Agra again: Qureshi kills peace talks
NEW DELHI: A day after an extraordinary slanging match in Islamabad, the India-Pakistan peace process was in shreds, having suffered a huge setback, with Islamabad virtually reneging on a painstakingly drawn-up engagement sequence aimed at normalizing ties.
The finger-pointing between the two sides continued on Friday, keeping ties on the boil as Pakistani foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi carried on with his belligerence displayed at Thursday's press conference in Islamabad that he addressed with his Indian counterpart, S M Krishna.
Picking up from where he left off, Qureshi lashed out at India for being "selective" and "not fully prepared" and reversing gears at the last minute. He even got personal with Krishna, alleging that the minister lacked the mandate and was being tutored on phone all through the negotiations.
Shockingly, Qureshi's tirade at a briefing held for Pakistani media in Islamabad came even before Krishna had left for New Delhi. The serious violation of etiquette drew a strong riposte from Krishna just after he reached Delhi and he quickly refuted the charge that he was unprepared for talks, asserting the mandate given to him was clear and specific.
More than the bad diplomatic behaviour, what preceded it was a serious blow to the peace process. Qureshi turned bellicose after Pakistan's failed attempt to force India to discuss Kashmir even when it doggedly refused to meet the pre-condition: strong and clear action against all perpetrators of the 26/11 attack.
Sources said the peace process was not going to be jettisoned because India did not have the "luxury of not talking to its neighbour". Foreign secretary Nirupama Rao said on television that India wanted to continue the dialogue.
The stated intent apart, the fate of talks was in doubt in the face of Pakistan's attempt to re-order the sequence of talks. The Congress leadership chose the "action-on-26/11 first" approach because it is loath to be seen as having forgotten the Mumbai attacks. It will not acquiesce in any attempt to change the order when Islambad refsuses to accept concrete evidence on ISI and Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed.
For Pakistan to suddenly try jumpstarting talks on Kashmir raises questions about its motives. Is it trying to wriggle out of the peace process under pressure from its army which is keen to push its Kashmir card again, while looking for an excuse not to take action against LeT and stop cooperating in the offensive against its other strategic asset, the Taliban, in Afghanistan?
Whatever may be the case, India cannot oblige Qureshi. Foreign secretary Nirupama Rao told TV channels that the onus was on Pakistan to make amends. Krishna said all core issues and burning problems between the two sides were discussed and considerable work had gone into preparing for the talks. "There was no ambiguity. I have confined myself to the mandate I was given to me," he said while officials later pointed out the Pakistani side was well aware of what was going to be put on the table.
Speaking on background, sources admitted to a "large hiatus" in expectations voiced by Pakistan and India's "workmanlike" approach to moving a step at a time. This did take the Indians by surprise and the Pakistani "all or nothing, take it or leave it" attitude was clearly intended to put Kashmir at the centre of the talks.
Indian negotiators made it clear that a grand announcement of resumption of composite dialogue could not happen on the basis of assurances that leads on the Mumbai attack will be followed. "Action on terrorism will help convince Indian people that Pakistan is serious. Most of India has not forgotten what happened and is demanding answers," said sources.
The Pakistani move seems to reflect increasing discomfort in Islamabad over the Mumbai investigations. With the needle of suspicion pointing firmly to ISI-backed Lashkar-e-Taiba, the probe could get too hot.
Qureshi's deliberate move to keep up the tirade against India on Friday indicates Thursday's events were not driven by the heat of the moment. Though there was hesitancy in naming the omnipresent Pakistan army, sources admitted the mood had changed in Islamabad at the "political level", hinting at the invisible power structure.
In search of strategic depth in Afghanistan, the Pakistani army has loosened its control of anti-jihadi groups as is evidenced by a rise in infiltration into Kashmir. Keen on reviving its Kashmir agenda and believing it now has more leeway in Afghanistan, a terror-centric engagement with India does not suit the Pakistani establishment.
Indian negotiators were trying to get some sort of a roadmap but denied that any timeframe on Mumbai was offered. They did not raise ISI's role in Mumbai. Headley's testimony and other evidence had already been handed over. The Pakistani attempt to frame time-lines like November for grading progress on all composite dialogue issues was clearly a ploy.
The Pakistani leadership seemed well aware that this drastic reordering of milestones was not likely to be accepted by India. The acrimonious press briefing only served to highlight and sharpen differences and Qureshi's allegations that Krishna was on the phone to Delhi all the time was hotly denied by the minister. "I have not spoken to anybody, I find the statement quite extraordinary," he said.
Krishna said it was not unusual to be in touch with the political leadership but in this case he had not been on the phone. "I was totally cut off from India," he said.