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25 June 2012 - Key Address - Metamorphosis of Matters Maritime: An Indian Perspective
Speaker: Admiral Nirmal Kumar Verma, Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee & Chief of Naval Staff, India
Date: Monday 25 June 2012
Venue: Lee Kuan Yew Conference Room, 5th Floor, Arundel House, 13-15 Arundel Street, Temple Place, London WC2R 3DX
At the outset Ladies and Gentlemen let me say that it is such a delightful and distinguished pleasure to be here with all of you. The reputation of 'The International Institute for Strategic Studies – IISS' needs no elaboration – suffice it to say that amongst other effects, your works cause 'sleep deprivation' on a global scale – I know this personally, having spent many a night reading something that I could not put down. Thank you for your efforts to bring some clarity into our complex world.
This complex world has been a creation of one certainty – change, and consequently the prevalent resultant, can best be characterised as an uncertain environment. I would therefore not venture to suggest any predictions or prognosis for the future; rather I would like to share 'An Indian Perspective of the Metamorphosis of Matters Maritime'. I would request your indulgence if I appear a shade nostalgic – since, this is perhaps the last time that I address such an audience abroad, in my capacity as the Chief of the Indian Navy since, I will be 'swallowing the anchor' soon. Consequently, I find myself often reflecting, with much optimism, about how we got where we are and how do we best address the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead.
I will not be taking the dialogue all the way back to Lothal of the Indus Valley civilisation or the sinusoidal shifts of maritime inclination in the Indian mindset – rather I would specifically focus upon the past four out of the six and a half decades of our independence that I have personally experienced while in uniform, wherein there has been a significant shift in maritime thought. Let me offer a few comparisons.
When I first wore a uniform, we were a relatively young nation with the inheritance of an ancient civilisation. The consequences of being vulnerable at sea were deeply etched in our collective national consciousness. There was a growing realisation that the Indian Ocean was central to the wellbeing of India. Simultaneously, there was a void of sorts since the withdrawal of the British Fleet 'East of the Suez', and as Robert Kaplan tells us the Americans were barely aware of the Indian Ocean, concentrated as they were on the Atlantic and Pacific, as is reflected by their mapping conventions which place the Western Hemisphere in the middle thereby splitting the Indian Ocean at the far edges.
Today, the global gaze is focusing increasingly on the Asia-Pacific region which underlines the significance of the Indian Ocean in global security affairs. Occasional reiteration of the term "Indo-Pacific", is a reflection of the rising pre-eminence of the Indian Ocean in global geo-strategic considerations.
In India we recognise that 80% of the trade conducted across the Indian Ocean is extra regional; besides, of course, the global concerns of energy security. Thus the reality is that, any adverse development in the region, would affect the world economy. This translates into an appreciation of the need for cooperative engagement – the oft reiterated Indian policy is that transnational peace and security must be regarded as global public goods which no state can assure by its efforts alone.
This does not necessarily mitigate the competition amongst states – in the region and beyond; in the early 1970's we were indoctrinated with the harsh but relatively straightforward realities of state-on-state conflict. Today the global security environment is characterised by the changing nature of conflict, the predominant feature being that the challenges and their possible solutions are globalised in their character. Easy access to disruptive technology, sophisticated arms and distorted ideologies, have resulted in the emergence of non-state, trans-state as well as state-supported actors who are employing asymmetric means to damage political as well as social structures. Nanotechnology, robotics, biotechnology, nuclear proliferation and cyber warfare may change future warfare in unforeseen ways. We have had to recalibrate our responses accordingly.
The second comparison that I would like to highlight is in the context of capability building, particularly, shipbuilding. In 1972, INS Nilgiri, the first Leander Class frigate built by Mazagon Docks, was commissioned into the Indian Navy. She was the first major warship to be built in India after a gap of over a hundred years; of course the last major warship built was contemporary for those times. Today, we pride ourselves to be a 'builders navy'; this is a phrase that reflects the enormous investment that our navy has made in conceptualizing ship and submarine designs. We have very vibrant indigenous construction programmes which I shall touch upon in a while.
However, we still require to bridge certain technological gaps and therefore the intention is to adopt leapfrogging technologies. This I believe is another area of possible global collaborations.
The final quick comparison that I would highlight is the transformation of the Indian Navy from its previous avatar as the 'Cinderella Service' to the recognition that our Navy receives today. Pre-independent India had a significant Army but it really never had a Navy. The Royal Indian Marine had responsibilities virtually equal to that of a Coast Guard since, the maritime defence of India was the responsibility of the Commander-in-Chief, Far East Fleet in Singapore. Post independence, the wars on our land frontiers reinforced a continental mindset and under the strain of successive fiscal crisis the naval budget languished. Right until 1981 the Navy was constantly under 9% of the Defence Budget and during times of crises, it was between 3 to 4 percent. This year we crossed the 18% mark, with the Defence budget at US $ 36 Billion. Though, in my view this is still a shade short – the important takeaway is that there is an increasing realisation that the destiny of our nation is entwined with our maritime destiny. Let me share with you a very honest and personal source of satisfaction as the Chief of the Naval Staff. A generation ago, the Chief of our Navy would have had to contend with the challenges posed by a national psyche of 'sea blindness'. Today, we are in gratitude of the efforts of our Veteran community that we suffer no such impediment. The Government of India is completely seized of the imperative to have a credible maritime force that is commensurate to the requirements of our national interests given the compulsions of budgetary boundaries.
So if the comparisons that I have offered, could be considered a narrative of the metamorphosis till now, our focus must shift to the priorities, challenges and opportunities – prevalent and perceived to manifest in the future.
Fundamentally for India, the priority for now and for the foreseeable future is to enhance the standard
of living of a large number of our citizens – our population must prove to be a national dividend and not a divide. This overriding priority is the goal that defines our internal and external security policies, and explains why our defence budget as a percentage of our GDP is significantly below global norms.
As our nation seeks to fulfil the legitimate aspirations of our people as manifest by the prevalent pace of growth and development, the Indian Navy aims to ensure a secure maritime environment, which you would all appreciate is an essential ingredient for the safety of each individual citizen and our collective economic progress.
Towards economic progress our primary concern is the security of our SLOCs. By sheer volume and consequently value, marine transportation provides inherent advantages. The threats to our SLOCs are multifarious. Forty one years ago when I joined the Navy, I would never have stretched my imagination to anticipate that well into the 21st century we would be collaborating with other navies to contain the centuries old scourge of piracy. As piracy expanded eastwards, sometimes beyond 1000 nm from the Horn of Africa and closer to our waters, shipping insurance companies extended the 'high risk area' closer to our waters. This naturally imposed a financial penalty on businesses using ships plying to the West Coast of India, eating into their margins and resulting in higher operating costs. The Indian Navy has had a somewhat different and I dare say rather proactive approach towards combating piracy. There has consequently been a discernable shift in ISLs as the international shipping is now passing closer to the Indian waters due to the protection provided by the Indian Navy and Coast Guard. Suffice it to say that our anti-piracy efforts have nearly eradicated piracy in our waters, yet, there remain associated dangers and challenges which require to be addressed. It may surprise some to know that our anti-piracy operations have thus far been coordinated trilaterally with the Chinese and Japanese and very recently this initiative has included the South Korean navy. Such are the opportunities in the maritime environment.
Energy security is a vital ingredient for economic progress particularly for India as energy is one of the largest constituents of our international trade. Our Petroleum Ministry has estimated that in 2009-10, we imported about 159 million tons of crude oil, which is expected to more than double to a figure of 364 million tons by 2025. The need to ensure unhindered flow of oil is becoming a major maritime consideration, not only for our country but for other nations as well. Providing energy security for the rapidly expanding global economy has led Indian firms to secure oil exploration and extraction rights right across the world. A variety of Indian companies have already secured rights in places like Sakhalin, Brazil, Colombia, Egypt and Sudan.
Another major imperative for our economic success and the security of individual citizens that has off late gained renewed focus is coastal security. In our external environment one of our core concerns is the coalescing of the 'State' with 'non-State' entities. We might describe this hybrid as the 'State-sponsored, non-State actor'. On 26th November 2008, terrorists trained and equipped in Pakistan attacked iconic sites in Mumbai, killing 174 people. This was not the first instance that forces inimical to India exported terrorism via the sea. Coastal security will therefore remain an important issue in our overall maritime security.
On 03rd April 1989 the 'Time' magazine carried on its cover the caption "Super India". The purport of this hyperbolic declaration was that the world had begun to take note of India as an emerging power. What warmed the cockles of the heart of every serving and retired naval officer then was the fact that the magazine's cover illustrated an imposing photograph of the indigenous but hybrid INS Godavari, bristling with SSM launchers. We believed that we were truly poised to become a 'Blue Water' Navy. I am often asked about the dichotomy of the fact that the Indian Navy which professed Blue water aspirations is now engrossed in Brown water operations. I see no such dichotomy in our maritime strategy as we discharge our responsibilities as the lead agency for coastal security. A multipronged approach that focuses on institutionalizing and enhancing the efficacy of multi-agency coordination, capability augmentation of various stake holders as well as setting up of adequate surveillance infrastructure has been adopted. This is part of our strategy to address the changing nature of conflict that I had alluded to earlier.
At the other end of the spectrum is the necessity to sustain strategic deterrence. India is the only nuclear weapon state to announce an unequivocal "no-first-use commitment" and to declare that a world without nuclear weapons will enhance our collective security. In this backdrop, a retaliatory strike capability that is credible and invulnerable is an imperative. The Indian Navy is poised to complete the triad, and our maritime and nuclear doctrines would then be aligned to ensure that our nuclear insurance will come from the sea.
There will naturally always be competitors for power, influence and resources, with the goal of determining or affecting the behaviour of other states and non state actors. By the year 2025, three of the world's four largest economies will be in Asia. Many nations widely perceived to be 'rogue', or 'failed states', also belong to the same region. The region is also recognised by many as the "primary loci" of 'ostensible' non-state threats in the world. Juxtaposed with these entities are three of the world's four largest Armies, and at least four declared nuclear weapon states. Certainly not a dull neighborhood!
At this juncture, it is important to make the point that the 'East' is not a homogenous entity. While Asia as a whole is growing, different nations are growing at different rates and in different ways, following in some cases, quite different economic models. Each of these nations chooses to express their growing economic power differently. In some cases, it may lead to rapid military growth, non-compliance with the norms of international law, and the use or threat of the use of force. These are issues of concern. On our part it is intended to ensure that the levels of asymmetry are never such that they encourage adventurism.
The Indian Navy has adopted a capability-based, rather than a threat based approach for future growth. We have articulated a perspective plan that takes into account our maritime security issues and lays out a roadmap for development of capability upto 2027. I had mentioned about being a 'Builder's Navy'. Our indigenous aircraft carrier project, besides the ongoing construction of destroyers and frigates, Light Combat Aircraft (Navy) and strategic submarine programmes are a few examples; of the 47 ships and submarines presently on order, 44 are from Indian shipyards. The indigenous Aircraft Carrier programme is planned to be a continuing process over the next decade-plus, with the Indian Navy's medium-term aim being to have at least two fully operational and combat-worthy carriers available at any given time. The induction programme is structured to continue at a pace such that over the next five years we expect to induct ships and submarines at an average rate of 5 platforms per year provided the yards deliver as per contracted timelines. Our air element is also being strengthened, with the induction of Mig 29K fighters, P8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft as well as multirole helicopters.
I would now like to do a brief scan of our neighbourhood. With respect to China, the facts are evident and well known. India and China are the two most populous nations on earth and are the two largest developing countries. Our societies and economies are amongst those that are transforming themselves rapidly. Both countries have managed to register reasonably healthy rates of growth and maintain stability when most of the world was in economic turmoil. We share a common geopolitical space and similar socio-economic and energy security aspirations. China is India's largest trading partner. Yet none of these similarities can discount the fact that in the context of security there exists a historic, unresolved territorial dispute accentuated by concerns over each other's strategic partnerships.
In addressing the complex politico-military matrix in Pakistan, the comprehensive long term perspective is certainly complicated. However, being next door, in India, we require to deal with the practical and daily realities of infiltration, often facilitated by the exchange of fire, across the Line of Control. There have been marginal shades of progress since the dialogue process was resumed last year. There is an increasing realisation of the considerable potential of bilateral economic and trade ties and optimism of increasing people to people contact through liberalised visa agreements. However, the problems of terrorism and the lack of progress in bringing the perpetrators of the Mumbai attacks to justice hinder the progress of bilateral relations. Talks on Siachen and the Sir Creek boundary issues and the delineation of the International Maritime Boundary have, at best, only reiterated the intention to progress the dialogue through diplomatic channels.
India and Bangladesh are bound by an historical legacy, culture, geography which comprises a land border extending over 4000 kms and a contiguous coastline that is unique on account of its deltaic nature. We have had significant progress in synergising our efforts towards border management. In the context of naval cooperation, the hallmarks have been - exchange of personnel for training, goodwill port calls by ships and humanitarian assistance in the wake cyclonic disasters.
Sri Lanka has emerged after three decades of conflict with the LTTE. India fully supported Sri Lanka's stated objective of maintaining territorial integrity while emphasising the need to accommodate the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people. Subsequently, we have shared our concerns over the plight of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) for which we have contributed a robust programme of assistance. Over half the training of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces is carried out in India. In the maritime context, sale of an OPV and the transfer on lease of another, assistance for their refits and the restoration of KKS harbour have been the highlights other than SLINEX which is the annual joint exercise between our navies.
In Maldives our prompt response to President Gayoom's appeal for help when mercenaries attacked Male in Nov 88 has earned us the lasting goodwill of the Maldivian people. These bonds were reinforced by assistance rendered during the unfortunate Tsunami of 2004. Today the maritime cooperation between our nations ranges from support for training, transfer and maintenance of assets, hydrographic assistance, joint EEZ surveillance and capacity building. We have similar exchanges with a number of other Island and Littoral nations in the Indian Ocean Region.
All these endeavours emerge from a perspective wherein we recognise that in our globalised world both our security challenges and our best responses to them are global. In our view this warrants both 'strategic autonomy' and cooperative engagement.
One obvious theme that comes under scrutiny when discussing Indian strategic thought is our emphasis on 'strategic autonomy'. There is no reason to mistake autonomy for isolation – which is certainly not what we seek. It means engagement, and an accompanying independence to pursue policy options that best serve national interests. Strategic autonomy also does not mean that India will not shoulder her international responsibilities. Nor does it preclude building strategic partnerships. The Indian Navy has been at the forefront of bilateral and multilateral cooperative engagements and diplomacy is a critical component of our maritime strategy. Given our geographical position our natural paradigm is to architect the stability of our region via our maritime routes. We are amongst the founding members of the 'Indian Ocean Naval Symposium', or, IONS, having hosted the inaugural conference in New Delhi in 2008. The third meeting of IONS recently concluded in South Africa and we are of the view that IONS has been a very progressive step in increasing maritime cooperation amongst navies of the littoral states of the Indian Ocean region, thereby crystallizing the rhetoric of 'helping the IOR help itself'.
The Government of India recognises the Indian Navy as an important instrument of our nation's foreign cooperation initiatives, consequently maritime diplomacy and cooperation form important aspects of our maritime strategy. Overseas deployments, staff talks, high level visits and major exercises at sea are being conducted regularly. Hydrographic Surveys are a major enabler in this context. Our ships and aircraft have also been instrumental in conducting coordinated EEZ patrols for smaller nations, thus enhancing the overall security of the region as a whole.Post the 2004 Tsunami and the evacuation of civilians from Lebanon in 2006 and Libya last year capability building towards Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations has also received our focused attention.
The growing scope and complexity of 'Combined Exercises' such as those of 'MALABAR' with the United States Navy, 'VARUNA' with the French, 'KONKAN' with the Royal Navy, 'INDRA' with the Russians, 'SIMBEX' with the Singaporeans and 'IBSAMAR' with the South African and Brazilian Navies all contribute towards our cooperative engagement initiatives. As I speak to you, some of our ships are on their way back from a deployment to the South and East China Seas while some others are on their way to the Mediterranean. In addition, we also contribute towards generating regional maritime capability through training exchanges and material support to the regional navies when requested. In 2011, 853 personnel from navies of friendly nations trained in India. This year the numbers are intended to be increased.
To summarise, I would say that strategic and conventional deterrence, capability accretion and combat efficiency to deal with contingencies across the full spectrum of conflict, and, maritime cooperation constitute the cornerstones of our maritime military strategy.
We intend to keep our maritime strategy and policy options adaptive to the emerging environment. There are certain elements that are our intrinsic undeniable strengths such as our peninsular geography astride the center of the Indian Ocean and our dispersed island territories. The innovative Indian spirit is another strength that I often reflect upon. We have seen it repeatedly, most intensely during the post Pokharan sanctions. Last month, the aircraft carrier Viraat celebrated her 25th anniversary in the Indian Navy. It is not unique for a ship to celebrate a silver jubilee – only that the ship in question is the ex HMS Hermes that had already celebrated her 25th year while she was under the Royal Naval ensign.
So I do look forward to the innovative Indian spirit to navigate us through the many challenges that lie ahead and for the 'unknown unknowns' that will certainly emerge in the future.
With these words, I thank you for your attention and am now open to your opinions and questions.
Admiral Verma is the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee & Chief of Naval Staff of the Indian Navy. A specialist in Communication and Electronic Warfare, he has commanded the aircraft carrier INS Viraat (formerly HMS Hermes), and also served as Assistant Chief of Naval Staff (Policy & Plans), Vice Chief of Naval Staff, and Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Naval Command (Vishakapatnam).
The meeting was chaired by Rahul Roy-Chaudhury, IISS Senior Fellow for South Asia.
IISS 25 June 2012 - Key Address - Metamorphosis of Matters Maritime – an Indian Perspective
This part is worth taking note of:
