Congress would be more credible if there were some undertaking that the next set of governors would be more non-partisan. The contagion of petty partisanship will now afflict a large number of other institutions. A range of bodies, from the Indian Council for Cultural Relations to the National Commission for Women, will have their heads replaced. Again, the desire of this government to appoint people it deems fit is not unreasonable. There is also something unseemly in a country where people do not gracefully offer their resignations, giving the new government a chance to rejig. But by asking for wholescale resignations, the underlying message that goes out is simple: there are institutions that do not have an identity and mission that can be identified independently of partisan politics. We may not like everything the past occupants of these positions have done, but by reducing these institutions to mere politics, we shrink them in the long run. The itch to reward supporters after a major victory is understandable. But the crudity and haste with which people are being eased out will diminish future occupants because the office has been diminished. The mistakes continue. The UPAâ€™s besetting sin was an incurable casualness. Just think of the chain of events that led up to the Andhra fiasco. The advisory order requiring many states to communicate in Hindi suggests exactly that same lack of forethought. India has a delicate language settlement, hard-won through careful compromise and informal conventions. This settlement has served India well. Indeed, it has even served the cause of Hindi well, allowing it to grow without being associated with the fears of state domination. This is exactly the kind of issue on which it is not worth creating distracting noise that unnecessarily raises fears. One reason we want institutions is that they are necessary to securing certainty and liberty alike. Some NGOs deserve scrutiny and certainly, any illegal actions need to be accounted for. But the manner in which the government has handled the supposed leak by the IB is creating a climate of uncertainty and fear, and empowering all those who wish to intimidate independent actors in civil society. This was exactly the same mistake the UPA made twice over. It first created an environment of uncertainty and intimidation. It then went on to craft laws like the amendments to the FCRA Act, whose sole purpose is to give the state more discretionary power over citizens. If the NDA was serious about governance, it should reprimand the IB for doing a shoddy job on facts, for letting the report leak, and it must address the climate of intimidation that is being created in its wake. Admitted, itâ€™s early days yet, and in the larger scheme of things, these may be small matters. But these are telling signs in so far as governments usually get more, not less, arrogant with time, as the UPA showed. The government is right to think that economic development is uppermost on peopleâ€™s minds. But underlying our logjam in development was the breakdown of institutions. Every single ministry is beset by an institutional crisis, which is at the core of its failures: the HRD has, in the past, treated autonomous institutions as appendages to the ministry when convenient, the main weakness of environmental processes is not delay but the fact that the ministry has made their integrity hard to defend, the office of the attorney general has acted as the political arm of government, not an office of law, the relationship between civil servants and ministers, between the cabinet secretariat and secretaries, has been skewed beyond recognition, and the ministry of finance failed to craft a credible new narrative on inflation instead of repeating â€œhoardersâ€ on auto pilot, because there are few honest brokers left within the government system who can stitch together an all things considered narrative. The most important signal this government needs to send is that it is going to write a new chapter in the history of Indian institutions. It should repeat this like a mantra: no institutions, no development. But more than playing footloose with institutions, this creeping display of conventional politics has a disfiguring moral psychology behind it. It shows a pettiness that sits at odds with Indiaâ€™s challenges and aspirations. The government quickly needs to show that it is not going to be business as usual, that its institutional conduct will elevate the smallest office, not diminish even the highest ones. It is not too late for that lesson. The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi An old disfigurement | The Indian Express | Page 99 ******************************************************* Governance is only effective if there is TEAM WORK. Governance also must indicate transparency and no partisan or malafide intent. And above all, Governance should indicate RESULTs. UPA suffered because there were too many disparate voices and the one who decided what is to be done was not answerable to the whole of India, which the PM had to do, and thus he had to slink away in ignoble haste. Hardly the way a PM of the largest democracy should demit office. It is true that Governorship and Members of National Commissions should be unblemished men or women of eminence, integrity and go getters. Here lies the dichotomy. Are they? The haste with which Dixit was appointed does indicate partisanship, more so, when she has been indicted by the Singloo Commission and there are other cases, if you will, about her handling her governance in Delhi. What about Patnaik, the Governor of Assam? A person of eminence or even a go getter? If he were he would have alerted the Union Govt of the dangers that lurked like the communal violence so that the Union Govt could have stepped in and saved lives, even if the Assam Govt was inept. And less said the better about the political machinations of Bhardwaj. One could trot out more J'Accuse on the others, but that is not the aim. The aim is to state that Governorship is a sinecure giving as salute for services rendered to the party in governance at the centre but who has gone past the expiry date and should be put to pasture and also for those who because of political cardiac arrest require a ventilator to keep them alive, even if in a comatose. It is not to say that the political party in power under the current dispensation will be any better. But then the manner in which Modi has sifted the wheat from the chaff in his own Party, and the manner in which he is giving teeth to governance, gives hope that he will be better, if only by a shade. Something after all is better than nothing. And yet there are Governors like Shekhar Dutt. He quit the moment he realised he did not have the confidence of the Union Govt. He showed his class. I might state, with pride, it is because of Army grooming of high morality to uphold. He was a SS officer and a winner of the Sena Medal. I am sure he did not wait for a nod from the Congress Party. His upbringing spoke. The modern Army has much to learn from this. As far as the Commissions are concerned, we have seen them floundering when needed, It is merely because of the perks and privileges that they do not want to lose, is why they are clinging on in a most pathetic way. All these 'eminent' people appointed by the UPA have been so disastrous that the UPA floundered and was landed like gasping fish. If they have been a modicum more effective, then they would have been the saving grace for the UPA, led by Sonia Gandhi. Has there been an order that States will have to communicate in Hindi? If so, it is disastrous. I wonder if such a diktat has been given. Last one heard was that there should be a Hindi version over the English on the social media tweets. If that be the case, then already it is so for all official correspondence. What is so bad about putting foreign funded NGOs under the scanner? What is the problem of foreign funded NGOs being funded after RBI scrutiny? Is the environment a greater concern vis a vis becoming a 'colony' through economic coercion? If the foreign funded NGOs are clean, why should they be afraid to clear the inflow through RBI checks? Obviously, everything does not meet the eye and that is why the clamour. Is this clamour also foreign funded is what one wonders. It is not NDA which is showing concern alone on this issue. The minister in the PMO of the UPA too had raised the issue. But nothing came of it. Why? Who let the matter vanish off the radar? That is the issue. The logjam in development was not because the institutions were broken. It was because of vested interests, including foreign nudges is what one is led to believe given the manner things are unfolding. it is time to wake up and smell the coffee and not kowtow to foreign induced hallucination, no matter if it keeps the journalist's & activists, & NGOs (the latter two are now more of a profession than activism) home fires burning and the hearth warm and snug. As far as the foreign funded NGOs are concerned. I would say, as the saying goes, Beware of the Greek who bears gifts.