Hong Kong students protest against 'brainwashing' classes

Ray

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The Guardian view on Hong Kong: Beijing's crisis isn't over
China's Communist party is determined to see off the protesters on the question of democratic procedure. But this showdown has revealed that the issue is not merely 'one country, two systems'; it's 'one country, two states of mind'


Editorial

By late last week, the students who turned central Hong Kong into a sea of demonstrators at the beginning of the month had largely folded the umbrellas with which they fended off teargas and pepper spray, and gone home. Exhausted police were catching up on lost sleep, the Hong Kong government remained in office, the city was open for business, and things were, as the saying goes, returning to normal. Or were they? The calling off of official talks with the student leaders spurred a proportion of the protesters back on to the streets over the weekend, while the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, has been accused of serious financial irregularities. Hong Kong's crisis is far from over, even if street violence of the worst kind has been avoided thus far.

It was always plain that the demonstrators had – as Leung reiterated on Sunday – "almost zero chance" of altering Beijing's decision about how the election of the next chief executive of the territory would be managed. Beijing does not, by its very nature, change its mind. Or at least, it does not do so after it has made the sort of public stand that it has over Hong Kong. But even if it ultimately manages to prevail on the immediate issue of democratic procedures, it is going to be left with a problem: a proportion of Hong Kong's educated young are now set in their view that their own understanding of life is not compatible with the Communist party's understanding of life. Suggestions in the overseas edition of the state-run People's Daily that the US state department was behind the protest do not convince.

A deeper alienation is likely to emerge as the most substantial change to come out of the upsurge of public and civic energy over the past month. In later British days, there was a vogue for the phrase "Hong Kong belonger". It was a way of slipping past, without exactly denying, both the Chinese Communist and the British connections. That older Hong Kong was a city of refugees and the children of refugees. If there was a political tendency other than that represented by Communist front organisations, the nationalist flags fluttering over squatter huts showed what it was. Hong Kong thus has a long history of being unable to fully express itself politically. Under the British, under the Japanese, and now under the Communists, it has not been able to be itself. This, perhaps, is the message the students are trying to send. The Hong Kong of today is not attracted by communist ideas, especially in the enervated form in which they now exist, nor in the assertive Chinese nationalism that has partly displaced those ideas. It is interested instead in its own assertiveness, its own difference, and its own identity.

Hong Kong people, for example, have made little effort to learn Mandarin, in spite of the fact that this is a relatively easy task for Cantonese speakers. Polls show many in the city avoid identifying themselves as Chinese. The problem it seems, is more "one country, two states of mind" than "one country, two systems". The confrontation over democracy has widened this gap. Beijing could now face a future in which acquiescence is the most it can hope for in Hong Kong, while Hong Kong could face one in which its aspirations are thwarted. That would not a happy outcome.

Editorial | Comment is free | The Guardian
This is the real nub of the issue:
China's Communist party is determined to see off the protesters on the question of democratic procedure. But this showdown has revealed that the issue is not merely 'one country, two systems'; it's 'one country, two states of mind'[/QUOTE]
 

Ray

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The Guardian view on Hong Kong: Beijing's crisis isn't over
China's Communist party is determined to see off the protesters on the question of democratic procedure. But this showdown has revealed that the issue is not merely 'one country, two systems'; it's 'one country, two states of mind'


Editorial

By late last week, the students who turned central Hong Kong into a sea of demonstrators at the beginning of the month had largely folded the umbrellas with which they fended off teargas and pepper spray, and gone home. Exhausted police were catching up on lost sleep, the Hong Kong government remained in office, the city was open for business, and things were, as the saying goes, returning to normal. Or were they? The calling off of official talks with the student leaders spurred a proportion of the protesters back on to the streets over the weekend, while the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, has been accused of serious financial irregularities. Hong Kong's crisis is far from over, even if street violence of the worst kind has been avoided thus far.

It was always plain that the demonstrators had – as Leung reiterated on Sunday – "almost zero chance" of altering Beijing's decision about how the election of the next chief executive of the territory would be managed. Beijing does not, by its very nature, change its mind. Or at least, it does not do so after it has made the sort of public stand that it has over Hong Kong. But even if it ultimately manages to prevail on the immediate issue of democratic procedures, it is going to be left with a problem: a proportion of Hong Kong's educated young are now set in their view that their own understanding of life is not compatible with the Communist party's understanding of life. Suggestions in the overseas edition of the state-run People's Daily that the US state department was behind the protest do not convince.

A deeper alienation is likely to emerge as the most substantial change to come out of the upsurge of public and civic energy over the past month. In later British days, there was a vogue for the phrase "Hong Kong belonger". It was a way of slipping past, without exactly denying, both the Chinese Communist and the British connections. That older Hong Kong was a city of refugees and the children of refugees. If there was a political tendency other than that represented by Communist front organisations, the nationalist flags fluttering over squatter huts showed what it was. Hong Kong thus has a long history of being unable to fully express itself politically. Under the British, under the Japanese, and now under the Communists, it has not been able to be itself. This, perhaps, is the message the students are trying to send. The Hong Kong of today is not attracted by communist ideas, especially in the enervated form in which they now exist, nor in the assertive Chinese nationalism that has partly displaced those ideas. It is interested instead in its own assertiveness, its own difference, and its own identity.

Hong Kong people, for example, have made little effort to learn Mandarin, in spite of the fact that this is a relatively easy task for Cantonese speakers. Polls show many in the city avoid identifying themselves as Chinese. The problem it seems, is more "one country, two states of mind" than "one country, two systems". The confrontation over democracy has widened this gap. Beijing could now face a future in which acquiescence is the most it can hope for in Hong Kong, while Hong Kong could face one in which its aspirations are thwarted. That would not a happy outcome.

Editorial | Comment is free | The Guardian
This is the real nub of the issue:
China's Communist party is determined to see off the protesters on the question of democratic procedure. But this showdown has revealed that the issue is not merely 'one country, two systems'; it's 'one country, two states of mind'[/QUOTE]
 

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US calls for 'complete' probe into Hong Kong police brutality

Washington: The United States said it was "deeply concerned" by reports of Hong Kong police beating a handcuffed protester, calling for a "swift, transparent and complete" investigation of the incident.
Reuters

Reuters

"We renew our call for the Hong Kong government to show restraint, and for protesters to continue to express their views peacefully," State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki told reporters on Wednesday.

The plainclothes officers accused of wrongdoing were removed from their posts after the assault, which occurred early on Wednesday when police swooped to clear barricades blocking a road near the Chinese city's government headquarters.

Without calling out China, Psaki hailed Hong Kong's "well-established tradition of respect for the rule of law and internationally recognized fundamental freedoms" and said they were crucial to its success as a global financial hub.

Crowds -- sometimes numbering in the tens of thousands --have blocked main roads in three districts of the semi-autonomous Chinese city since September 28, protesting at what they call "fake democracy" offered by Beijing.

They are angered at China's insistence that it vet candidates standing for election as Hong Kong's next leader in 2017.

US calls for 'complete' probe into Hong Kong police brutality - Firstpost
 

Ray

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Nothing will happen.

China, having duped the West with its 'one nation, two paths', will not belay the line and instead will entrench itself and bring in the Communist stranglehold faster than later.
 

Ray

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Beijing Is Directing Hong Kong Strategy, Government Insiders Say

On many mornings throughout the nearly three weeks of pro-democracy protests that have convulsed Hong Kong, white Toyota Coaster vans with special black license plates have set out from city government buildings here, bound for a tropical resort across the border in mainland China.

The drawn curtains of the speeding vans obscure the Hong Kong officials riding inside, headed for the luxurious Bauhinia Villa in Shenzhen, where throngs of Communist Party officials from Beijing wait to lay plans for handling the demonstrations.

According to interviews with six current and former Hong Kong and Chinese government officials, as well as a range of experts, it is China's national leaders, more than Hong Kong's, who have been directing the broad strokes of the response to the crisis. With Beijing's needs foremost in mind, they have tried to balance a steadfast refusal to give ground on the protesters' demands for democratic elections with the need to avoid widespread bloodshed that would further destabilize the city.

"Clearly, it's Beijing that is dominating the decisions about this movement," said Jin Zhong, the editor of Open, a Hong Kong current affairs magazine that focuses on Communist Party politics. "Of course, they wouldn't admit that."


The Bauhinia resort is owned by the Central Liaison Office, an arm of the Chinese government that has played a prominent role in Hong Kong during the protests here. President Xi Jinping of China, who is also the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, has been briefed at least once a day on developments in Hong Kong, according to two people involved in Hong Kong's and Beijing's decision making.

"They treat it as a challenge to Beijing's governing power in Hong Kong," Brian Fong Chi-hang, an assistant professor at the Hong Kong Institute of Education and a former city government official, said of the national leadership. "Because of this, I'm sure that the Chinese government has basically controlled the whole process."

The Hong Kong authorities' response to the crisis has been notable for its improvisatory nature, veering between forceful and hesitant, vaguely conciliatory and dismissively critical. Many observers have seen those shifts as the missteps of a confused local government, but in fact they reflect the dilemmas created by China's rival priorities, experts and current and former officials said.

The Chinese leaders want to avoid bloodshed in Hong Kong that, even on a much more modest scale, could echo the 1989 crackdown on protests in Beijing, which left deep political scars. A harsh crackdown under the glare of the international news media would damage China's reputation and alarm Hong Kong's financial industry, the core of its economy.

Yet Beijing is also deeply averse to concessions that could defuse the protests, out of fear that the least sign of compromise would embolden other challenges across China. They have also indicated that they will not abandon Hong Kong's embattled leader, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, known as C.Y.

"I suspect the central government's line to C.Y. is: No compromise on political reform, but also no bloodshed," said Joseph Wong Wing-ping, a former senior official in Hong Kong. "The central government doesn't like any substantial sign which may indicate or may suggest that they are willing to be a little bit soft."

Initial measures to forcibly disperse the protests, including the use of tear gas, provoked strong public revulsion in Hong Kong, so officials switched to a "wait them out" approach that has put immense pressure on the city's police force, interspersed with occasional moves to clear street barricades.

"In a way, the government is asking the police to do a political job," Mr. Wong said. "It's a political problem which is not being solved politically."

Mainland officials try to maintain the appearance that they are staying at arm's length, reflecting the city's special status in China. They do not take part in the daily meetings of the Hong Kong government's interagency security committee, according to a person heavily involved in Hong Kong's decision making.

"They don't have to," he said. "They are in very close contact."

The Hong Kong and Chinese officials interviewed for this article spoke on condition of anonymity, citing strict bans by both governments on any public discussion of Beijing's role here.

On the underlying political issue — the protesters' demand for open elections for Hong Kong's chief executive — both the city administration and Beijing have been more forthcoming. Beijing rejects the demand as unlawful and politically unacceptable, and Mr. Leung has stressed publicly that Beijing sets the rules for how his successors will be chosen.

Beijing has also warned publicly that the demonstrations in Hong Kong, which have come to be called the Umbrella Movement, must not become a "color revolution," a term it uses for anti-Communist uprisings that it says are orchestrated by the West.

"Beijing has increasingly adopted a national security perspective towards Hong Kong issues," said Mr. Fong, the former city official. "The overriding objective of the whole Communist regime now is how to preserve and stabilize Communist power."

Beijing has pressed that agenda through the Central Liaison Office, whose director, Zhang Xiaoming, has been more outspoken on Hong Kong policies than his predecessors were. His critics here see his public stance as an affront to Hong Kong's autonomy.

In late 2012, Mr. Zhang argued in a paper that the central Chinese government must improve and regularize policies for Hong Kong officials to report to their mainland counterparts.

The Chinese government declined to comment on the role of the Central Liaison Office in managing the protests. "It is very natural that the central government is paying high attention to what is happening in Hong Kong," a mainland Chinese official said.

Chinese officials have often used the Bauhinia Villa as a forward camp for dealing with bouts of political tensions in Hong Kong.

The resort stands next to a pristine reservoir in a wooded government reserve, with tall trees to shield guests from the noise and dust of Shenzhen, a frenetic commercial city. With several hundred rooms, 10 villas, tennis courts and a large swimming pool, it is a comfortable, if isolated, place to spend time during the protests.

Only government officials and business leaders on a specially approved list are allowed to rent rooms there, a receptionist at the resort said. She said the resort was now fully booked and that it was impossible to say when a room might become available.

As the policies set there have been carried out by the local government in Hong Kong, the protesters have focused their ire on Mr. Leung, the city leader, especially after video images became public this week showing what appeared to be police brutality. They have demanded his resignation or dismissal, but Mr. Leung seems unlikely to lose his job.

He won an unusually forthright endorsement from Beijing on Wednesday, in a front-page commentary in People's Daily, the Communist Party's top newspaper. His handling of the protests has "won the full affirmation" of central leaders, the paper said.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/18/w...ting-response-to-hong-kong-protests.html?_r=0
There was never any doubt that the Mainland Communist Govt was controlling the puppet HK Govt's response to the protests.

Communist China cannot afford having its citizens with independent views and action. That would subvert the ideological strength of the Communists who prefer conditioned citizens to do the Communist bidding. Dictatorial one may opine, but for China's progress, this conditioned mentality is most essential so that there is no interruptions to the aim and goals, even if the method to achieve the same is harsh and even cruel, if you will.

But now this dilemma. Crackdown and be damned or get tough but not have a Tienanmen.

Such an odd vacillating situation is new to the Chinese Leadership since they are prone to bulldozing and not negotiating or giving way.

It is interesting times in China.
 

Ray

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Clashes in HK as protesters try to retake camp

Fresh clashes broke out in Hong Kong Friday night as demonstrators attempted to retake a protest camp partially cleared by police earlier in the day jeopardizing talks to end weeks of mass democracy rallies
Officers used pepper spray and batons to beat back activists as they tried to reoccupy a busy main road in the bustling Mong Kok district that had been host to a protest camp for nearly three weeks, an AFP reporter on the scene saw.

It is the third consecutive night violence has broken out after a fortnight of comparative calm in a development that risks sinking only recently resurrected plans to hold talks between student leaders and the city's Beijing-backed authorities.

Read more at
Clashes in HK as protesters try to retake camp - The China Post
 

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