Bill to Tame ISI withdrawn

Discussion in 'Pakistan' started by Daredevil, Jul 15, 2012.

  1. Daredevil

    Daredevil On Vacation! Administrator

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    Bill to make ISI accountable withdrawn from Pakistan Senate

    Islamabad: A bill aimed at making the ISI more accountable to Parliament and government has been withdrawn from the Senate by the Presidential Spokesman, who had submitted it in his private capacity.

    Farhatullah Babar, the spokesman of President Asif Ali Zardari, had submitted the bill to the upper house of Parliament last week.

    It is believed that the move had the backing of the presidency.

    The bill was reportedly withdrawn because Babar did not get it approved by a special committee of the ruling Pakistan People's Party headed by Law Minister Farook H Naek.

    This committee approves all private members' bills.

    The bill could be submitted for consideration in the next session of the Senate, media reports said.

    Sources said opposition from the powerful security establishment could also have contributed to Mr Babar's decision to withdraw the bill.

    The proposed ISI (Functions, Powers and Regulation) Act of 2012 said the spy agency should be answerable to Parliament and the Prime Minister.

    It recommended internal accountability within the agency and a better discipline system to end enforced disappearances and victimisation of political parties.

    In 2008, former premier Yousuf Raza Gilani called off an attempt to place the ISI under the control of the Interior Ministry after the powerful army objected to the move.

    For NDTV Updates,
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  3. Daredevil

    Daredevil On Vacation! Administrator

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    Re: Bill to make ISI accountable withdrawn from Pakistan Senate

    Taming the ISI

    by Najam Sethi

    Senator Farhatullah Babar (PPP) has drafted a bill to bring the ISI under civilian control and stop it from manufacturing public opinion, formulating foreign policy and manipulating politics like "a state within a state". The proposed bill also aims to empower the ISI to deal with terrorism, separatism and other anti-state activities in a legally effective manner.

    The bill has not yet been tabled in the Senate. But even if it is put up as a private member's bill at some stage, it is highly unlikely that it will go any further. The PPP leadership is so besieged by the courts and opposition at the moment that it would be foolish to step on the toes of the powerful military and provoke it to heave it out of office.

    The ISI's reputation as a state within a state is well established. It became an autonomous and powerful arm of the Gen Zia state during the Afghan Jihad against the Soviets in the1980s when its DG was upgraded from a Brigadier to a Major General and organized the multi-billion dollar arms and funds pipeline from the USA and Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, after the restoration of democracy in 1988, DG-ISI Gen Hameed Gul helped form the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad to try and stop Benazir Bhutto's PPP from sweeping into power and, failing that, later conspired to destabilize and topple her government through various strategies, including Operation Midnight Jackals. The ISI under General Asad Durrani helped bring Nawaz Sharif to power in 1990, courtesy Mehrangate, and under General Javed Ashraf Qazi nudged him out of office in 1993. In 1999, two pro-ISI generals, Mohammad Aziz, CGS, and Mahmood Ahmed, Corps Commander Pindi, the former an ex-ISI man and the latter a future DG, carried out a coup against Nawaz Sharif, installed General Pervez Musharraf in office and interviewed and hand picked members of his new cabinet. In due course, the elevation of Gen Ashfaq Kayani to DG-ISI and then army chief, an unprecedented act, opened the route for a complete merger of the ISI with GHQ, with officers routinely to-ing and fro-ing from one headquarter to the other. Henceforth, the right of the prime minister to nominate the DG-ISI was negated by the right of the army chief to nominate his own man to such a sensitive job. General Ahmad Shuja Pasha (DG-ISI 2009-2012) was nominated by Gen Kayani, promoted by him to the rank of Lt General and given an extension in tenure.

    To be sure, the civilians have tried and failed to seize control of, or reform, the ISI. Benazir Bhutto replaced Gen Gul with Gen (retd) Kallu. But the ISI rank and file rendered him ineffective. Nawaz Sharif sent DG-ISI Gen Asad Durrani back to GHQ, handpicking Gen Javed Nasir as DG-ISI over the head of COAS Gen Asif Nawaz. But Mr Sharif didn't stay long enough in office to make the change stick institutionally. When he returned to power in 1999, he handpicked General Musharraf as the army chief and Gen Ziauddin Butt as DG-ISI. But General Musharraf made Gen Butt ineffective by packing the ISI with his loyalists. When Asif Zardari set up the PPP government in 2008, he tried to seize control of the internal political wing of the ISI by proposing its command and control in the interior ministry. But GHQ and ISI manipulated the media and opposition to thwart his move. Under Gen Pasha, the ISI became larger than life, at home and abroad, formulating foreign policy, disobeying, embarrassing and even destabilising the Zardari government on many occasions, until the prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gillani, a self-avowed benefactor of the ISI and GHQ, was provoked to bitterly decry the existence of a "state within a state".

    Therefore, the motive behind the proposed bill - that there can be no state within the state in a democracy - is justified. Indeed, there is a civilian consensus on the issue, Nawaz Sharif, a Punjabi who has been stung twice, being the most ardent advocate of civilian supremacy over the Punjabi-dominated military. But the PPP is too weak and discredited to bring the military to heel. More significantly, the media and judiciary have also made common cause with the military against the discredited politicians whose popularity ratings in the polls are far below theirs.

    The proposed bill is, however, relevant in other ways too. It would enable the ISI to get legal cover to detain and act against terrorists and other anti-state elements without running foul of the courts and constitution by making people "disappear" - an Ombudsman and bipartisan parliamentary policy-making and review committee is built into the bill. This would truly strengthen the ISI to defend the national interest as defined by elected and accountable civilians. But, given the electoral probability that Pakistan is likely to be ruled by weak and bumbling civil-coalition governments in the face of a powerful military, the ISI is fated to remain a state within a state in the foreseeable future.
     
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  4. Daredevil

    Daredevil On Vacation! Administrator

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    Once again it proves, ISI (PA Army) has sole authority over foreign policy and can manipulate domestic policy and politics if it interferes with its functioning. Right now it is supporting Supreme Court to push against the President Zardari leading to a Soft Coup. But it seems Zardari is most resourceful guy to stand Army's and Supreme Court's pressure against all odds.
     
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  5. drkrn

    drkrn Senior Member Senior Member

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    once they accepted to allow their goods through their country, america turning soft to them
     
  6. Singh

    Singh Phat Cat Administrator

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    This was written by Najam Sethi before the bill was withdrawn.

    ====

    PPP senator Farhatullah Babar has drafted a Bill to bring the ISI under civilian control and stop it from manufacturing public opinion, formulating foreign policy and manipulating politics like "a state within a state".

    The proposed Bill also aims to empower the ISI to deal with terrorism, separatism and other anti-state activities in a legally effective manner. The Bill has not yet been tabled in the Senate. But even if it is put up as a private member's Bill at some stage, it is highly unlikely that it will go any further. The PPP leadership is so besieged by the courts and opposition at the moment that it would be foolish to step on the toes of the military and provoke it to help heave it out of office.

    The ISI's reputation as a state within a state is well established. It became an autonomous and powerful arm of the Gen Zia state during the Afghan Jihad in the 1980s when its DG was upgraded from a Brigadier to a Major General and organised the multi-billion dollar arms and funds pipeline from the USA and Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, after the restoration of democracy in 1988, DG-ISI Gen Hamid Gul, helped form the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad to try and stop Benazir Bhutto's PPP from sweeping into power and, failing that, later conspired to destabilise and topple her government through various strategies, including Operation Midnight Jackals. The ISI under General Asad Durrani helped bring Nawaz Sharif to power in 1990 and under General Javed Ashraf Qazi nudged him out of office in 1993. In 1999, two pro-ISI generals, Mohammad Aziz, CGS, and Mahmood Ahmed, Corps Commander Pindi, the former an ex-ISI man and the latter a future DG, carried out a coup against Nawaz Sharif, installed General Pervez Musharraf in office and interviewed and handpicked members of his cabinet.

    In due course, the elevation of Gen Ashfaq Kayani to DG-ISI and then army chief, an unprecedented act, opened the route for a complete merger of the ISI with GHQ, with officers routinely to-ing and fro-ing from one headquarter to the other. Henceforth, the right of the prime minister to nominate the DG-ISI was negated by the right of the army chief to nominate his own man to such a sensitive job. General Ahmad Shuja Pasha (DG-ISI 2009-2012) was nominated by Gen Kayani, promoted by him to the rank of Lt General and given an extension in tenure by him.

    To be sure, the civilians have tried and failed to seize control of, or reform, the ISI. Benazir shunted Gul and appointed a retired general in his place. But the ISI rank and file rendered him ineffective. Sharif didn't like DGISI Gen Asad Durrani and sent him back to GHQ, handpicking Gen Javed Nasir as DG-ISI over the head of COAS Gen Asif Nawaz. But Sharif didn't stay long enough in office to make the change stick institutionally.

    When he returned to power in 1999, he focused on handpicking General Musharraf as the army chief and Gen Ziauddin Butt as DG-ISI. But General Musharraf made Gen Butt ineffective by packing the ISI with his loyalists. When Asif Zardari set up the PPP government in 2008, he tried to seize control of the internal political wing of the ISI by proposing its command and control in the interior ministry. But GHQ and ISI manipulated the media and opposition to thwart his move.

    Under Gen Pasha, the ISI became larger than life, at home and abroad, formulating foreign policy, disobeying, embarrassing and even destabilising the Zardari government on many occasions, until the prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, a self-avowed benefactor of the ISI and GHQ, was provoked to declare he would not tolerate a "state within a state", an unprecedented admission of hard realities.

    Therefore, the motive behind the proposed bill - that there can be no state within the state in a democracy - is justified. Indeed, there is a civilian consensus on the issue, Sharif, a Punjabi who has been stung twice, being the most ardent advocate of civilian supremacy over the Punjabidominated military.

    But the PPP is too weak and discredited to bring the military to heel. More significantly, the media and judiciary have also made common cause with the military against the discredited politicians whose popularity ratings in the polls are far below theirs.

    The proposed Bill is, however, relevant in other pressing ways too. It enables the ISI to get legal cover to act against terrorists and other anti-state elements without running foul of the courts and constitution. It would put an end to "disappearances" by enabling the ISI to hold suspects and carry out investigations for long periods of time, subject to an Ombudsman and bipartisan parliamentary policy-making and review committee. This would take the mischief out of the ISI's self-proclaimed national security charter and truly strengthen it to defend the national interest as defined by elected and accountable civilians.

    Unfortunately, given the abiding power of the military, and the electoral probability that Pakistan is likely to be ruled by weak and bumbling civil-coalition governments, the ISI is likely to remain a state within a state in the foreseeable future.

    Taming Pakistan's shadow state — indiatoday.intoday.in — Readability
     
  7. Blackwater

    Blackwater Veteran Member Veteran Member

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    Bill to make ISI accountable withdrawn from Pakistan Senate

    islamabad: A bill aimed at making the ISI more accountable to Parliament and government has been withdrawn from the Senate by the Presidential Spokesman, who had submitted it in his private capacity.

    Farhatullah Babar, the spokesman of President Asif Ali Zardari, had submitted the bill to the upper house of Parliament last week.

    It is believed that the move had the backing of the presidency.



    This committee approves all private members' bills.

    The bill could be submitted for consideration in the next session of the Senate, media reports said.

    Sources said opposition from the powerful security establishment could also have contributed to Mr Babar's decision to withdraw the bill.

    The proposed ISI (Functions, Powers and Regulation) Act of 2012 said the spy agency should be answerable to Parliament and the Prime Minister.

    It recommended internal accountability within the agency and a better discipline system to end enforced disappearances and victimisation of political parties.

    In 2008, former premier Yousuf Raza Gilani called off an attempt to place the ISI under the control of the Interior Ministry after the powerful army objected to the move.

    Bill to make ISI accountable withdrawn from Pakistan Senate | NDTV.com
     
  8. Known_Unknown

    Known_Unknown Devil's Advocate Stars and Ambassadors

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    Politicians in Pak rule at the pleasure of the army. If they annoy their masters, they know they will be exiled or even killed. The only reason the army allows the politicians to rule is so that western powers, who impose conditions regarding democratic rule are satisfied and foreign funding flows in unobstructed.

    The other reason is also that the Pak army can escape any and all blame for terrorist activities inside India, as the civilian governments take all the heat.

    Until the Pak Army is truly cut down to size within Pakistan, there can be no hope of peace with India. This is so obvious, I'm not sure why the US doesn't see it and act on it.
     
  9. Known_Unknown

    Known_Unknown Devil's Advocate Stars and Ambassadors

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    Last edited by a moderator: May 10, 2015
  10. Black Blood

    Black Blood Tihar Jail Banned

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    Tame the ISI -- good luck with that.
     
  11. Ray

    Ray The Chairman Defence Professionals Moderator

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    The Pak Army is not under the Civil Govt's control and so how will ISI come under the civil Govt?

    As the say about Pakistan - A country has an Army, but Pakistan Army has a Country!
     
  12. Mr.Ryu

    Mr.Ryu Regular Member

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    How can this happen if they have tried little harder then




    they would have been dead by now
    :taunt:
     

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