China’s Response to a Rising India

Discussion in 'China' started by ice berg, Nov 27, 2011.

  1. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    (Enjoy the read. India-China relations from an outsider)



    An Interview with M. Taylor Fravel



    By Erin Fried
    October 4, 2011



    Strategic Asia 2011–12: Asia Responds to Its Rising Powers—China and India is the eleventh volume in the Strategic Asia series and explores how key Asian states and regions are responding to the rise of China and India. NBR spoke with M. Taylor Fravel, Strategic Asia contributing author,National Asia Research Associate, and associate professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who argues that China views India’s rise as a largely positive development that promotes China’s own interests and objectives more than it threatens or challenges them.

    You note that in two areas, GDP and defense spending, India is not a rising power in material terms when compared to China. How does China view the rise of its fellow Asian giant?
    In a global context, China views India as a rising power when measured in terms of wealth. India, for example, is described as rising in relative terms when compared to the United States and many other countries. At the same time, Chinese experts do not necessarily view India as rising with respect to China. In 1990, the Chinese and Indian economies were roughly the same size. Today, China’s economy is more than three times as large as India’s, and the gap between the two continues to widen. A similar yawning gap characterizes the levels of defense spending in each country.

    In your chapter, you discuss China’s interest in having India both help check U.S. power and reinforce China’s position on issues such as climate change and trade negotiations. However, you also acknowledge that tension still exists between the two countries related to the border dispute and the issue of access to the Indian Ocean. How does China view India militarily?
    To be clear, China does not see India as an ally in the geopolitical sense—the two are not security partners. But China does view India as a rising power that can help China limit the potential influence of the United States in various arenas, especially in international institutions.
    Regarding the military dimension of the border dispute, Chinese military writings continue to express concern about the potential for an armed conflict with India. Nevertheless, Beijing approaches such a conflict from a position of considerable strength. With a few exceptions, China already controls the disputed territory that it values most, principally the territory in the western sector known as Aksai Chin. In other words, China is more or less satisfied with the status quo in terms of the actual control of disputed territory. In addition, because of the geography of the region, India faces real challenges in projecting military power over disputed areas, especially those held by China. China occupies the high ground and its forces can move easily across the Tibetan plateau. By contrast, India must seek to transport its forces uphill into high-altitude areas and cannot easily shift troops laterally along its border with China.
    In the Indian Ocean, China views any limits on its ability to access this body of water as a potential threat, especially in the event of an armed conflict in East Asia. Beijing also acknowledges the capabilities of India’s navy and its ambitions in the Indian Ocean. For now, however, China is not seeking to match these capabilities. Instead, in the words of one Chinese analyst, China seeks access to the Indian Ocean “indirectly” by strengthening its commercial and political relationships with other littoral states, especially Pakistan and Burma.

    You note that China does not view India as a major security threat, despite its growing arsenal of nuclear weapons. In his chapter, “India Comes to Terms with a Rising China,”Harsh Pant points out that India sees China as “enemy number one.” How will China act to dispel misperceptions that could clearly impede its ability to work with India on several important issues?
    Just because one country views another as its “enemy number one” does not mean that such a perception is mutual. More generally, it is important to understand the broader context in which these perceptions have formed. China and India exist in a structural situation where China is much stronger and wealthier than India. In general terms, China can threaten India more than India can threaten China. As a result, Beijing may underestimate concerns in New Delhi about growing Chinese power. For this same reason, New Delhi may exaggerate the threat posed by China, as China sees the United States and not India as its principal strategic competitor.
    Within the last year, Chinese experts have demonstrated a growing sensitivity to the increasingly negative views of China within India and have encouraged their government to take action to reverse this trend. These experts have floated a variety of proposals to improve what they describe as “strategic trust,” including increased support for what each country views as its core interests, dialogues on areas where interests may conflict, and genuine progress moving to resolve the border dispute. Nevertheless, the underlying asymmetry of power suggests that India’s perceptions will be hard to dispel.

    In the security arena, access to the Indian Ocean remains a major concern for China. You list several other areas where relations between the two countries are strained—for example, India’s desire for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. How does China’s strategy toward India consider these challenges and abate them?
    China’s strategy is to find all the areas where it can cooperate with India and to do so. That is, Beijing pursues comprehensive economic, political, and international engagement with New Delhi to buffer the overall relationship from specific challenges and sources of friction, such as India’s bid to join the UN Security Council as a permanent member. Such comprehensive engagement seeks to create a situation in which both countries have a vested interest in sustaining generally cooperative ties by increasing the costs of reverting to a more confrontational relationship. To be sure, many points of friction still exist, but China’s emphasis on comprehensive engagement is intended to immunize the relationship from these potential challenges and to prevent any one of them from defining the terms of the relationship.

    Erin Fried is the Program Coordinator for the Political and Security Affairs (PSA) group at NBR.

    China’s Response to a Rising India
     
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  3. The Messiah

    The Messiah Bow Before Me! Elite Member

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    We already know your state run media is throwing its toys out of the pram and warning India so certain recent actions done by GoI have rubbed the chinis the wrong way.

    Make no mistake we have the ability to fuck up your entire plans in the region and you can do nothing short of a direct war which wont be beneficial either.
     
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  4. redragon

    redragon Regular Member

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    Only the above comment and article are actually from west.
     
  5. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    He is indeed a expert and many things he told is correct, But He has least idea abt Geography on the area where things are not right..
     
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  6. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    'China has settled all land border disputes except with India and Bhutan'


    Dr Fravel believes that while territorial disputes are always intensely emotional, both sides need to sit down and reach a mature compromise on the matter.

    As you see it, what is the genesis of India's border problem with China?
    The problem goes back to the period of state formation of both modern India and the People's Republic of China

    .
    Are you referring to issues over the McMahon Line?
    No, I'm referring to the period after which independent states were established in India and in China, and the efforts by the states to define their boundaries.

    You mean this involves only India and China and not the British role when deciding the border?
    That's the primary problem (in the India-China border dispute). The McMahon Line and other British policies are a contributing factor. But even in the absence of the McMahon Line the two States would still need to define their boundary and agree upon that boundary.The McMahon Line provides a reference point for doing so, but, as you know, the history of the Line itself is contested by China today.

    Interview with M Taylor Fravel, the premier expert on China's border disputes - Rediff.com News
     
  7. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    Care to share with us then?
    The more you share, the more you learn.

    I dont see how relevant that view is. That in the absence of the Mcmahon Line, it could be other issues? Does it matter today what could have happend? How can that be relevant regarding to current border disputes?
     
    Last edited: Nov 27, 2011
  8. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    If so than yes and in brief.

    Tibet is indeed situated at high altitudes, It is higher than most part its connected to, But over Arunachal the Height Increase than the other side ( China Side ), Most High altitude or strategic post are under Indian control, Over Leh both sides more or less at same heights..

    In Tibet we know its vast and huge with few Railway lines and Road and few Bridges and tunnels also few Airports/Airbases for continual logistical support, Where as Arunachal is smaller and Military presence is strong with well fortified infrastrucher, Backed by more than 14-20 airbases in Assam for support ( Though only 8 are active rest are used for civillain purpose ), Also the roads poor and only used for truck no armored vehicles except few places, Its easy for us to supply logistics to our troops compare to other side..
     
  9. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    So, you are now saying this is only India and China ?

    If i remember CCP blame more British for this dispute more than Indians..
     
  10. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    That is the point. The status quo suits both sides. Therefore we wont see any real progress in the near future. It is all about politics.
     
  11. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    What you talking abt ?

    Progress for peace..
     
  12. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    They did and still do. However that is hardly relevant. The fact is the Mcmahon Line initiated the conflict. Whether there may be other issues beside that is only interesting from a historic point of view. It is purely academic.
     
  13. ice berg

    ice berg Senior Member Senior Member

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    Status quo is peace.
     
  14. Kunal Biswas

    Kunal Biswas Member of the Year 2011 Moderator

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    Quo was never a peace..

    The author of both article is same..

    Here, He is saying turning from Mcmahon line and there he is talking abt China threatening India more or less..



    His views are coming from his own behalf only, and his ideology abt the situation is wrong, though not entirely..
     

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