Conspiracy to separate Sikhism from Hinduism

12arya

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http://www.organiser.org//Encyc/201...ikh-Sangat-the-Emperor-Murdered-the-Guru.html

Congress and Aurangzeb- The Party Massacred the Sikh Sangat, the Emperor Murdered the Guru

There are striking parallels between 1675 and 1984. While in the seventeenth century, brutal Islamic fanatic Aurangzeb got ninth Sikh Guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur ji publicly executed, in 1984, Congress leaders led the mass execution of Sikhs in North India.


Revisiting The Gruesome History Of Anti-Sikh Riots Of 1984

On October 31, while many mourn the assassination of Indira Gandhi, very few people question her dealing with the Punjab crisis, Operation Blue Star, and then mass execution of Sikhs after her death.

What Aurangzeb did?
In 1675, Aurangzeb publicly executed the ninth Sikh Guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji. Sikh history states that Guru Tegh Bahadur sacrificed himself to save the Hindu Pandits of Kashmir who, had been threatened with death if they refused to accept conversion to Islam.


With an intention of terrorizing Guru Teg Bahadur Sahib and loosen his firm determination, Moghuls decided to kill Bhai Matidas first

Official Mughal records, describing the reasons for the assassination of Guru Tegh Bahadur in 1675, state that he moved around with several thousand followers. With the rise in the political and material influence of the institution of guruhood, the Sikh gurus were increasingly seen as political rivals by petty kingdoms of the Mughal empire. Their influence and strength was also visible to the Mughal emperor. The days of political obscurity under Guru Nanak were long gone.


Experts and human rights activists have demanded justice for the victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riot

There are several accounts explaining the motive behind the assassination of Guru Tegh Bahadur on Aurangzeb’s orders. Sikh tradition states that the guru stood up for the rights of Kashmiri Pandits who approached him (see image above) to intercede on their behalf with the emperor and ask him to revoke a recently imposed jizya (tax). Convinced by his son, Gobind Rai, who later became Guru Gobind Singh, to stand up for the protection of the Kashmiri Pandits, Guru Tegh Bahadur traveled to Delhi. Here, at the Mughal court, he was mocked and asked to prove his guruhood by performing a miracle. He wrote a magic spell on a piece of paper and tied it around his neck with a thread. He told the Mughal authorities that as long as the spell remained tied to him, his head would not be separated from his body even if the blade of the executioner fell on his neck.

But when the blade struck the guru’s neck, it severed his head. Later, when the Mughal authorities opened the magic spell that the guru had written, it read, “He gave his head, not his secret.”

What Congress did?
After Indira Gandhi's assassination, there was a series of organised pogroms against Sikhs in India by anti-Sikh mobs in response to the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards. Official Indian government reports numbered about 2,800 killed across India, including 2,100 in Delhi. Independent sources estimate the number of deaths at about 8,000, including at least 3,000 in Delhi. However, estimates may go much higher, because the riots were not limited to Delhi alone.

Congress leaders like Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler, Youth Congress and NSUI organised a brutal backlash on the innocent Sikhs wherever they could.

Localities in Delhi such as, Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri, Trilokpuri, and other Trans-Yamuna areas were the worst affected. Congress-led perpetrators carried iron rods, knives, clubs, and combustible material (including kerosene and petrol). They entered Sikh neighbourhoods, killing Sikhs indiscriminately and destroying shops and houses. Armed mobs stopped buses and trains in and near Delhi, pulling off Sikh passengers for lynching; some were burnt alive. Others were dragged from their homes and hacked to death, and Sikh women were reportedly gang-raped and Sikhs also had acid thrown on them.

During the night of October 31, 1984, and the morning of November 1, Congress Party leaders met with local supporters to distribute money and weapons. Congress MP Sajjan Kumar and trade-union leader Lalit Maken handed out ₹100 notes and bottles of liquor to the assailants.[48] On the morning of 1 November, Sajjan Kumar was observed holding rallies in the Delhi neighbourhoods of Palam Colony (from 06:30 to 07:00), Kiran Gardens (08:00 to 08:30), and Sultanpuri (about 08:30 to 09:00). In Kiran Gardens at 8:00 am, Kumar was observed distributing iron rods from a parked truck to a group of 120 people and ordering them to "attack Sikhs, kill them, and loot and burn their properties". During the morning he led a mob along the Palam railway road to Mangolpuri, where the crowd chanted: "Kill the Sardars" and "Indira Gandhi is our mother and these people have killed her".

This is how this story plays out! While Islamic fanatic Aurangzeb killed the Guru, pseudo-secularist Congress massacred the Sikh Sangat. Sikhs are still tormented, and they still demand justice!
 

Khalsa_Panth

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Check out @PanthicPepe’s Tweet:
Check out @pahar_singhh’s Tweet:
Check out @pahar_singhh’s Tweet:
Check out @pahar_singhh’s Tweet:
 

hit&run

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I must apprise the readers that all pro-Khalistan (Coincidently Pro AAP) radio channels in NZ, Australia and Canada and are now into a new project. There is a big push going on that Pakistani Punjabis are more similar to them then Hindus. Now they are playing a lot of Pakistani content and hiring Pakistani anchors.

Not only that there are scripted discussions happening with Pakistanis on culture, music, art, language, religion to reduced them as only originated during Islamic invasion periods. Even the ragas and music instruments are now being appropriated as Punjabi-Islamic. Hindus and Vedic Dharmic culture are treated as a burden of the past, an untouchable entity, seen as contemptuous and controversial.

The onslaught is subtle but clearly being perceptible.

The pattern is quite similar to what has been flagged by Rajiv Malhotra.


Why the Hindu community in North America stands at a crossroads



Coordinated front

The reason for some of these embarrassments is that there are well-organised radical coalitions in North America controlling the discourse in Humanities and Social Studies on prominent campuses. Their modus operandi is to bully, boycott, browbeat and silence those who disagree with them. They have also been at the forefront of the California textbook case where, fortunately, Hindu groups seem to have the upper hand in their fight for a more balanced and fair portrayal of their traditions. Ironically, these Leftist groups don’t hesitate to associate with radical Islamist, Sikh, or Dalit groups, as long as they are anti-India and anti-Hindu. They do so, moreover, in the name of liberal values such as free speech and the right to dissent.

Sidhu says he is more comfortable in Pakistan than south India, sparks a row

 

12arya

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1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: The Wheels Of Justice Have Started To Turn

Sikh people watching the installation of the Baba Banda Singh Bahadur’s statue at Nabha House, the Wall of Truth memorial to the victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the museum at Bangla Sahib Gurdwara, in New Delhi. (Raj K Raj/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)
Snapshot
  • The call for justice for one of the largest persecutions in India’s postcolonial history was not heard for a long time, until recently, when the wheels of justice started to turn.


The old Indian adage of “tareekh pe tareekh (date after date)” has been a protagonist, tragically though, in the journey of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.

What began initially as an angry outburst in the aftermath of the then prime minister’s assassination, soon turned into an organised carnage.

Thirty-four years ago, a mayhem broke out, with the scenes of burning streets, mass massacre in trains, screaming of children, and wailing of mothers turning the country into a battlefield, reminiscent of the partition days of 1947. In no time, the nation was engulfed in wrath, agony, and terror, which took the country to an abyss.

Numerous chronicles of the violence, which occurred mostly in Delhi, have been recorded since, depicting the trauma imposed by and betrayal of the then Congress government. The treachery of the party in power and mistrust in justice left survivors hopeless until 2014, when the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was sworn in.

The failure of successive Congress governments to prosecute those responsible for the killings and abuses during the 1984 anti-Sikh violence highlights that for them power reigns supreme.

Having no remorse for the slaughtering, Rajiv Gandhi remarked, while discounting the death of thousands, “When a big tree falls, the Earth is bound to shake.” This cringeworthy statement from the head of state clearly showed how serious the Congress government was in averting the entire pogrom.

What the Congress failed to do in 30 years, the Modi government did in three. The investigative authorities, which threatened, delayed, and discouraged people from even lodging a first information report (FIR), swiftly complied with the due process under the aegis of Narendra Modi. The pronouncement of the verdict and sentencing of the two accused came as a ray of hope for the Sikh community.

Yashpal Singh’s death punishment in the anti-Sikh riots is the first since 1996. Attempts are being made to book the others involved.

The miscarriage of justice began with the dismissal of the Marwah Commission, which was appointed in the aftermath of the massacre. Subsequently, many enquiry commissions were created and closed. Shockingly, the Ranganath Misra Commission recorded statements in private, in the absence of the victims, and absolved Rajiv Gandhi’s government of responsibility. In 1994, the case was closed by Delhi Police for want of evidence.

In an attempt to bring justice, the Vajpayee government instituted the Nanavati Commission in 2000. This report made public a lot of material that was shocking, wherein powerful leaders from the Congress were named. Some of them, like H K L Bhagat, has since died, without facing trial. Whereas, others like Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler, and Kamal Nath have gone scot free.

Although Tytler lost his ministry, and was exonerated by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) amid protest in 2009, no justice was seen forthcoming. No trial against any of the accused, named by the investigative authorities, was done despite concrete evidence against them.

Ironically, Manmohan Singh apologised to the Sikhs in 2004, and, soon after, Tytler and Kumar were elected as members of Parliament that same year. The Congress made a mockery of the loss of life of 3,000 Sikhs with emotionally charged public apologies while not even an iota of determination was shown to crack down on the perpetrators. Even the investigative agency, CBI, gave them a clean chit in 2009.

Notwithstanding the complications of the case, for it is, after all, three decades old and, hence, the difficulty in collating and scrutinising records, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government took up the challenge, and all efforts were made to examine the cases minutely.

Fulfilling his promise to undo the damage and deliver justice, Prime Minister Modi directed the formation of a committee headed by G P Mathur on 23 December 2014 to suggest a way forward. In a matter of weeks, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) was set up to re-examine the cases, and finally, trial started in the fast-track court in 2015. The SIT accessed police stations and the files of previous committees, which had gathered evidence. Importantly, the team filed fresh charges where it found evidence.

While the investigation was underway, Kamal Nath, one of the accused in the 1984 riots, was rewarded by the Congress as he was appointed as the party president for the state of Madhya Pradesh in 2018.

The call for justice for one of the largest persecutions in India's postcolonial history was finally heard. The voices of victims and eyewitnesses in long-winded judicial processes, which was almost retired in exhaustion, were re-awakened by the recent Delhi court judgement.

The vacuum created by the loss of life of our Sikh brethren can’t be filled; the ordeal faced by the survivors can never fade away; but, surely, the souls of the deceased must be resting in peace today.
 

12arya

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The Nanak Our ‘Establishment’ Historians Don’t Want You To Know About

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Snapshot
  • Unlike what some historians wrote, what Nanak put forth was actually continuity with the Upanishadic vision, and an adaption to the challenges of expansionist monotheism


Establishment historians of India have always had a problem with Sikhism. Sikhism stands out as an egalitarian movement, rooted in Indic spirituality and chronicles and meticulously portrays the religious persecution suffered by Indian people. Some historians with their Marxist-M.N.Roy axiom say that monotheism is superior to Indic spirituality and have always tried to minimize as much as possible the importance of Sikhism in the Indian national movement. So, they categorize Guru Nanak as a monotheist under Islamic influence and the Sikh movement as a subaltern movement that can be explained best through leftist-Marxist equations.

Romila Thapar in her A history of India, makes Guru Nanak almost a Sufi apostate:



Nanak came of a rural background, being the son of a village accountant. He was educated through the generosity of a Muslim friend, and later was employed as a store keeper in the Afghan administration. In spite of having a wife and children, he left them and joined the Sufis. But after a while he left the Sufis and travelled throughout the sub-continent; he is also believed to have visited Mecca. Finally, he rejoined his family and settled in a village in Punjab, where he preached, gathered his disciples, and eventually died.


Prof Thapar makes Guru Nanak a person totally influenced by almost nothing else but Islam. She states further that Nanak ‘described God without references to either Hindu or Muslim conceptions.’ According to her, Nanak derived his concept of God ‘from the two existing religious forces.’

Far from being a simple synthesis of or equidistant from, both Islam and Hinduism as alleged by establishment historians, Guru Nanak represented a spiritual and civilizational engagement of Hindustan with the consequences of an expansionist religion. This simultaneously involved, stopping proselytization, having a dialogue with those converted and building social institutions to meet the challenging times. A divine-intoxicated poet-visionary, Nanak viewed the Existence and history from that state of consciousness and expressed it through the traditional imagery of Indic religion and mythological framework.

An encounter with the Invader

Guru Nanak lived in a province that was a battle field of the invaders. He had been the contemporary of five Islamist monarchs in India - Bahlul Lodi (1469-89), Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517), Ibrahim Lodi (1517-1526), Babur (1526-1530) and Humayun (1530-1539), the last two being Mughals. Though he named and criticized Babur, he found the rulers, Lodis or Mughals, as unrighteous and tyrannical. In the Lodi Sultanate, Hindus had to pay pilgrimage tax and Nanak refers to this customary tax on deities and temples:

And the Gods and temples have been taxed: such is the current way!

The ablution pot, the prayer, the prayer-mat, the call to prayer, have all assumed the Muslim garb.

He saw the cruelties of the alien rulers first hand and lamented the imposition of their way of life on the natives of India. He lamented the fall of India. For that he used in his poetry, the concept of ‘Kali Yug’ or times of degeneration and depravity:

The Kali age is the knife; the kings are butchers,

And justice has taken wings

The darkness of falsehood is abroad,

And one knows not where arises the moon of Truth.

The subjects are blind and submissive.

The encounter which Guru Nanak had with Babur, the invading Mughal, has been recorded in crisp verses now known as Babur Vani. Guru Nanak was returning to Punjab from Baghdad and had observed the recruitment undertaken by Babur for his invasion of India. At Sayyidour, a place (now in Pakistan) north-west of Lahore, he witnessed the massacre of the local population, mostly Hindus, by the invader. He called the army of Babur, 'a bridal procession of sin': 'Modesty and Religion have vanished; falsehood marcheth, O Lalo' he cried. While Guru Nanak never hesitated to point out the specific religious persecution Hindus underwent, he also sang the plight of both Hindu and Muslim women, who did not escape the fury of Babur’s forces.

As against such atrocities of the Turks and Mughal rules, Sikh religion put as the ideal the rule of King Janak. The Adi Granth upholds Janak as the ideal ruler - one who is immersed in the true knowledge - a Vedantic king. Sikh Gurus were compared to Janak. There are Sikh traditions (like the Miharvan) where Guru Nanak is considered as Janak who had come to earth to establish righteousness.

Guru Nanak’s Concept of God: Indic engagement with expansionist monotheism

When asked about the origin of the universe, Guru Nanak replied:

In the beginning there was utter darkness and chaos upon chaos

There was neither earth nor heavens

Nay nothing but the indescribable Divine Will

Neither was there day nor night; neither sun, nor moon

Only the Divine reflecting Himself in the Void;

There was neither wind; nor water; nor speech; nor the resources of creation;

Neither creation; nor destruction; neither coming nor going;

No seas; no rivers; no continents; no hells; no paradises;

Neither Brahma; Nor Shiva nor Vishnu; but only my Divine

No rituals; No penances; nor the sacred scriptures; nor incantations; nor the ways;

No caste, nor pride; neither life nor death;

He shaped the universe - out of the un-manifested, immovable ground of His Being,

He made Himself manifest to us and within us,

He created the Existence we see and believe

The readers can see in it the echo of the famous so-called creation hymn of Rig Veda. The cardinal point to Nanak’s world vision is his rejection of the existence of evil. Nanak reveals in his 'dawn hymns' that it is the Divine Himself who mixed desire, duality and delusion.

Prof Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh, in her study of Khalsa, points out that the Islamic concept of 'oneness' which penetrated India was in conflict with the 'oneness' experience of Guru Nanak:



But the Western idea of oneness could not accept the polyphonic imagination of Hindus, Buddhists or Jains. Guru Nanak vehemently denounced the exclusivity of the Muslim conquerors. When Allah was projected as the only way to read the Divine, or the Qu’ran as the only sacred text, or the mosque the only sacred space, he reacted strongly. In a feminist voice Guru Nanak harshly rejects those who force their way on others, those who reduce the richness and variety of routes by imposing their own narrow path. His protest became a manifesto, a call.


There is an astonishing continuity of geo-cultural space and Vedic times in the religious imagery and terms of Guru Nanak. Kushwant Singh in his 'Hymns of Guru Nanak' explains:



The Sanskrit Brahman became Nanak’s Brahma and he invested Brahma with a dual role. Before Brahma created the cosmos, He was parabrahma (supreme Brahma) in a state of deep trance and was above all qualities: nirguna. Brahma came out of His trance and created the world. Although He still remained nirankar (without form), He now became saguna - repository of all qualities. ...God is like one large lake in which blossom many varieties of water lilies. Nanak’s God pervades His cosmos. ... Despite his incomprehensibility, Nanak’s God is a good, warm and friendly God. ... Call him as you like; Allah, Rab, Rahim, Malik like the Muslims; or Rama, Govinda, Murari, Hari as does the Hindus; Nanak however called Him Aumkar. Taken from the Upanishads, the mystic syllable Aum is said to contain all the consonants in the range of human voice and hence, ‘all speech’ and thus becomes the perfect word to represent God. ‘As all parts of a leaf are held together by a central rod’, says the Chandogya Upanishad, ‘so all speech is held together by Aum.’ Nanak describes Aumkar as the ‘Creator of Brahma, Consciousness, time and speech and the Vedas; the emancipator and the essence of the three worlds.’


As one can see, despite the deficient term ‘monotheism’ used to define the concept of God in Nanak’s vision, (that Kushwant Singh also uses) what Nanak put forth has continuity with the Upanishadic vision, adapting itself to the challenge of the expansionist monotheism of Islam. The relation between creator-deity and Aum in Guru Nanak in a subtle way reflects the popular south Indian mythological tale of Skanda-Muruga where Murugan imprisons Brahma the creator, when the creator God forgets that it is Aum - the sound symbol of consciousness that is the basis of all existence. Interestingly, during the freedom struggle, Tamil poet Bharathi sang on Guru Gobind Singh to rouse Tamil people against the British rule.

The subsequent struggles between Mughals and the Sikhs are grounded in this basic clash of Indic spirituality and organized expansionist religions. It is exactly this conflict that some historians try to negate through devious means. So when the class XI history textbook prepared by historian Satish Chandra discusses the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur, it makes a point to include 'the official Mughal version' of the execution which blamed the Guru for extortion of money. Then the Marxist historian faithfully added what he called the 'Sikh tradition'. And guess what the 'Sikh tradition' had to say about the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur: "According to Sikh tradition, the execution was due to the intrigues of some members of the family who disputed his succession and by others who had joined them."

The intentional belittling and distortion of Sikh tradition by some historians is the result of an inherent inability in the establishment historiography to understand the social dynamics of Indic spirituality.

References:

  • Nikky-Guninder K. Singh, The Birth of the Khalsa: A Feminist Re-Memory of Sikh Identity, SUNY Prss, 2012
  • Hymns of Guru Nanak (translated by Kushwant Singh), Orient Blackswan,1991
  • Kanwarjit Singh, Political Philosophy of the Sikh Gurus, Atlantic Publishers,1989
 

hit&run

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Let me try to put pieces of the puzzle together.

Separating Hinduism from Sikhism:

1. This is happening for more than 100 years.

I won't deliberate on Post- Anglo-Sikh wars but jump straight to the late 19th century.

The movements to free 'Gurudwaras' from 'Mahants' required great mobilization. The lines were drawn at that time. But the movement didn't spill into ugly conflicts because Hindus were genuinely not interested in interfering in Sikh religious affairs. Obviously, there were fringe Hindu groups who had the state patronage and they were controlling the places. But they were all kicked out.

One good reason it didn't get ugly was the independence movement at its high peak which skewed this hyphenation.

Listening to the contemporary revisionist commentary of vocal Sikh activists, they are attributing the movement of Independence lead by Sikhs as a religious movement in the lines of present-day Islamic Jihad. They do not align with the larger national movement led by Gandhi, Shubash Chander Boss et al.

Though it is bitter propaganda and may be a gross misrepresentation, the sublime anti-Hindu tone, however, cannot be ignored that they are trying to exaggerate.

Post-independence as the stability came back, the excuses one after the other to flair the Sikh victimhood were invented. Electoral mal-practices, Water, Statehood, Political autonomy the all came with loaded religious agenda, tease and disobedience. Anti-Hindu rants, stereotypes and cliche's were quite popular. Having said that Hindus dominating in every sphere of influence were returning the favour in the same kind.

When you stress and strain something for a certain time the violent snap becomes inevitable. The continuous political tug of war leads to more ugly interventions which radical Sikhs groups were baiting with full knowledge of the consequences.

Whatever happened at the end is well documented. Everyone has his own version.

What I observed during my Childhood, I saw, experienced Sikhs and Hindus as totally separate religions and communities. I still believe in this that Sikhs are not Hindus vice-versa. This is my 'Darshan', my experience. It is a lost cause to somehow prove that 'No we are Same'.

The social cohesiveness came to post-Beant Singh as the Police became stronger followed by proliferation of economic activity.

With the rise of Social Media, the fringe has become active especially the one that lives overseas. With increasing hostility with Pakistan especially post 26/11 the propagation of hatred against Hindus leads by Sikh radicals or anonymous Sikh handles have increased many folds.

First, it started in comment sections which easily got rejected as Pakistani fake accounts.


I will continue further ............................when got time.
 

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